Gr. might have had for his owne profite as he is of the Company
of Stationers of London, he hath ever brought to this presse,
notwithstandinge he hath but a third part therein (and some of
them and the best were his before ever Mr Bucke came into the
place), and besides the charge of printinge at Cambridge is deerer
then at London.
One of Greene's further complaints was that Buck deserted the
old printing-house in Regent Walk ("which Thomas and Legatt had
successivelie all their time hired") and took instead a lease
of "the Angell," an inn which faced Market Hill on the site now
occupied by Messrs Macintosh[38].
For all the time (Greene complained) since the presse went to the
Angell his [Thomas Buck's] behaviour was to me not as to a Partner
but as to a stranger or servant; when ever we came to debate any
matter betweene us if I did not yeeld to him he would put me off
in this manner that I came to trouble him; whereas the business
concerned me as well as himselfe....
Now last of all he hired a house soe farre from me as possiblie I
could not be there in partnership with him.... Beinge thus wearied
with uncertainties and havinge noe bonds either for partinge or
continueinge whereby I might either get or save, I thought it the
safer of two evills to chuse the lesse, although with great losse
for the time past and hope for time to come, besides the partinge
with the deerest favour of the Universitie priviledge, which I
never would have doone till my death, had it not beene for the
danger I was in for debt.
Finally, Greene claims "a part in the profite of the presse for
the time accordinge to rate knowne by workmen for 1275 Remes
printed"[39] as well as his "third part in the Bishops booke, in
Almanacks, schoole bookes etc."
How far Greene was able to substantiate his claim before the
university is not recorded; he died in October, 1630.
Thomas Buck's other partner was his brother John, appointed in
1625. Though he, like all Thomas's colleagues, afterwards found
cause of dispute with him, it is interesting to note how, on
Leonard Greene's death, the brothers quickly co-operated to secure
the vacant office of printer for another member of the family. The
following letter[40] was written by John to Thomas on 24 October,
1630:
Brother Thomas,
I pray returne with all speede to Cambridge. Leonard Greene
is dead, there's a patent void and within 14 dayes a third man
must be chosen. I pray be not dissartoned att it. For I have the
Vice-Chancellor and ten Heads and Presidents sure to us, and they
have all (I humbly thank you) promised me faithfully to prick
whomsoever you and I shall desire; I think my brother ffrancis
would be a fitt man to commend unto you; but if you know it to
bring in Mr Barker[41] would prove more advantagious to us, I
desire you to intreat him to come downe with you, or any other in
London whom you best like of. This in hast. I remitt you to God and
rest,
Your very loving brother,
John Buck.
Francis Buck was accordingly elected in 1630, but seems to have
taken no active share in the printing business. When he resigned
two years later he claimed nothing for his patent and afterwards
declared:
I only did beare the name of it to do them [Thomas and John] a
pleasure or benefitt; and likewise when I did give it over to Mr
Daniel I thought it would be a benefitt to my brothers.
From this it seems clear that the appointment of Roger Daniel as
printer on 24 July, 1632 (three days after the resignation of
Francis) was in accordance with the plans of the brothers Buck[42].
Another family arrangement, made earlier (31 May) in the same year,
was one by which John Buck demised the "benefitt of his patent of
Printer to the Universitie for the terme of vii yeares to Thomas
Buck, he paieing yearely the summe of lviˡͥ for the same and John
Buck should exercise his brother Thomas Buck's place of Bedell
during the said terme."[43]
With two bedellships and two printer's patents in the family,
Thomas evidently felt it better that each brother should specialise
in one department.
By his first agreement with Thomas Buck Daniel promised to take
that Capitall messuage and tenement called the Augustine Fryers
wherein the said Thomas Buck now dwelleth together with the
printing house and all other houses yards orchards closes wayes
and all other easements and commodities thereunto belonging.
Except ... all that chamber over the parlor commonly called the
great chamber together with the green chamber and cole house
thereunto adjoyning, as also two studies in the correcting
roome[44].
This paragraph has a special interest in that it describes the only
one of the early printing-houses of which a pictorial record has
been preserved. The sketch here shewn is described by Cole as
The West Prospect of what remains of the Priory of St Austin in
Cambridge, late the Dwelling House of Mr Buck, and now the House
belonging to the Curator of the Botanic Garden. It was taken Jan.
19, 1770 by Mr Tyson, Fellow of Benet College, from a Chamber
Window in that College, and just opposite to it. It is drawn
rather too short at the North end[45].
The building was "just behind the East End of St Benedict's Church
and Corpus Christi College."
The inventory of the goods, of which Daniel was to enjoy the
free use, shows something of a seventeenth century printer's
stock-in-trade:
Six printing presses, five copper plates, six bankes, seven great
stones, one muller, thirteen frames to set cases on, all the poles
for drying of bookes ... twelve candlesticks for the presses, two
frames to put cases in, six and fifty paire and an halfe of cases
for letters made of mettle and one case for wooden letters, five
and twenty chases, twenty gallies, fifty paper and letter bords,
two tressell tables, four tables with drawers, two troughs of lead
and all the shelves and formes of deal in the wool-house.
Daniel, on his part, agreed to pay an annual rent of £190, to
employ but three presses at a time, and to use paper, ink, and
letter "very commendable and good so as the University may receive
credit and honour thereby."
[Illustration: PRINTING-HOUSE OF THOMAS BUCK]
Like others, Daniel quickly found cause of complaint against Thomas
Buck. By the second deed of partnership (1633) he was to receive
one-third of the profits, but in the next year protested that Buck
had insisted upon impossible conditions.
One of the features of Thomas Buck's career is his close
association with the London Stationers. Thus in 1631 he entered
into a contract with Edmund Weaver to supply him with certain
quantities of books and almanacks for three years. By this
agreement Buck tied himself to print only for the Stationers for
this period, Weaver "sending paper and paieing London price for
the printinge," and Buck being allowed to retain as many books and
almanacks as were required for sale in Cambridge. The following
summary shows the type of school book most in demand and the number
of books supplied during the three years:
Aessop's Fables 12,000
Virgills 3,000
Mantuans 6,000
Castalians Dialogues 4,250
Apthonius 2,000
Pueriles Sententiae 18,000
" Confabulationes 6,000
Ludovic vir. Dialog. 3,000
Epitome Colloquiorum
Ovid, Epistles 3,000
Stuvenius Epist. 3,000
Ovid, Tristia 3,000
Corderius 3,000
Almanacks 1,560
For Buck's business the arrangement was no doubt a profitable
one, but the Cambridge stationers complained that, when they
wanted school books printed at the Press, either they could not
have them "because alreadie they were sent up to London," or else
they were obliged to pay the high prices demanded by the London
Stationers[46].
At the time of the agreement with Weaver, Daniel had evidently been
acting for Buck in London, but after three years' experience of
partnership with Buck he had begun to look at the matter in a new
light.
In 1635 he presented a petition to the Vice-Chancellor in which
Buck is attacked as a grasping monopolist:
At yᵉ petitioner's first entrance to be printer to the University,
Mr Thomas Buck tyed him by covenants and bonds of a thousand
pounds to performe and keep such Covenants as he had formerly
made with the Stationers of London ... it will appeare that the
University Presse is servant to the said Stationers and the
University and commonwealth deprived of that benefit which is
intended by our Priviledge....
He perceiving that I was able to goe on with yᵉ printing Psalmes
without his helpe, and that I was forward and willing to print
other bookes which would more honour the Universitie Presse
then those schoole books which he had agreed to print for yᵉ
Londoners....
He is continually defaming chyding and brawling with your
petitioner, often fighting with, beating, threatning and vexing
your petitioners servants, so your petitioner and they are weary
of their lives[47].
Daniel then proceeds to show that it will be more honourable for
the university, more beneficial to scholars, and more agreeable to
the charter to have two or three printing-houses instead of one:
For so the books printed in the University shall not be
monopolised but freely vented.
The parting of the Printers will beget in them a laudable
emulation which of them shall deserve best....
Whereas it is a common complaint that when schollars have taken
great paines in writing usefull bookes, they cannot get them
printed but at their own great charges. It is probable that there
will be cause of the like complaint here in Cambridge, if there be
but one printing house, which likewise will be taken away, for it
is likely if one Printer will not, another will[48].
The result of this petition is not recorded; but it certainly
did not lead to the dissolution of the partnership, for in 1639
we find an elaborate agreement[49] between Thomas Buck and Roger
Daniel on the one side and six London stationers (Robert Mead, John
Parker, Miles Flesher[50], Robert Young, Edward Brewster, John
Legate[51]) relating to the sale of bibles, service books, singing
psalms, grammars and other school books. The large stock of these
books printed at Cambridge was bought by the London syndicate,
who guaranteed to leave sufficient copies in Cambridge to supply
the needs of the university, whilst Buck and Daniel undertook not
to print further copies of the books for the space of ten years
without the consent of the Stationers.
From the preamble of this agreement it also appears that John Buck
had assigned his rights as printer to Roger Daniel.
* * * * *
However difficult, not to say tyrannical, Thomas Buck's dealings
with his various partners, and however questionable some of his
dealings with the Stationers may have been, his name stands high in
the annals of Cambridge typography. The first Cambridge edition of
the Authorised Version was printed by him in 1629, a fine book with
an elaborately engraved title-page. In the next year two quarto
editions were produced, and these were followed by several other
editions during the next ten years. Buck and Daniel were so well
satisfied with their folio of 1638 ("perhaps the finest bible ever
printed at Cambridge") that they posted a notice on the door of
Great St Mary's Church challenging scholars to find a mistake in
it, and offering a free bible to anyone who should do so.
"The _Bible_," says a document of about 1655, "was never better
printed than by Mr _Buck_ and Mr _Daniel_."[52]
It was about this time, too, that the encouragement of the study
of Arabic in the university began. In 1626 Archbishop Usher had
endeavoured to obtain from Leyden matrices of Syriac, Arabic,
Ethiopic, and Samaritan letters for the use of the University
Press, but was forestalled by the Elzevirs[53].
[Illustration: TITLE-PAGE OF THE FIRST CAMBRIDGE EDITION OF THE
AUTHORISED VERSION]
Thomas Adams (afterwards Sir Thomas Adams, Bart., Lord Mayor of
London) had in 1632founded a professorship of Arabic and some
years later (probably in 1645) the Senate decreed, that having
established a press and such other apparatus as should be required,
they should devote their attention to the production of books in
Arabic, in order that the fruits of the Adams benefaction should
be handed down to posterity and diffused throughout the world[54].
There is, however, no record of Arabic printing at Cambridge until
a much later date[55].
Buck was a scholar as well as a printer[56]; the edition of _Poetae
Graeci Minores_ printed by him in 1635, which has a title-page
engraved by William Marshall, was described, though with some
exaggeration, as "the most elegant book of the Cantabrigian press
delivered to the public"; Mede's _Clavis Apocalyptica_ (second
edition, 1632) is also notable for its fine Hebrew type.
Apart from the typographical interest of the work of Thomas Buck
and his partners, there are some famous names amongst the authors
whose works they printed. Those of Giles and Phineas Fletcher, the
two brothers who "head the line of poets who were divines of the
English church," are prominent in the list. The former's _Christ's
Victorie_ was reprinted in 1632 and 1640 and under the name of
Phineas (who, like his brother, had contributed to _Sorrowes Joy_
in 1603) we find _Locustae, vel pietas jesuitica_ (1627), the poem
which is said to have contributed to the inspiration of _Paradise
Lost_; and, in 1633, _Sylva Poetica_, _The Purple Island_, and
_Elisa or An Elegie Upon the Unripe Decease of Sir Antonie Irby_.
A more famous work of the period is that of George Herbert, Public
Orator from 1619 to 1627, during which time, according to Walton,
he managed the office "with as becoming and grave a gaiety, as
any had ever before or since his time; for he had acquired great
learning, and was blessed with a high fancy, a civil and sharp wit,
and with a natural elegance, both in his behaviour, his tongue,
and his pen." From his deathbed he sent a manuscript to "his dear
brother Ferrar," describing it as "a picture of the many spiritual
conflicts that have passed betwixt God and my soul, before I could
subject mine to the will of Jesus my Master; in whose service I
have now found perfect freedom."
This was the manuscript of _The Temple_, published in 1633, and
reprinted many times in the following ten years.
Another of the 'sacred poets' whose works were printed at Cambridge
at this time is Richard Crashaw (_Epigrammatum Sacrorum Liber_,
1634).
John Donne is represented by a volume of _Six Sermons upon severall
occasions, preached before the King, and elsewhere_, posthumously
published in 1634; and Thomas Fuller, that loyal son and historian
of the university, by _The Historie of the Holie Warre_ (1639).
[Illustration: TITLE-PAGE OF _THE TEMPLE_, 1633]
But the most famous name of all is that of John Milton, for at
Cambridge was printed the first edition of _Lycidas_. It was
included in the _Obsequies to the memorie of Mr Edward King_
(1638)[57] and the University Library copy contains corrections in
Milton's own hand.
These few titles, selected from the long list of Cambridge books of
this period, are themselves a justification of Bowes's conclusion
that "the press was in a condition of great activity during the
period that Buck was connected with it."
Buck, moreover, was active in university and college affairs as
well as at the Press; he was Esquire Bedell from 1624 to 1670[58]
and was a benefactor both to Jesus and St Catharine's Colleges[59].
Roger Daniel, as has been seen above, represented the business
side of the partnership and kept a bookshop in London. Thus on the
title-page of a bible of 1638 we read: "to be sold by Roger Daniel
at the Angell in Lumber Street, London." Though Buck retained his
interest in the Press until 1668, Daniel's name appears by itself
on title-pages printed between 1640 and 1650.
[Illustration: A PAGE OF _LYCIDAS_ WITH CORRECTIONS IN MILTON'S
HAND]
Among the authors may be noted the names of some of the Cambridge
Platonists: Henry More's _Ψυχωδία Platonica_ was printed in 1642,
his _Democritus Platonissans_ in 1646 and his _Philosophicall
Poems_ (second edition) in 1647; Ralph Cudworth's _Sermon before
the House of Commons_ was printed in the same year.
Thomas Fuller's most popular work, _The Holy State_, appeared
in 1642--a small folio with an engraved title-page on which
the portrait of Charles I is characteristically flanked by the
emblematic figures of Truth and Justice. A second edition of the
book appeared in 1648. Other noteworthy books are the _Sermons_ of
Lancelot Andrewes (1641), the second edition of Francis Quarles's
_Emblemes_ (1643), Bede's _Historiae Ecclesiasticae Gentis Anglorum
Libri V_ (1643) and William Harvey's _Exercitatio Anatomica de
Circulatione Sanguinis_ (1649). A less important medical tract
is _Warme Beere_ (1641), a treatise in which are expounded "many
reasons that Beere so qualified is farre more wholesome then that
which is drunke cold." In 1645 Daniel printed _Tachygraphy_, a work
which claimed to be "the most exact and compendious methode of
short and swift writing that hath ever yet been published by any."
It was compiled by Thomas Shelton, "Authour and Professour of the
said Art," and a special interest is attached to the book in that
the principles of shorthand expounded in it were those adopted by
Pepys in the writing of his _Diary_.
It was, however, the printing of political tracts that brought
Daniel's name into greatest prominence. In 1642, "by his Majesties
speciall command," he printed _His Majesties answer to the
Declaration of both Houses of Parliament, Concerning the Commission
of Array_ and on 23 August of the same year he was summoned to
appear before the House of Commons, which enjoined him "not to
print anything concerning the Proceedings of Parliament, without
the Consent or Order of one or both Houses of Parliament." A few
months later the House of Commons again took offence at a book
printed at Cambridge (_The Resolving of Conscience_, by Henry
Fern); this time Daniel was arrested, but was subsequently released
on bail, after Dr Holdsworth, the Vice-Chancellor, had been
specially summoned to the House of Commons, under the escort of
Captain Cromwell.
By an ordinance of 1649 Parliament recognised the universities
(together with London, York, and Finsbury) as privileged
printing-places; Daniel's printing patent, however, was cancelled,
on the ground of neglect, in 1650.
He continued to print books in London after that date, but the
petition for his restoration to the position of university printer
in 1660 does not seem to have borne fruit.
[Illustration: ORNAMENT USED BY BUCK AND DANIEL]
IV
PRINTERS OF THE COMMONWEALTH AND RESTORATION
The printer who succeeded Roger Daniel, John Legate the younger,
has already been mentioned in connection with the agreement of
1639 between Buck and the Stationers. Admitted freeman of the
Stationers' Company in 1619, he took over several of the books
printed by his father, including Thomas's _Dictionary_. For many
years before his appointment he had described himself as printer
to the university and shortly after the grace for his election (5
July, 1650) he and William Graves, another Cambridge stationer,
"entered into recognisances with two sureties of £300 each not to
print any seditious or unlicensed books, pamphlets, or pictures,
nor suffer their presses to be used for that purpose"--a pledge
similar to that given by the brothers Buck in the previous year.
Perhaps the most interesting feature of Legate's short tenure
of the office of printer is the fact that Thomas Buck, without
resigning his patent, made an agreement with him and Octavian
Pulleyn by which he undertook to hand over his printing rights to
the Stationers' Company of London:
The said Mr Buck shall surcease to print in Cambridge, and soe
long as he shall forbeare to exercise his printing place there,
that the said Companie of Stationers ... shall pay unto the said
Mr Buck the summe of twenty pounds per Annum....
Neither the said Thomas Buck nor his brother John Buck shall
resyne their ... Patents for the Printers place, without the
consent of the aforesaid John Legate ... soe as the said Mr Legate
may enjoy the sole exercise of Printing in the University of
Cambridge....
In regard Mr Buck hath many Bookes which he hath lately printed in
Cambridge now lieing upon his hand (some whereof he hath lately
printed whilst he freed Mr Legate from takeing the share of the
Presse in Cambridge whereunto he had otherwise been obliged) the
said Companie of Stationers shall really, and bona fide, use the
utmost of their best indeavours to sell all the said bookes....
For all the letter in the Printinge house of Cambridge (mentioned
in founders' Bills and bought since Mr Legate was first chosen
to be a Printer in Cambridge, as also the long Primmer and
Pica-greeke ...) the Companie of Stationers shall pay unto the
said Thomas Buck two full third parts of the several prices they
cost....
The said John Legate shall oblige himself soe to exercise the
Priviledge of Printing in the University of Cambridge as may be
most for the honor, and reputation of the said University, soe as
the said Mr Thomas and John Buck may noe wayes be injured in their
reputation, but may safely forbeare the exercise of their severall
printinge Places in the said University[60].
This last obligation, however, does not appear to have been
fulfilled, since Legate's patent was cancelled for neglect in
1655[61].
John Field, who followed him, was in close touch with the
Parliamentary party. Before his appointment by grace of 12
October, 1655, he had been "printer to the parliament" and had
produced several editions of the bible, as well as a number of
political tracts.
_The London Printers Lamentacon, or, the Press opprest, and
overprest_ (? 1660) contained a violent outburst against him:
Who printed the pretended Act of the Commons of England _for
the setting up an High Court of Justice, for the tryall of his
Martyred Majesty in 1648_? Or, _the Acts for abolishing King-ship,
and renouncing the Royall Line and Title of the Stuarts_? Or,
_for the Declaring what Offences should be adjudged Treason_?...
or, _the Proclamation of 13. of September 1652_ after the fight
at Worcester, _offering, One Thousand pound to any person, to
bring in his Majesties person_? but only John Feild Printer to
the Parliament of England (and since by _Cromwell_ was and is
continued Printer to the University of Cambridge!) ... Have
they[62] not invaded and still do intrude upon His Maiesties
Royall Priviledge, Praerogative and Praeeminence.... Have they
not obtained, (and now keep in their actuall possession) the
Manuscript Copy of the last Translation of the _holy Bible_ in
English (attested with the hands of the Venerable and learned
Translators in King _James_ his time) ever since 6 March 1655[63]?
On receiving his appointment Field built a "large shop or
printing-house" in Silver Street, the land being leased to the
university by Queens' College. The new press stood on part of the
site now occupied by the master's lodge of St Catharine's College,
and served as the university printing house until about 1827.
Between 1650 and the year of Field's death (1668) there was, as
may be seen from Appendix II, a considerable output of books from
the press. Not many are of intrinsic importance, but the titles
show considerable variety and a further point of interest is that
the printer's copies of a large number of _imprimaturs_ of books
printed between 1656 and 1692 have been preserved[64]. Orders "for
the better government of the presses and Printers" were reaffirmed
by the Vice-Chancellor and Heads in 1655 and it is clear that
the university at this time exercised a closer supervision over
its press than in the days when Buck conducted his independent
negotiations with the London Stationers. The specimen _imprimatur_
which is reproduced overleaf shows the care with which Field
preserved his authority for printing any particular book.
One of the first books printed by Field was _The History of the
University of Cambridge_ by Thomas Fuller (1655), who, in spite
of his Royalist convictions, appears to have raised no objection
to his work being printed by one who styled himself "one of his
Highness's Printers."
[Illustration: _IMPRIMATUR_ FOR A BIBLE, 1662]