of two and a half months had been occupied in the campaign. In September
following Champlain set sail for France, accompanied by Pontegravé.
Before he left Quebec he made all the arrangements in his power for the
safety of those left to winter there. A trustworthy commander was
appointed; and in order to prevent the necessity of outdoor labor during
the time of severe cold, a supply of fuel was provided in the autumn; for
it was supposed that exposure and hard work combined were among the
causes of the terrible malady which had afflicted Champlain's people in
the winter of 1608.
On his arrival in France he reported his adventures and the condition of
New France to the King, by whom he was treated with the utmost
consideration and kindness. Nevertheless, owing to opposition and clamor,
it was found impossible to bring about the renewal of the charter, which
had expired.
In spite of this, De Monts succeeded in procuring the means of fitting
out two vessels in the spring of 1610, in which Champlain and Pontegravé
set sail from Harfleur about the middle of April, and arrived at
Tadoussac on May 26th. At Quebec Champlain found his people in good
health and undiminished numbers, the winter having been passed through
without the endurance of any particular hardship. His Indian allies,
also, the Hurons, Algonquins, and Montagnais, were eagerly waiting for
him to rejoin them in another attack upon the Iroquois.
In the middle of June Champlain, with a few Frenchmen, left Quebec and
proceeded up the St. Lawrence to the mouth of the river Richelieu. Near
to this, on ascending that river, and employing the services of scouts,
it was found that a body of Iroquois had established themselves in a post
fortified by means of great trees which had been felled, so that their
branches, interlaced with each other, presented a strong wall of defence.
The Algonquins and Montagnais immediately commenced an attack; when,
although assisted by the French, with their arquebuses, it was for a long
time found impossible to force an entrance into the position. In the end,
however, the Iroquois fled, leaving fifteen of their number prisoners.
The conquerors had three killed and about fifty wounded, among whom was
Champlain himself. Again was he compelled to witness the perpetration of
the most revolting cruelties upon the unfortunate Iroquois captured by
his allies, whom he could not restrain, although now regarded by them
with feelings amounting to veneration.
Champlain was now in a position to do something toward forwarding his own
plans through the good-will and assistance of the Hurons and Algonquins.
To extend the knowledge of the country westward, and to find out a
passage through the continent to China, were to him as much objects of
desire as they had been to Cartier before him. The Indian chiefs promised
to furnish all the facilities he required; and they placed in his care a
young Huron, whom he afterward took to Paris. At the same time a young
Frenchman was intrusted to a chief named Iroquet, for the purpose of
learning the Algonquin language, and of visiting the lakes, rivers, and
mines which were stated to exist in the interior of the country. When
these arrangements had been made Champlain and his allies parted. On
arriving at Quebec he learned the sad intelligence of the death of his
powerful friend and patron, King Henry IV, who had been assassinated
three months before in the streets of Paris. Although the season was not
far advanced he immediately took his departure for France, accompanied by
Pontegravé.
In the spring of 1611 Champlain returned to Canada.[1] During the winter,
although it was now impossible to recover the exclusive privileges which
had formerly been accorded to his company, he and Pontegravé had again
succeeded in procuring the means of equipping several vessels. De Monts
still enjoyed the title of "lieutenant-general of New France," but was
greatly crippled in his resources and influence in consequence of the
King's death, and the large expenses attendant on previous undertakings
in connection with the establishments in Acadia, at Tadoussac, and
Quebec. But the most discouraging circumstance, which now cut off all
hope of redeeming his losses, was the virtual throwing open of the peltry
trade in the St. Lawrence, of which the traders belonging to French
maritime ports availed themselves in considerable numbers; for when
Champlain and Pontegravé arrived out at Tadoussac, toward the end of May,
they found traders already there doing business with the savages, and
that others had preceded them in the river above, as far as the rapids
near Hochelaga. Champlain hastened to the latter place, with the
determination of establishing there a trading-station for the benefit of
the company. Temporary structures were begun near the site of the future
city of Montreal; ground was cleared, and seeds sown, in order to test
the fruitfulness of the soil. He proposed to erect a fort on an island,
called by him St. Helen's, after the name of his wife.
[1] About the end of 1610 or early in 1611 Champlain, in Paris,
espoused a very youthful lady, named Hélène Boullé, daughter of the
King's private secretary. She was a Huguenot, though subsequently
converted by her husband. She visited Canada in 1620, and remained
about four years.
Champlain went to France before winter, and was there detained nearly two
years by the affairs of the company. Although his zeal and his hopes of
founding a colony never flagged, even De Monts retired from participation
in further undertakings, owing to the uncertainties attendant upon the
peltry traffic, and the losses incurred. It appears that Champlain deemed
it indispensably necessary for the colony, and for the trading company
with which it might be connected, to possess, as chief, some personage in
France who had influence and rank at court; therefore, on the retirement
of De Monts, the Count de Soissons was applied to, and afterward the
Prince Henri de Condé. Condé being created viceroy of New France,
Champlain was appointed his lieutenant.[2] Much time was then occupied in
negotiations, with the object of effecting a compromise with the
merchants and traders of Dieppe, St. Malo, Rochelle, and Rouen. In the
end some kind of arrangement was made, securing for the wants of the
colony at Quebec a certain portion of the results of the fur traffic to
be paid by traders; but it seems that no perfectly satisfactory
arrangement was practicable at that time, owing to the state of affairs
at the court of France, which would not renew the former exclusive
privileges.
[2] This nomination of Champlain as lieutenant of the Viceroy of
New France was dated October 15, 1612; hence, in lists of official
functionaries of Canada, this date is frequently put as that on
which the rule of governors commenced, Champlain being set down as
the first.
Early in May, 1613, Champlain arrived at Quebec. The people whom he had
left there in 1611 had passed the two preceding winters without any
notable occurrence and free from suffering or disease. After a short
delay he proceeded up the river to Sault St. Louis, at the foot of the
Rapids, where he expected to find many of his former Indian friends
assembled in readiness for traffic. In fact, his mind was now intent upon
a long journey of exploration westward, in company with some returning
chiefs. But this season few Indians came, which Champlain attributed to
misconduct on the part of the traders the previous year while he was
absent in France. Taking with him two canoes, manned by four Frenchmen
and an Indian guide, he contrived to pass the Rapids and to surmount all
the other difficulties of a first passage up the river Ottawa, until he
arrived at Île Allumettes, where resided a friendly chief named Tessouat,
who received him with cordial hospitality, and celebrated his unexpected
visit by giving a grand entertainment. Champlain requested canoes and
people to conduct him and his attendants on the way to Lake Nipissing,
whence, according to information of Nicolas du Vignau, who had passed the
previous winter with Tessouat, there was a practicable route to the North
Sea, from which, it was believed, the coveted passage to China would be
found. Champlain's hopes rose with this information, but before he could
act upon it Du Vignau was proved to be an impostor. Champlain, therefore,
with reluctance, sorrowfully commenced his journey homeward to Quebec,
whence, toward the latter part of August, he again sailed for France, in
order to promote the interests of the colony, so much dependent on the
course of events in the mother-country.
In April, 1615, Champlain sailed from Harfleur with several vessels
having on board supplies for the colony--artisans and laborers, together
with four persons of the religious order of Franciscans, called
Récollets. The latter took out with them the appliances and ornaments
that might be required for the use of portable chapels and places of
worship in the wilderness, and which had been provided at the cost of
religious persons in France.
Immediately on his arrival in Canada, about the beginning of June, he
took steps for establishing regular religious services at the three
principal trading-posts--Quebec, Three Rivers, and Tadoussac--at the
first of which places a sort of council was held, consisting of himself,
the four Récollets, and "the most intelligent persons in the colony." The
arrangements agreed upon comprised, in addition to dispositions of a
permanent nature at the three principal localities named above, the
sending forward one of the Récollets, Joseph le Caron, into the distant
regions occupied by the Huron tribes, which up to this time had not been
visited by any European.[3] Thus, under Champlain's auspices, were the
first foundations laid for establishing in Canada the faith and services
of the Church of Rome; and especially, in the first instance, for
commencing the "missions to the Indians," which have survived the
vicissitudes of more than two centuries, and subsist to this day in forms
and localities regulated by the progress of civilization on this
continent.
[3] Henceforward the history of the colony, as well as that of the
gradual extension of discovery westward, is inseparably associated
with the proceedings of the religious missionaries, who were the
real pioneers of French influence among the tribes of the interior.
During the winter of 1618 the colony was reduced to the verge of
extinction through the defection of its fickle allies, the Indians. The
station at Three Rivers had become to them a great place of resort; and
while many hundreds of savages were assembled there a quarrel occurred at
Quebec between some Indians and colonists, the particulars of which have
not been very clearly transmitted. But the result was similar to that
which had been experienced in the time of Jacques Cartier, for the
Indians became discontented and hostile, manifesting a disposition to
take advantage of the helplessness of the handful of Europeans
established in their midst. Two Frenchmen were murdered, and this outrage
was followed by a conspiracy, which was entered into by the Indians at
Three Rivers, with the object of consummating the destruction of the
entire colony. The Récollet brother Duplessis discovered the plot, and,
while the French at Quebec remained closely shut up in their fort,
contrived to disconcert it. In the end the savages, who seem to have had
originally no very serious cause of offence, proposed a reconciliation,
which was acceded to by the French, on condition that the case of the
murderers should be decided on Champlain's return, and that in the mean
time hostages should be given.
Champlain's absence continued for the space of about three years, as he
did not return to Quebec until July, 1620. By this time the course of
events had taken a favorable turn. The Viceroy Condé regained his
liberty, and, in consideration of a sum of money, surrendered his
viceroyalty in favor of the Duke of Montmorency, a godson of the late
King. Montmorency confirmed Champlain in his post of lieutenant-general,
and the King himself, Louis XIII, favored him with royal letters
expressing his recognition of the appointment and of his services. Thus
fortified, and charged by the new viceroy to return to Quebec and improve
the defences of the colony, Champlain induced a number of persons to
embark with him for the purpose of settling in the country. He himself
arranged all his private affairs and took out with him his wife and
several relations.
The return of Champlain, accompanied by Madame Champlain, then only
twenty-two years of age, was celebrated at Quebec with all the
manifestations of rejoicing and of respect that it was possible for the
people to evince. It was an epoch in the history of the colony. The
Indian savages were especially delighted with the amiable demeanor and
the beauty of Madame Champlain,[4] who at once set about learning their
language, and in many ways testified her concern in their welfare. She
soon became able to instruct their children, using their native tongue,
in the principles of the Catholic religion; for, though formerly a
Huguenot, she was now a devout adherent of the church to which her
husband belonged. Champlain found the edifices at Quebec in a dilapidated
condition, so that his first care was to effect repairs on the magazine,
the old fort, and other buildings, as well as to provide temporary
quarters for his family. Steps were also taken for commencing a structure
extensive enough to afford protection to all the inhabitants and the
interests of the company, in case of serious attack from any enemy, and
so situated as to command the harbor. The site chosen was that now known
as "Durham Terrace," where, subsequently, when Champlain's design was
practically carried out, the famous Fort St. Louis stood--the residence
and official head-quarters of many governors of Canada.
[4] According to the custom of the ladies of that time, Madame
Champlain wore a small mirror suspended from her girdle. The
untutored natives who approached her were astonished at perceiving
themselves reflected from the glass, and circulated among
themselves the innocent conceit that she cherished in her heart
the recollection of each one of them.
Champlain might have now enjoyed a period of comparative repose but for
two causes of anxiety which soon pressed themselves upon his attention.
The first of these was his knowledge of the cruel state of war subsisting
between the Iroquois and the natives of Canada. In 1620 the former made
incursions in considerable force, and, although few or none of them at
that time approached Quebec, they pressed hard upon the Algonquins higher
up the river, and lay in wait for his former allies, the Hurons, whom
they slaughtered without mercy as they descended with the products of the
chase for the purpose of trading with the French at Three Rivers, Quebec,
and Tadoussac. The injury to French interests, apart from the necessity
for being always on the alert to defend themselves in case of attack from
these barbarians, may be imagined. Champlain, as the only recourse open
to him, made appeals to the company and to the court of France for
succor.
In the course of 1622 and the following year several additional priests
and brothers of the order of Récollets came out to Canada, among whom was
Gabriel Sagard, the historian, who, along with Le Caron, departed as
missionaries into the Huron settlements beyond Lake Simcoe. These two
priests rendered most valuable services to the colony in becoming the
influential promoters of peace with the Iroquois in 1624. They had
labored to confirm in the minds of the Huron people a disposition to come
to terms with their fierce adversaries, between whom and themselves
unceasing hostilities had been waged ever since the period of Champlain's
third and unsuccessful expedition against the cantons. The war had proved
harassing to all the parties concerned--the French, the Iroquois, the
Hurons, the Algonquins, and minor tribes--and all were more or less
inclined to accede to proposals for a general cessation of strife. Caron
and Sagard accompanied a flotilla of sixty Huron canoes down the Ottawa
and St. Lawrence to Three Rivers, at which place, in the presence of
Champlain, it was intended to agree upon and ratify a general treaty. On
the way to this rendezvous they were joined by twenty-five canoes bearing
the Iroquois deputies and thirteen of the Algonquins. The preliminaries
having been arranged, happily without the occurrence of quarrels so
likely to take place in such a concourse of individuals belonging to
different nations, the ceremonies and customary distribution of presents
were followed by a mutual interchange of stipulations, rendered
intelligible to all by means of interpreters. The final result was a
treaty of peace, to which the chief contracting parties were the French,
the Hurons, the Algonquins, and the Iroquois, who agreed thenceforward to
remain on peaceable terms with each other. The peace thus established was
not of long duration.
In the mean time the improvements projected by Champlain in 1620 were
steadily prosecuted. Very extensive repairs and additions to former
structures, and a number of new ones, were completed or in progress. The
De Caëns and the Governor, notwithstanding the difference of their
religious views, continued throughout to discharge their respective
functions in a manner that denoted mutual respect and personal
friendship. Yet, from whatever cause, the number of inhabitants,
exclusive of a few factors or agents at the trading-posts, and the
Frenchmen who from choice had taken up their abodes among the Indian
tribes, remained less than sixty. In fact, every person who bestowed a
transient thought upon Canada placed a very low estimate upon it as a
country fit for settlement, excepting Champlain himself, whose faith in
the future of his colony seems never to have wavered.
In August, 1624, Champlain made arrangements for revisiting France, where
fresh dissensions had arisen in regard to the company's rights and
privileges. His chief purpose was to again urge at home an appeal for a
more generous support in behalf of his undertakings. The Récollets, also,
having found themselves utterly unequal to the occupation of their
immense and constantly increasing field of missionary work, had
determined to appeal for aid to some of the religious communities of
France, and, with this view, deputed Sagard and a priest to sail for
Europe in the suite of the Governor.
Before his departure Champlain nominated the younger De Caën commandant
at Quebec during his absence, and gave instructions that the works in
progress should be prosecuted with the utmost vigor, especially the
completion of the Fort St. Louis.
These preparations being made, he set sail on August 15, 1624,
accompanied by his wife and the two Récollet deputies.
Champlain, having accomplished all that seemed at that time attainable in
France, returned to Quebec in the summer of 1626, accompanied by the
priest Le Caron, and his brother-in-law, Boullé, as his lieutenant.
He found the works scarcely advanced beyond the condition in which he had
left them two years before. His people also were in a somewhat enfeebled
condition. They had been ill-supplied with necessaries the preceding
season, owing to the neglect of the company to furnish what was requisite
for their comfort and plentiful support during the winter of 1625.
Notwithstanding the exertions which had been made by Champlain to prevent
a recurrence of the former sufferings of the colony owing to the neglect
of the company, he and his people were doomed to struggle on precisely as
heretofore. Scarcely any land had been cleared, so that it was impossible
by means of agriculture alone to provide against famine in the winter.
Nevertheless, the requisite supplies were furnished by the company's
agents in the most niggardly manner. Its neglect became worse and worse,
until, in the winter of 1626, there was an actual dearth of provisions at
Quebec. In the spring of 1627 De Caën's vessels brought out, as usual, a
certain supply of necessaries. But when the summer had passed away, and
autumn came, although the season of traffic had been very profitable, the
ships departed, leaving the establishments in the colony very
insufficiently provisioned. The colony contained but one farmer--Louis
Hebert[5]--who could maintain himself and those dependent on him by the
cultivation of the ground. But about fifty persons had to endure the
rigors of the winter of 1627 on short allowance; and such became their
plight that even Champlain's patience and powers of endurance were
severely exercised. When at length the arrival of spring afforded some
sources of relief, derived from hunting and fishing, Champlain and his
unfortunate colonists at Quebec were amazed to find that De Caën's ships
came not as usual with succors. With infinite anxiety they contrived to
subsist until the month of July, when it became known that the river
below the Island of Orleans was in possession of the English, at that
time enemies to France. In fact, on July 10, 1628, Champlain received a
summons from Sir David Kirke, then at Tadoussac, with several ships under
his command, to surrender the fort and station of Quebec. Notwithstanding
his weakness, which would have prevented him from offering any effectual
resistance had Kirke followed up his summons by an attack upon the place,
Champlain responded with dignity and firmness, declaring that he would
defend his post. Kirke, therefore, for the present, deferred his hostile
intentions upon Quebec, and contented himself with adopting measures to
intercept supplies and succor from France.
[5] He died in the course of this season. Champlain, in his
memoirs, mentions him with approbation and respect.
Cut off from communication with France, Champlain exhorted his now
isolated band of priests, colonists, and laborers to follow his own
example of patience and courage. A single small ship, with very scanty
supplies, succeeded in making its passage good through the English
vessels to Quebec, with intelligence that at least ten months must elapse
before adequate succor from France could be expected to reach the harbor.
To cope with the present emergency, and to prevent absolute starvation,
measures were taken to crop all the cleared ground in the neighborhood.
At the same time recourse was had to hunting and fishing for the purpose
of collecting food for the ensuing winter, and Champlain's
brother-in-law, Eustache Boullé, was despatched with a small vessel and
twelve men down to Gaspé, in the hope of falling in with French
fishing-vessels and procuring intelligence and assistance. Some steps
were also taken for obtaining aid from the Abnaquis. These responded
favorably, promising to furnish maintenance sufficient for about
three-fifths of Champlain's people until succor should arrive. The other
Indians, however, the Montagnais and Algonquins, took advantage of the
emergency, and manifested, both in demeanor and hostile acts, their
enmity to the French.