With the Counts of Nassau and Brederode at their head, and formed in

ranks of four by four, they advanced in procession to the palace; all

Brussels attended the unwonted spectacle in silent astonishment. Here

were to be seen a body of men, advancing with too much boldness and

confidence to look like supplicants, and led by two men who were not

wont to be petitioners and, on the other hand, with so much order and

stillness as do not usually accompany rebellion. The Regent received the

procession, surrounded by all her counsellors and the Knights of the

Fleece. "These noble Netherlanders," thus Brederode respectfully

addressed her, "who here present themselves before your highness, wish

in their own name, and of many others besides, who are shortly to

arrive, to present to you a petition, of whose importance, as well as of

their own humility, this solemn procession must convince you. I, as

speaker of this body, entreat you to receive our petition, which

contains nothing but what is in unison with the laws of our country and

the honor of the King."

"Never"--so ran the petition, which, according to some, was drawn up by

the celebrated Balduin--"never had they failed in their loyalty to their

King, and nothing now could be further from their hearts; but they would

rather run the risk of incurring the displeasure of their sovereign than

allow him to remain longer in ignorance of the evils with which their

native country was menaced, by the forcible introduction of the

Inquisition, and the continued enforcement of the edicts. They had long

remained consoling themselves with the expectation that a general

assembly of the states would be summoned to remedy these grievances; but

now that even this hope was extinguished, they held it to be their duty

to give timely warning to the Regent. They, therefore, entreated her

highness to send to Madrid an envoy, well disposed, and fully acquainted

with the state and temper of the times, who should endeavor to persuade

the King to comply with the demands of the whole nation, and abolish the

Inquisition, to revoke the edicts, and in their stead cause new and more

humane ones to be drawn up at a general assembly of the states. But, in

the mean while, until they could learn the King's decision, they prayed

that the edicts and the operations of the Inquisition be suspended."

"If," they concluded, "no attention should be paid to their humble

request, they took God, the King, the Regent and all her counsellors to

witness that they had done their part, and were not responsible for any

unfortunate result that might happen."

The following day the confederates, marching in the same order of

procession, but in still greater numbers--Counts Bergen and Kuilemberg

having in the interim joined them with their adherents--appeared before

the Regent in order to receive her answer. It was written on the margin

of the petition, and was to the effect "that entirely to suspend the

Inquisition and the edicts, even temporarily, was beyond her powers; but

in compliance with the wishes of the confederates, she was ready to

despatch one of the nobles to the King, in Spain, and also to support

their petition with all her influence. In the mean time she would

recommend the inquisitors to administer their office with moderation;

but in return, she should expect, on the part of the league, that they

should abstain from all acts of violence, and undertake nothing to the

prejudice of the Catholic faith." Little as these vague and general

promises satisfied the confederates, they were, nevertheless, as much as

they could have reasonably expected to gain at first.

The granting or refusing of the petition had nothing to do with the

primary object of the league. Enough for them at present that it was

once recognized; enough that it was now, as it were, an established

body, which by its power and threats might, if necessary, overawe the

Government. The confederates, therefore, acted quite consistently with

their designs, in contenting themselves with this answer, and referring

the rest to the good pleasure of the King. As, indeed, the whole

pantomime of petitioning had only been invented to cover the more daring

plan of the league, until it should have strength enough to show itself

in its true light; they felt that much more depended on their being able

to continue this mask, and on the favorable reception of their petition,

than on its speedily being granted. In a new memorial, which they

delivered three days after, they pressed for an express testimonial from

the Regent, that they had done no more than their duty, and been guided

simply by their zeal for the service of the King. When the Duchess

evaded a declaration, they even sent a person to repeat this request in

a private interview. "Time alone and their future behavior," she replied

to this person, "would enable her to judge of their designs."

The league had its origin in banquets, and a banquet gave it form and

perfection. On the very day that the second petition was presented,

Brederode entertained the confederates in Kuilemberg house. About three

hundred guests assembled; intoxication gave them courage, and their

audacity rose with their numbers. During the conversation one of their

number happened to remark that he had overheard the Count of Barlaimont

whisper in French to the Regent, who was seen to turn pale on the

delivery of the petitions, that "she need not be afraid of a band of

beggars (_gueux_);" in fact, the majority of them had by their bad

management of their incomes only too well deserved this appellation.

Now, as the very name of their fraternity was the very thing which had

most perplexed them, an expression was eagerly caught up, which, while

it cloaked the presumption of their enterprise in humility, was at the

same time appropriate to them as petitioners. Immediately they drank to

one another under this name, and the cry "Long live the Gueux!" was

accompanied with a general shout of applause. After the cloth had been

removed, Brederode appeared with a wallet over his shoulder, similar to

that which the vagrant pilgrims and mendicant monks of the time used to

carry; and after returning thanks to all for their accession to the

league, and boldly assuring them that he was ready to venture life and

limb for every individual present, he drank to the health of the whole

company out of a wooden beaker. The cup went round, and everyone uttered

the same vow as he set it to his lips. Then one after the other they

received the beggar's purse, and each hung it on a nail which he had

appropriated to himself. The shouts and uproar attending this buffoonery

attracted the Prince of Orange and Counts Egmont and Horn, who, by

chance, were passing the spot at the very moment, and on entering the

house were boisterously pressed by Brederode, as host, to remain and

drink a glass with them.[3]

[3] "But," Egmont asserted in his written defence, "we drank only

one single small glass, and thereupon they cried, 'Long live the

King and the Gueux!' This was the first time that I heard that

appellation, and it certainly did not please me. But the times

were so bad that one was often compelled to share in much that

was against one's inclination, and I knew not but I was doing an

innocent thing."

The entrance of three such influential personages renewed the mirth of

the guests, and their festivities soon passed the bounds of moderation.

Many were intoxicated; guests and attendants mingled together without

distinction, the serious and the ludicrous; drunken fancies and affairs

of state were blended one with another in a burlesque medley; and the

discussions on the general distress of the country ended in the wild

uproar of a bacchanalian revel. But it did not stop here; what they had

resolved on in the moment of intoxication, they attempted when sober to

carry into execution. It was necessary to manifest to the people in some

striking shape the existence of their protectors, and likewise to fan

the zeal of the faction by a visible emblem; for this end nothing could

be better than to adopt publicly this name of Gueux, and to borrow from

it the tokens of the association. In a few days the town of Brussels

swarmed with ash-gray garments, such as were usually worn by mendicant

friars and penitents. Every confederate put his whole family and

domestics in this dress. Some carried wooden bowls thinly overlaid with

plates of silver, cups of the same kind, and wooden knives; in short,

the whole paraphernalia of the beggar tribe, which they either fixed

around their hats or suspended from their girdles. Round the neck they

wore a golden or silver coin, afterward called the "Guesen penny," of

which one side bore the effigy of the King, with the inscription "True

to the King"; on the other side were seen two hands folded together,

holding a wallet, with the words "as far as the beggar's scrip." Hence

the origin of the name "Gueux," which was subsequently borne in the

Netherlands by all who seceded from popery and took up arms against the

King.

A name decides the whole issue of things. In Madrid that was called

rebellion which in Brussels was styled only a lawful remonstrance. The

complaints of Brabant required a prudent mediator; Philip II sent an

executioner, and the signal for war was given. An unparalleled tyranny

assailed both property and life.

The despairing citizens, to whom the choice of death was all that was

left, chose the nobler one on the battle-field. A wealthy and luxurious

nation loves peace, but becomes warlike as soon as it becomes poor. Then

it ceases to tremble for a life which is deprived of everything that had

made it desirable. In a moment the rage of rebellion seizes the most

distant provinces; trade and commerce are at a standstill, the ships

disappear from the harbors, the artisan abandons his workshop, the

rustic his uncultivated fields. Thousands fled to distant lands; a

thousand victims fell on the bloody field, and fresh thousands pressed

on; for divine, indeed, must that doctrine be for which men could die so

joyfully. All that was wanting was the last achieving hand, the

enlightened enterprising spirit, to seize on this great political crisis

and to mature the offspring of chance to the designs of wisdom. William

the Silent devoted himself, a second Brutus, to the great cause of

liberty. Superior to a timorous selfishness, he sent in to the throne

his resignation of offices which devolved on him objectionable duties,

and, magnanimously divesting himself of all his princely dignities, he

descended to a state of voluntary poverty, and became but a citizen of

the world. The cause of justice was staked upon the hazardous game of

battle; but the sudden levies of mercenaries and peaceful husbandmen

could not withstand the terrible onset of an experienced force. Twice

did the brave William lead his dispirited troops against the tyrant,

twice was he abandoned by them, but not by his courage.

Philip II sent as many reënforcements as the dreadful importunity of his

viceroy begged for. Fugitives whom their fatherland rejected sought a

new country on the ocean, and turned to satisfy, on the ships of their

enemy, the demon of vengeance and of want. Naval heroes were now formed

out of corsairs, and a marine collected out of piratical vessels; and

out of morasses arose a republic. Seven provinces threw off the yoke at

the same time, to form a new, youthful state, powerful by its waters and

its union and despair. A solemn decree of the whole nation deposed the

tyrant, and the Spanish name disappeared from all the laws.

For what had now been done no forgiveness remained; the republic became

formidable, because it was no longer possible for her to retrace her

steps; factions distracted her within; her terrible element, the sea

itself, leaguing with her oppressors, threatened her very infancy with a

premature grave. She felt herself succumb to the superior force of the

enemy, and cast herself a suppliant before the most powerful thrones of

Europe, begging them to accept a dominion which she herself could no

longer protect. At last, but with difficulty--so despised at first was

this state that even the rapacity of foreign monarchs spurned her

opening bloom--a stranger deigned to accept their importunate offer of a

dangerous crown. New hopes began to revive her sinking courage; but in

this new father of his country, destiny gave her a traitor; and in the

critical emergency, when the implacable foe was in full force before her

very gates, Charles of Anjou invaded the liberties which he had been

called to protect. The assassin's hand, too, tore the steersman from the

rudder, and with William of Orange the career, seemingly, of the infant

republic and all her guardian angels fled; but the ship continued to

scud along in the storm, and the swelling canvas carried her safe

without the steersman's help.

Philip II missed the fruits of a deed which cost him his royal honor and

perhaps also his self-respect. Liberty struggled on still with despotism

in the obstinate and dubious contest; sanguinary battles were fought; a

brilliant array of heroes succeeded each other on the field of glory;

and Flanders and Brabant were the schools which educated generals for

the coming century. A long, devastating war laid waste the open country;

victor and vanquished alike were bathed in blood; while the rising

republic of the waters gave a welcome to fugitive industry, and out of

the ruins erected the noble edifice of its own greatness. For forty

years a war lasted, whose happy termination was not to bless the dying

eye of Philip; which destroyed one paradise in Europe, to create a new

one out of its shattered fragments; which destroyed the choicest flower

of military youth; and while it enriched more than a quarter of the

globe, impoverished the possessor of the golden Peru. This monarch, who,

even without oppressing his subjects, could expend nine hundred tons of

gold, but who by tyrannical means extorted far more, heaped on his

depopulated kingdom a debt of one hundred and forty millions of ducats.

An implacable hatred of liberty swallowed up all these treasures and

consumed in fruitless labor his royal life. But the Reformation throve

amid the devastation of his sword, and over the blood of her citizens

the banner of the new republic floated victorious.

LEPANTO: DESTRUCTION OF THE TURKISH NAVAL POWER

A.D. 1571

SIR WILLIAM STIRLING-MAXWELL

By the defeat of the Turks in the naval fight near Lepanto their

power was so seriously shaken that its decline may be reckoned to

have begun with that event. For many years, under their great sultan

Solyman, the Magnificent, they had kept Europe in terror of their

assaults. They had taken a recognized place among European peoples.

Before his alliance with Francis I of France (1534), Solyman had

made himself master of Hungary, and by threatening Vienna he so

alarmed Charles V that the Emperor agreed to the Peace of Nuremberg,

in order that he might unite Protestants and Catholics against the

Ottoman foe.

Although Solyman withdrew before the united forces of the Christian

empire, the Turks continued their depredations, especially on the

coasts of Italy and Spain. Charles succeeded in repelling them

there, and defeated them (1535) at Tunis, but they soon renewed

their frightful ravages along the European shores.

Finally, in the reign of Solyman's successor, Selim II, they were

met with effectual resistance through the efforts of the Holy League

formed in 1570 by Spain, Venice, and Pope Pius V. Selim in that year

captured and pillaged Nicosia, the capital of Cyprus. In May, 1571,

the League agreed upon a plan of action, and after a series of

indecisive operations the allies accomplished their task in the

manner described below. Their forces were commanded by Don John of

Austria, a Spanish soldier, illegitimate son of Charles V. Don John

had already (1569-1570) defeated the Moriscoes or Moors in Granada.

Stirling-Maxwell is the authoritative historian of his remarkable

career. Sir William's account of the important victory near Lepanto

is one of our most interesting examples of military narration.

The Gulf of Lepanto is a long inlet of irregular shape, extending east

and west, and bounded on the north by the shores of Albania, the ancient

Epirus, and on the south by the coast of Morea, and closed at its

eastern end by the Isthmus of Corinth. The bold headland on the north

side, guarded by the castle of Roumelia, and the lower promontory on the

south with the castle of the Morea, advancing from the opposite shores

into its waters, divide the long inlet into two unequal parts. The first

of these parts consists of the mouth of the gulf and the lake-like

basin, together forming the Gulf of Patras. The second is the long reach

of waters within the castled headlands called the Gulf (anciently) of

Corinth, and now of Epakte or Lepanto. When the hostile fleets came in

sight of each other, that of the League was entering the gulf near its

northern shore, while that of the Turk was about fifteen miles within

its jaws, his vast crescent-shaped line stretching almost from the broad

swampy shallows which lie beneath the Acarnanian mountains to the margin

of the rich lowlands of the Morea.

As the two armaments now advanced, each in full view of the other, the

sea was somewhat high, and the wind, blowing freshly from the east, was

in the teeth of the Christians. But in the course of the morning the

waves of the gulf fell to a glassy smoothness, and the breeze shifted to

the west, a change fortunate for the sailors of the League, which their

spiritual teachers did not fail to declare a special interposition of

God in behalf of the fleet which carried the flag of his vicar upon

earth.

At the sound of the signal gun each captain began to prepare his ship

for action. By order of Don John of Austria the sharp peaks of the

galleys, the spurs (_espolones_) as they were called, had been cut off,

it being thought expedient to sacrifice those weapons of offence, which

were somewhat uncertain in their operation, to insure the more effectual

working of the guns on the forecastle and gangway; and the bulwarks had

been strengthened, and heightened by means of boarding-nettings. In

some vessels the rowers' benches were removed or planked over, to give

more space and scope to the soldiers. Throughout the fleet the Christian

slaves had their fetters knocked off and were furnished with arms,

which they were encouraged to use valiantly by promises of freedom and

rewards. Of the Moslem slaves, on the contrary, the chains which

secured them to their places were carefully examined, and their rivets

secured; and they were, besides, fitted with handcuffs, to disable them

from using their hands for any purpose but tugging on the oar. The

arquebusier, the musketeer, and the bombardier looked carefully to the

state of their weapons, ammunition, and equipments; the sailor sharpened

his pike and cutlass; the officer put on his strongest casque and his

best-wrought cuirass; the stewards placed supplies of bread and wine in

convenient places, ready to the hands of the combatants; and the surgeons

prepared their instruments and bandages, and spread tables in dark and

shaded nooks, for the use of the wounded.

While these preparations occupied their subordinate officers, the chiefs

of the armament repaired to the flag-ship to learn the final resolution

and receive the last instructions of Don John of Austria. Some of these

went for the purpose of combating that resolution and objecting to those

instructions; for that eagerness to fight, which pervaded the soldiers

and sailors, was not unanimously shared by their leaders. Veniero,

although he had been hitherto very desirous of meeting the enemy, was

now anxious and dispirited. Doria and Ascanio de la Corgnia reminded

their young commander that the Turk, who was evidently bent upon

fighting, had a convenient harbor and arsenal behind him at Lepanto;

while for the fleet of the League, far from accessible ports, a disaster

implied total destruction. Some of their colleagues ventured to advise

Don John to retire while it was still in his power to do so. He refused

to discuss a question which had been decided at Corfu. "Gentlemen," he

said, "the time for counsel is past, and the time for fighting has

come," and with these words dismissed them to their ships.

While the galleys were taking up their positions, Don John of Austria,

in complete armor and attended by Don Luis de Cordoba and his secretary

Juan de Soto, transferred himself to a frigate remarkable for speed and

armed with a single German gun, and ran along the line to the right of

the flag-ship, embracing the whole extent of the right wing. As he

neared each galley he addressed a few words of encouragement to the

officers and men. He reminded the Venetians of the cruel outrages which

the Republic had lately received from the Turk in the Adriatic, Corfu,

and especially in Cyprus; and that now was the time to take signal

vengeance; and he therefore bid them use their weapons as these

recollections and the great opportunity required. To the Spaniards he

said: "My children, we are here to conquer or to die as Heaven may

determine. Do not let our impious foe ask us, 'Where is your God?' Fight

in his holy name, and in death or victory you will win immortality." His

words were eminently successful. They were in all cases received with

enthusiastic applause. The soldiers and sailors were delighted and

inspired by the gallant bearing and language of their young leader. As

he left them, shipmates who had quarrelled as only shipmates can, and

who had not spoken for weeks, embraced, and swore to conquer or to die

in the sacred cause of Christ.

As the two fleets approached--the Christians wafted gently onward by a

light breeze, the Ottomans plying their oars to the utmost--the Turkish

commander, who like Don John sailed in the centre of his line, fired a

gun. Don John acknowledged the challenge and returned the salute. A

second shot elicited a second reply. The two armaments had approached

near enough to enable each to distinguish the individual vessels of the

other and to scan their various banners and insignia. The Turks advanced

to battle shouting and screaming and making a great uproar with

ineffectual musketry. The Christians preserved complete silence. At a

certain signal a crucifix was raised aloft in every ship in the fleet.

Don John of Austria, sheathed in complete armor, and standing in a

conspicuous place on the prow of his ship, now knelt down to adore the

sacred emblem, and to implore the blessing of God on the great

enterprise which he was about to commence. Every man in the fleet

followed his example and fell upon his knees. The soldier, poising his

firelock, knelt at his post by the bulwarks, the gunner knelt with his

lighted match beside his gun. The decks gleamed with prostrate men in

mail. In each galley, erect and conspicuous among the martial throng,

stood a Franciscan or a Dominican friar, a Theatine or a Jesuit, in his

brown or black robe, holding a crucifix in one hand and sprinkling holy

water with the other, while he pronounced a general absolution, and

promised indulgence in this life, or pardon in the next, to the

steadfast warriors who should quit them like men and fight the good

fight of faith against infidel.

In the night between October 6th and 7th, 1571, about the same hour that

the Christian fleet weighed anchor at Cephalonia, the Turks had left

their moorings in the harbor of Lepanto. While Don John, baffled by the

winds and waves, was beating off the Curzolarian Isles, the Pacha was

sailing down the gulf before a fair breeze. Every Turk on board the

Sultan's fleet believed that he was about to assist in conveying the

armament of the Christian powers to the Golden Horn, in obedience to the

commands of the Padishah. The soldiers and sailors, lately recruited by

large reënforcements, were many of them fresh from quarters on shore.

Officers and men were in the highest spirits, eager for the battle which

they knew to be at hand, and in which they supposed their success to be

certain. For although Ali was well informed as to the position and

movements of the fleet of the League, he was no less mistaken as to the

strength of the Christians than the Christians were as to his own. He

had been more successful in pouring fictions into the ear of Don John

than in obtaining accurate intelligence for himself.

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