SPECULATIONS[D]

"When we survey the world around, the wondrous things which there

abound"--especially the developments of these last years--there must

come to some of us a doubt whether this civilisation of ours is to have

a future. Mr. Lowes Dickenson, in an able book, "The Choice Before Us,"

has outlined the alternate paths which the world may tread after the

war--"National Militarism" or "International Pacifism." He has pointed

out with force the terrible dangers on the first of these two paths, the

ruinous strain and ultimate destruction which a journey down it will

inflict on every nation. But, holding a brief for International

Pacifism, he was not, in that book, at all events, concerned to point

out the dangers which beset Peace. When, in the words of President

Wilson, we have made the world safe for democracy, it will be high time

to set about making it safe against civilisation itself.

The first thing, naturally, is to ensure a good long spell of peace. If

we do not, we need not trouble ourselves for a moment over the future of

civilisation--there will be none. But a long spell of peace is

probable; for, though human nature is never uniform, and never as one

man shall we get salvation; sheer exhaustion, and disgust with its

present bed-fellows--suffering, sacrifice, and sudden death--will almost

surely force the world into international quietude. For the first time

in history organised justice, such as for many centuries has ruled the

relations between individuals, may begin to rule those between States,

and free us from menace of war for a period which may be almost

indefinitely prolonged. To perpetuate this great change in the life of

nations is very much an affair of getting men used to that change; of

setting up a Tribunal which they can see and pin their faith to, which

works, and proves its utility, which they would miss if it were

dissolved. States are proverbially cynical, but if an International

Court of Justice, backed by international force, made good in the

settlement of two or three serious disputes, allayed two or three

crises, it would with each success gain prestige, be firmer and more

difficult to uproot, till it might at last become as much a matter of

course in the eyes of the cynical States as our Law Courts are in the

eyes of our enlightened selves.

Making, then, the large but by no means hopeless assumption that such a

change may come, how is our present civilisation going to "pan out"?

In Samuel Butler's imagined country, "Erewhon," the inhabitants had

broken up all machinery, abandoned the use of money, and lived in a

strange elysium of health and beauty. I often wonder how, without

something of the sort, modern man is to be prevented from falling into

the trombone he blows so loudly, from being destroyed by the very

machines he has devised for his benefit. The problem before modern man

is clearly that of becoming master, instead of slave, of his own

civilisation. The history of the last hundred and fifty years,

especially in England, is surely one long story of ceaseless banquet and

acute indigestion. Certain Roman Emperors are popularly supposed to have

taken drastic measures during their feasts to regain their appetites; we

have not their "slim" wisdom; we do not mind going on eating when we

have had too much.

I do not question the intentions of civilisation--they are most

honourable. To be clean, warm, well nourished, healthy, decently

leisured, and free to move quickly about the world, are certainly pure

benefits. And these are presumably the prime objects of our toil and

ingenuity, the ideals to be served, by the discovery of steam,

electricity, modern industrial machinery, telephony, flying. If we

attained those ideals, and stopped there--well and good. Alas! the

amazing mechanical conquests of the age have crowded one on another so

fast that we have never had time to digest their effects. Each as it

came we hailed as an incalculable benefit to mankind, and so it was, or

would have been, if we had not the appetites of cormorants and the

digestive powers of elderly gentlemen. Our civilisation reminds one of

the corpse in the Mark Twain story which, at its own funeral, got up and

rode with the driver. It is watching itself being buried. We discover,

and scatter discovery broadcast among a society uninstructed in the

proper use of it. Consider the town-ridden, parasitic condition of Great

Britain--_the country which cannot feed itself_. If we are beaten in

this war, it will be because we have let our industrial system run away

with us; because we became so sunk in machines and money-getting that we

forgot our self-respect. No self-respecting nation would have let its

food-growing capacity and its country life down to the extent that we

have. If we are beaten--which God forbid--we shall deserve our fate. And

why did our industrial system get such a mad grip on us? Because we did

not master the riot of our inventions and discoveries. Remember the

spinning jenny--whence came the whole system of Lancashire cotton

factories which drained a countryside of peasants and caused a

deterioration of physique from which as yet there has been no recovery.

Here was an invention which was to effect a tremendous saving of labour

and be of sweeping benefit to mankind. Exploited without knowledge,

scruple, or humanity, it also caused untold misery and grievous national

harm. Read, mark, and learn Mr. and Mrs. Hammond's book, "The Town

Labourer." The spinning jenny and similar inventions have been the

forces which have dotted beautiful counties of England with the blackest

and most ill-looking towns in the world, have changed the proportion of

country- to town-dwellers from about 3 as against 2 in 1761 to 2 as

against 7 in 1911; have strangled our powers to feed ourselves, and so

made us a temptation to our enemies and a danger to the whole world. We

have made money by it; our standard of wealth has gone up. I remember

having a long talk with a very old shepherd on the South Downs, whose

youth and early married life were lived on eight shillings a week; and

he was no exception. Nowadays our agricultural wage averages over thirty

shillings, though it buys but little more than the eight. Still, the

standard of wealth has superficially advanced, if that be any

satisfaction. But have health, beauty, happiness among the great bulk of

the population?

Consider the mastery of the air. To what use has it been put, so far? To

practically none, save the destruction of life. About five years before

the war some of us in England tried to initiate an international

movement to ban the use of flying for military purposes. The effort was

entirely abortive. The fact is, man never goes in front of events,

always insists on disastrously buying his experience. And I am inclined

to think we shall continue to advance backwards unless we intern our

inventors till we have learned to run the inventions of the last century

instead of letting them run us. Counsels of perfection, however, are

never pursued. But what _can_ we do? We can try to ban certain outside

dangers internationally, such as submarines and air-craft, in war; and,

inside, we might establish a Board of Scientific Control to ensure that

no inventions are exploited under conditions obviously harmful.

Suppose, for instance, that the spinning jenny had come before such a

Board, one imagines they might have said: "If you want to use this

peculiar novelty, you must first satisfy us that your employees are

going to work under conditions favourable to health"--in other words,

the Factory Acts, Town Planning, and no Child Labour, from the start.

Or, when rubber was first introduced: "You are bringing in this new and,

we dare say, quite useful article. We shall, however, first send out and

see the conditions under which you obtain it." Having seen, they would

have added: "You will alter those conditions, and treat your native

labour humanely, or we will ban your use of this article," to the grief

and anger of those periwig-pated persons who write to the papers about

grandmotherly legislation and sickly sentimentalism.

Seriously, the history of modern civilisation shows that, while we can

only trust individualism to make discoveries, we cannot at all trust it

to apply discovery without some sort of State check in the interests of

health, beauty, and happiness. Officialdom is on all our nerves. But

this is a very vital matter, and the suggestion of a Board of Scientific

Control is not so fantastic as it seems. Certain results of inventions

and discoveries cannot, of course, be foreseen, but able and impartial

brains could foresee a good many and save mankind from the most rampant

results of raw and unconsidered exploitation. The public is a child; and

the child who suddenly discovers that there is such a thing as candy, if

left alone, can only be relied on to make itself sick.

Let us stray for a frivolous moment into the realms of art, since the

word art is claimed for what we know as the "film." This discovery went

as it pleased for a few years in the hands of inventors and commercial

agents. In these few years such a raging taste for cowboy, crime, and

Chaplin films has been developed, that a Commission which has just been

sitting on the matter finds that the public will not put up with more

than a ten per cent. proportion of educational film in the course of an

evening's entertainment. Now, the film as a means of transcribing actual

life is admittedly of absorbing interest and great educational value;

but, owing to this false start, we cannot get it swallowed in more than

extremely small doses as a food and stimulant, while it is being gulped

down to the dregs as a drug or irritant. Of the film's claim to the word

art I am frankly sceptical. My mind is open--and when one says that, one

generally means it is shut. But art is long: the Cro-Magnon men of

Europe decorated the walls of their caves quite beautifully, some say

twenty-five, some say seventy, thousand years ago; so it may well

require a generation to tell us what is art and what is not among the

new experiments continually being made. Still, the film is a restless

thing, and I cannot think of any form of art, as hitherto we have

understood the word, to which that description could be applied, unless

it be those Wagner operas which I have disliked not merely since the war

began, but from childhood up. During the filming of the play "Justice" I

attended at rehearsal to see Mr. Gerald du Maurier play the cell scene.

Since in that scene there is not a word spoken in the play itself, there

is no difference in _kind_ between the appeal of play or film. But the

live rehearsal for the filming was at least twice as affecting as the

dead result of that rehearsal on the screen. The film, of course, is in

its first youth, but I see no signs as yet that it will ever overcome

the handicap of its physical conditions, and attain the real

emotionalising powers of art. The film sweeps up into itself, of course,

a far wider surface of life in a far shorter space of time; but the

medium is flat, has no blood in it; and experience tells one that no

amount of surface and quantity in art ever make up for lack of depth and

quality. Who would not cheerfully give the Albert Memorial for a little

figure by Donatello! Since, however, the film takes the line of least

resistance, and makes a rapid, lazy, superficial appeal, it may very

well oust the drama. And, to my thinking, of course, that will be all to

the bad, and intensely characteristic of machine-made civilisation,

whose motto seems to be: "Down with Shakespeare and Euripides--up with

the Movies!" The film is a very good illustration of the whole tendency

of modern life under the too-rapid development of machines; roughly

speaking, we seem to be turning up yearly more and more ground to less

and less depth. We are getting to know life as superficially as the

Egyptian interpreter knew language, who, [as we read in the _Manchester

Guardian_,] when the authorities complained that he was overstaying his

leave, wrote back: "My absence is impossible. Some one has removed my

wife. My God, I am annoyed."

There is an expression--"high-brow"--maybe complimentary in origin, but

become in some sort a term of contempt. A doubter of our general

divinity is labelled "high-brow" at once, and his doubts drop like water

off the public's back. Any one who questions our triumphant progress is

tabooed for a pedant. That will not alter the fact, I fear, that we are

growing feverish, rushed, and complicated, and have multiplied

conveniences to such an extent that we do nothing with them but scrape

the surface of life. We were rattling into a new species of barbarism

when the war came, and unless we take a pull, shall continue to rattle

after it is over. The underlying cause in every country is the increase

of herd-life, based on machines, money-getting, and the dread of being

dull. Every one knows how fearfully strong that dread is. But to be

capable of being dull is in itself a disease.

And most of modern life seems to be a process of creating disease, then

finding a remedy which in its turn creates another disease, demanding

fresh remedy, and so on. We pride ourselves, for example, on scientific

sanitation; well, what is scientific sanitation if not one huge

palliative of evils, which have arisen from herd-life, enabling

herd-life to be intensified, so that we shall presently need even more

scientific sanitation? The old shepherd on the South Downs had never

come in contact with it, yet he was very old, very healthy, hardy, and

contented. He had a sort of simple dignity, too, that we have most of us

lost. The true elixirs _vitæ_--for there be two, I think--are open-air

life and a proud pleasure in one's work; we have evolved a mode of

existence in which it is comparatively rare to find these two conjoined.

In old countries, such as Britain, the evils of herd-life are at present

vastly more acute than in a new country such as America. On the other

hand, the further one is from hell the faster one drives towards it, and

machines are beginning to run along with America even more violently

than with Europe.

When our Tanks first appeared they were described as snouting monsters

creeping at their own sweet will. I confess that this is how my inflamed

eye sees all our modern machines--monsters running on their own,

dragging us along, and very often squashing us.

We are, I believe, awakening to the dangers of this "Gadarening," this

rushing down the high cliff into the sea, possessed and pursued by the

devils of--machinery. But if any man would see how little alarmed he

really is--let him ask himself how much of his present mode of existence

he is prepared to alter. Altering the modes of other people is

delightful; one would have great hope of the future if we had nothing

before us but that. The medieval Irishman, in Froude, indicted for

burning down the cathedral at Armagh, together with the Archbishop,

defended himself thus: "As for the cathedral, 'tis true I burned it; but

indeed an' I wouldn't have, only they told me himself was inside." We

are all ready to alter our opponents, if not to burn them. But even if

we were as ardent reformers as that Irishman we could hardly force men

to live in the open, or take a proud pleasure in their work, or enjoy

beauty, or not concentrate themselves on making money. No amount of

legislation will make us "lilies of the field" or "birds of the air,"

or prevent us from worshipping false gods, or neglecting to reform

ourselves.

I once wrote the unpopular sentence, "Democracy at present offers the

spectacle of a man running down a road followed at a more and more

respectful distance by his own soul." I am a democrat, or I should never

have dared. For democracy, substitute "Modern Civilisation," which

prides itself on redress after the event, agility in getting out of the

holes into which it has snouted, and eagerness to snout into fresh ones.

It foresees nothing, and avoids less. It is purely empirical, if one may

use such a "high-brow" word.

Politics are popularly supposed to govern the direction, and statesmen

to be the guardian angels, of Civilisation. It seems to me that they

have little or no power over its growth. They are of it, and move with

it. Their concern is rather with the body than with the mind or soul of

a nation. One needs not to be an engineer to know that to pull a man up

a wall one must be higher than he; that to raise general taste one must

have better taste than that of those whose taste he is raising.

Now, to my indifferent mind, education in the large sense--not politics

at all--is the only agent really capable of improving the trend of

civilisation, the only lever we can use. Believing this, I think it a

thousand pities that neither Britain nor America, nor, so far as I know,

any other country, has as yet evolved machinery through which there

might be elected a supreme Director, or, say, a little Board of three

Directors, of the nation's spirit, an Educational President, as it were,

with power over the nation's spirit analogous to that which America's

elected political President has over America's body. Our Minister of

Education is as a rule an ordinary Member of the Government, an ordinary

man of affairs--though at the moment an angel happens to have strayed

in. Why cannot education be regarded, like religion in the past, as

something sacred, not merely a department of political administration?

Ought we not for this most vital business of education to be ever on the

watch for the highest mind and the finest spirit of the day to guide us?

To secure the appointment of such a man, or triumvirate, by democratic

means, would need a special sifting process of election, which could

never be too close and careful. One might use for the purpose the actual

body of teachers in the country to elect delegates to select a jury to

choose finally the flower of the national flock. It would be worth any

amount of trouble to ensure that we always had the best man or men. And

when we had them we should give them a mandate as real and substantial

as America now gives to her political President. We should intend them

not for mere lay administrators and continuers of custom, but for true

fountain-heads and initiators of higher ideals of conduct, learning,

manners, and taste; nor stint them of the means necessary to carry those

ideals into effect. Hitherto, the supposed direction of ideals--in

practice almost none--has been left to religion. But religion as a

motive force is at once too personal, too lacking in unanimity, and too

specialised to control the educational needs of a modern State;

religion, as I understand it, is essentially emotional and individual;

when it becomes practical and worldly it strays outside its true

province and loses beneficence. Education as I want to see it would take

over the control of social ethics, and learning, but make no attempt to

usurp the emotional functions of religion. Let me give you an example:

Those elixirs _vitæ_--open-air life and a proud pleasure in one's

work--imagine those two principles drummed into the heads and hearts of

all the little scholars of the age, by men and women who had been taught

to believe them the truth. Would this not gradually have an incalculable

effect on the trend of our civilisation? Would it not tend to create a

demand for a simple and sane life; help to get us back to the land;

produce reluctance to work at jobs in which no one can feel pride and

pleasure, and so diminish the power of machines and of commercial

exploitation? But teachers could only be inspired with such ideals by

master spirits. And my plea is that we should give ourselves the chance

of electing and making use of such master spirits. We all know from

everyday life and business that the real, the only problem is to get the

best men to run the show; when we get them the show runs well, when we

don't there is nothing left but to pay the devil. The chief defect of

modern civilisation based on democracy is the difficulty of getting best

men quickly enough. Unless Democracy--government by the people--makes of

itself Aristocracy--government by the best people--it is running

steadily to seed. Democracy to be sound must utilise not only the ablest

men of affairs, but the aristocracy of spirit. The really vital concern

of such an elected Head of Education, himself the best man of all, would

be the discovery and employment of other best men, best Heads of Schools

and Colleges, whose chief concern in turn would be the discovery and

employment of best subordinates. The better the teacher the better the

ideals; quite obviously, the only hope of raising ideals is to raise the

standard of those who teach, from top to toe of the educational

machine. What we want, in short, is a sort of endless band--throwing up

the finest spirit of the day till he forms a head or apex whence virtue

runs swiftly down again into the people who elected him. This is the

principle, as it seems to me, of the universe itself, whose symbol is

neither circle nor spire, but circle and spire mysteriously combined.

America has given us an example of this in her political system; perhaps

she will now oblige in her educational. I confess that I look very

eagerly and watchfully towards America in many ways. After the war she

will be more emphatically than ever, in material things, the most

important and powerful nation of the earth. We British have a legitimate

and somewhat breathless interest in the use she will make of her

strength, and in the course of her national life, for this will greatly

influence the course of our own. But power for real light and leading in

America will depend, not so much on her material wealth, or her armed

force, as on what the attitude towards life and the ideals of her

citizens are going to be. Americans have a certain eagerness for

knowledge; they have also, for all their absorption in success, the

aspiring eye. They do want the good thing. They don't always know it

when they see it, but they want it. These qualities, in combination

with material strength, give America her chance. Yet, if she does not

set her face against "Gadarening," we are all bound for downhill. If she

goes in for spreadeagleism, if her aspirations are towards quantity not

quality, we shall all go on being commonised. If she should get that

purse-and-power-proud fever which comes from national success, we are

all bound for another world flare-up. The burden of proving that

democracy can be real and yet live up to an ideal of health and beauty

will be on America's shoulders, and on ours. What are we and Americans

going to make of our inner life, of our individual habits of thought?

What are we going to reverence, and what despise? Do we mean to lead in

spirit and in truth, not in mere money and guns? Britain is an old

country, still in her prime, I hope; but America is as yet on the

threshold. Is she to step out into the sight of the world as a great

leader? That is for America the long decision, to be worked out, not so

much in her Senate and her Congress, as in her homes and schools. On

America, after the war, the destiny of civilisation may hang for the

next century. If she mislays, indeed, if she does not improve the power

of self-criticism--that special dry American humour which the great

Lincoln had--she might soon develop the intolerant provincialism which

has so often been the bane of the earth and the undoing of nations. If

she gets swelled-head the world will get cold-feet. Above all, if she

does not solve the problems of town life, of Capital and Labour, of the

distribution of wealth, of national health, and attain to a mastery over

inventions and machinery--she is in for a cycle of mere anarchy,

disruption, and dictatorships, into which we shall all follow. The motto

"_noblesse oblige_" applies as much to democracy as ever it did to the

old-time aristocrat. It applies with terrific vividness to America.

Ancestry and Nature have bestowed on her great gifts. Behind her stand

Conscience, Enterprise, Independence, and Ability--such were the

companions of the first Americans, and are the comrades of American

citizens to this day. She has abounding energy, an unequalled spirit of

discovery; a vast territory not half developed, and great natural

beauty. I remember sitting on a bench overlooking the Grand Canyon of

Arizona; the sun was shining into it, and a snow-storm was whirling down

there. All that most marvellous work of Nature was flooded to the brim

with rose and tawny-gold, with white, and wine-dark shadows; the

colossal carvings as of huge rock-gods and sacrificial altars, and great

beasts, along its sides, were made living by the very mystery of light

and darkness, on that violent day of spring--I remember sitting there,

and an old gentleman passing close behind, leaning towards me and saying

in a sly, gentle voice: "How are you going to tell it to the folks at

home?" America has so much that one despairs of telling to the folks at

home, so much grand beauty to be to her an inspiration and uplift

towards high and free thought and vision. Great poems of Nature she has,

wrought in the large, to make of her and keep her a noble people. In our

beloved Britain--all told, not half the size of Texas--there is a quiet

beauty of a sort which America has not. I walked not long ago from

Worthing to the little village of Steyning, in the South Downs. It was

such a day as one too seldom gets in England; when the sun was dipping

and there came on the cool chalky hills the smile of late afternoon, and

across a smooth valley on the rim of the Down one saw a tiny group of

trees, one little building, and a stack, against the clear-blue, pale

sky--it was like a glimpse of Heaven, so utterly pure in line and

colour, so removed, and touching. The tale of loveliness in our land is

varied and unending, but it is not in the grand manner. America has the

grand manner in her scenery and in her blood, for over there all are the

children of adventure and daring, every single white man an emigrant

himself or a descendant of one who had the pluck to emigrate. She has

already had past-masters in dignity, but she has still to reach as a

nation the grand manner in achievement. She knows her own dangers and

failings, her qualities and powers; but she cannot realise the intense

concern and interest, deep down behind our provoking stolidities, with

which we of the old country watch her, feeling that what she does reacts

on us above all nations, and will ever react more and more. Underneath

surface differences and irritations we English-speaking peoples are fast

bound together. May it not be in misery and iron! If America walks

upright, so shall we; if she goes bowed under the weight of machines,

money, and materialism, we, too, shall creep our ways. We run a long

race, we nations; a generation is but a day. But in a day a man may

leave the track, and never again recover it!

Democracies must not be content to leave the ideals of health and beauty

to artists and a leisured class; that is the way into a treeless,

waterless desert. It has struck me forcibly that we English-speaking

democracies are all right underneath, and all wrong on the surface; our

hearts are sound, but our skin is in a deplorable condition. Our taste,

take it all round, is dreadful. For a petty illustration: Ragtime

music. Judging by its popularity, one would think it must be a splendid

discovery; yet it suggests little or nothing but the comic love-making

of two darkies. We ride it to death; but its jigging, jogging, jumpy

jingle refuses to die on us, and America's young and ours grow up in the

tradition of its soul-forsaken sounds. Take another tiny illustration:

The new dancing. Developed from cake-walk, to fox-trot, by way of tango.

Precisely the same spiritual origin! And not exactly in the grand manner

to one who, like myself, loves and believes in dancing. Take the

"snappy" side of journalism. In San Francisco a few years ago the Press

snapped a certain writer and his wife, in their hotel, and next day

there appeared a photograph of two intensely wretched-looking beings

stricken by limelight, under the headline: "Blank and wife enjoy freedom

and gaiety in the air." Another writer told me that as he set foot on a

car leaving a great city a young lady grabbed him by the coat-tail and

cried: "Say, Mr. Asterisk, what are your views on a future life?" Not in

the grand manner, all this; but, if you like, a sign of vitality and

interest; a mere excrescence. But are not these excrescences symptoms of

a fever lying within our modern civilisation, a febrility which is going

to make achievement of great ends and great work more difficult? We

Britons, as a breed, are admittedly stolid; we err as much on that score

as Americans on the score of restlessness; yet we are both subject to

these excrescences. There is something terribly infectious about

vulgarity; and taste is on the down-grade following the tendencies of

herd-life. It is not a process to be proud of.

Enough of Jeremiads, there is a bright side to our civilisation.

This modern febrility does not seem able to attack the real inner man.

If there is a lamentable increase of vulgarity, superficiality, and

restlessness in our epoch, there is also an inspiring development of

certain qualities. Those who were watching human nature before the war

were pretty well aware of how, under the surface, unselfishness, ironic

stoicism, and a warm humanity were growing. These are the great Town

Virtues; the fine flowers of herd-life. A big price is being paid for

them, but they are almost beyond price. The war has revealed them in

full bloom. _Revealed them, not produced them!_ Who, in the future, with

this amazing show before him, will dare to talk about the need for war

to preserve courage and unselfishness? From the first shot these wonders

of endurance, bravery, and sacrifice were shown by the untrained

citizens of countries nearly fifty years deep in peace! Never, I

suppose, in the world's history, has there been so marvellous a display,

in war, of the bedrock virtues. The soundness at core of the modern man

has had one long triumphant demonstration. Out of a million instances,

take that little story of a Mr. Lindsay, superintendent of a pumping

station at some oil-wells in Mesopotamia. A valve in the oil-pipe had

split, and a fountain of oil was being thrown up on all sides, while,

thirty yards off, and nothing between, the furnaces were in full blast.

To prevent a terrible conflagration and great loss of life, and to save

the wells, it was necessary to shut off those furnaces. That meant

dashing through the oil-stream and arriving saturated at the flames. The

superintendent did not hesitate a moment, and was burnt to death. Such

deeds as this men and women have been doing all through the war.

When you come to think, this modern man is a very new and marvellous

creature. Without quite realising it, we have evolved a fresh species of

stoic, even more stoical, I suspect, than were the old Stoics. Modern

man has cut loose from leading-strings; he stands on his own feet. His

religion is to take what comes without flinching or complaint, as part

of the day's work, which an unknowable God, Providence, Creative

Principle, or whatever it shall be called, has appointed. Observation

tells me that modern man at large, far from inclining towards the new,

personal, elder-brotherly God of Mr. Wells, has turned his face the

other way. He confronts life and death alone. By courage and kindness

modern man exists, warmed by the glow of the great human fellowship. He

has re-discovered the old Greek saying: "God is the helping of man by

man"; has found out in his unselfconscious way that if he does not help

himself, and help his fellows, he cannot reach that inner peace which

satisfies. To do his bit, and to be kind! It is by that creed, rather

than by any mysticism, that he finds the salvation of his soul. His

religion is to be a common-or-garden hero, without thinking anything of

it; for, of a truth, this is the age of conduct.

After all, does not the only real spiritual warmth, not tinged by

Pharisaism, egotism, or cowardice, come from the feeling of doing your

work well and helping others; is not all the rest embroidery, luxury,

pastime, pleasant sound and incense? Modern man, take him in the large,

does not believe in salvation to beat of drum; or that, by leaning up

against another person, however idolised and mystical, he can gain

support. He is a realist with too romantic a sense, perhaps, of the

mystery which surrounds existence to pry into it. And, like modern

civilisation itself, he is the creature of West and North, of

atmospheres, climates, manners of life which foster neither inertia,

reverence, nor mystic meditation. Essentially man of action, in ideal

action he finds his only true comfort; and no attempts to discover for

him new gods and symbols will divert him from the path made for him by

the whole trend of his existence. I am sure that padres at the front see

that the men whose souls they have gone out to tend are living the

highest form of religion; that in their comic courage, unselfish

humanity, their endurance without whimper of things worse than death,

they have gone beyond all pulpit-and-death-bed teaching. And who are

these men? Just the early manhood of the race, just modern man as he was

before the war began and will be when the war is over.

This modern world, of which we English and Americans are perhaps the

truest types, stands revealed, from beneath its froth, frippery, and

vulgar excrescences, sound at core--a world whose implicit motto is:

"The good of all humanity." But the herd-life, which is its

characteristic, brings many evils, has many dangers; and to preserve a

sane mind in a healthy body is the riddle before us. Somehow we must

free ourselves from the driving domination of machines and

money-getting, not only for our own sakes but for that of all mankind.

And there is another thing of the most solemn importance: We

English-speaking nations are by chance as it were the ballast of the

future. It is _absolutely necessary_ that we should remain united. The

comradeship we now feel must and surely shall abide. For unless we work

together, and in no selfish or exclusive spirit--good-bye to

Civilisation! It will vanish like the dew off grass. The betterment not

only of the British nations and America, but of all mankind, is and must

be our object.

When from all our hearts this great weight is lifted; when no longer in

those fields death sweeps his scythe, and our ears at last are free from

the rustling thereof--then will come the test of magnanimity in all

countries. Will modern man rise to the ordering of a sane, a free, a

generous life? Each of us loves his own country best, be it a little

land or the greatest on earth; but jealousy is the dark thing, the

creeping poison. Where there is true greatness, let us acclaim it; where

there is true worth, let us prize it--as if it were our own.

This earth is made too subtly, of too multiple warp and woof, for

prophecy. When he surveys the world around, the wondrous things which

there abound, the prophet closes foolish lips. Besides, as the historian

tells us: "Writers have that undeterminateness of spirit which commonly

makes literary men of no use in the world." So I, for one, prophesy not.

Still, we do know this: All English-speaking peoples will go to the

adventure of peace with something of big purpose and spirit in their

hearts, with something of free outlook. The world is wide and Nature

bountiful enough for all, if we keep sane minds. The earth is fair and

meant to be enjoyed, if we keep sane bodies. Who dare affront this world

of beauty with mean views? There is no darkness but what the ape in us

still makes, and in spite of all his monkey-tricks modern man is at

heart further from the ape than man has yet been.

To do our jobs really well and to be brotherly! To seek health, and

ensue beauty! If, in Britain and America, in all the English-speaking

nations, we can put that simple faith into real and thorough practice,

what may not this century yet bring forth? Shall man, the highest

product of creation, be content to pass his little day in a house, like

unto Bedlam?

When the present great task in which we have joined hands is ended; when

once more from the shuttered mad-house the figure of Peace steps forth

and stands in the sun, and we may go our ways again in the beauty and

wonder of a new morning--let it be with this vow in our hearts: "No more

of Madness--in War, in _Peace_!"

1917-18.

[D] A paper read on March 21st, 1918.

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