The name "American Indians."_Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, "Independence, Declaration of" to "Indo-European Languages" Volume 14, Slice 4

The name of "American Indians" for the aborigines of America had its

origin in the use by Columbus, in a letter (February 1493) written soon

after the discovery of the New World, of the term _Indios_ (i.e. natives

of India) for the hitherto unknown human beings, some of whom he brought

back to Europe with him. He believed, as did the people of his age in

general, that the islands which he had discovered by sailing westward

across the Atlantic were actually a part of India, a mistaken idea which

later served, to suggest many absurd theories of the origin of the

aborigines, their customs, languages, culture, &c. From Spanish the

word, with its incorrect connotation, passed into French (_Indien_),

Italian and Portuguese (_Indio_), German (_Indianer_), Dutch

(_Indiane_), &c. When the New World came to be known as _America_, the

natives received, in English especially, the name "American Indians," to

distinguish them from the "Indians" of south-eastern Asia and the East

Indies. The appellation "Americans" was for a long time used in English

to designate, not the European colonists, but the aborigines, and when,

in 1891, Dr D. G. Brinton published his notable monograph on the Indians

he entitled it _The American Race_, recalling the early employment of

the term. The awkwardness of such a term as "American Indian," both

historically and linguistically, led Major J. W. Powell, the founder of

the Bureau of American Ethnology, to put forward as a substitute

"Amerind," an arbitrary curtailment which had the advantage of lending

itself easily to form words necessary and useful in ethnological

writings, e.g. pre-Amerind, post-Amerind, pseudo-Amerind, Amerindish,

Amerindize, &c. Purists have objected strenuously to "Amerind," but the

word already has a certain vogue in both English and French. Indeed,

Professor A. H. Keane does not hesitate, in _The World's Peoples_

(London, 1908), to use "Amerinds" in lieu of "American Indians." Other

popular terms for the American Indians, which have more or less

currency, are "Red race," "Red men," "Redskins," the last not in such

good repute as the corresponding German _Rothäute_, or French

_Peaux-rouges_, which have scientific standing. The term "American

Indians" covers all the aborigines of the New World past and present, so

far as is known, although some European writers, especially in France,

still seek to separate from the "Redskins" the Aztecs, Mayas,

Peruvians, &c., and some American authorities would (anatomically at

least) rank the Eskimo as distinct from the Indian proper. When the name

"Indian" came to be used by the European colonists and their

descendants, they did not confine it to "wild men," but applied it to

many things that were wild, strange, non-European in the new environment

(see _Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore_, 1902, pp. 107-116; _Handbook of Amer.

Inds._, 1907, pt. i. pp. 605-607). Thus more than one hundred popular

names of plants in use in American English (e.g. "Indian corn," "Indian

pink," &c.) contain references to the Indian in this way; also many

other things, such as "Indian file," "Indian ladder," "Indian gift,"

"Indian pudding," "Indian summer." The Canadian-French, who termed the

Indian _sauvage_ (i.e. "savage"), remembered him linguistically in

_botte sauvage_ (moccasin), _traîne sauvage_ (toboggan). The term

"Siwash," in use in the Chinook jargon of the North Pacific coast, and

also in the English of that region, for "Indian" is merely a corruption

of this Canadian-French appellation. In the literature relating to the

Pacific coast there is mention even of "Siwash Indians." Throughout

Canada and the United States the term "Indian" occurs in hundreds of

place-names of all sorts ("Indian River," "Indian Head," "Indian Bay,"

"Indian Hill," and the like). There are besides these _Indiana_ and its

capital _Indianapolis_. In Newfoundland "Red Indian," as the special

term for the Beothuks, forms part of a number of place-names. Pope's

characterization of the American aborigine,

"Lo! the poor Indian, whose untutor'd mind

Sees God in clouds, or hears Him in the wind,"

is responsible for the creation in the mind of the people of a "Mr Lo,"

who figures in newspaper lore, cartoons, &c. The reputations, deserved

and undeserved, of certain Indian tribes north of Mexico have been such

that their names have passed into English or into the languages of other

civilized nations of Europe as synonyms for "ruffian," "thug," "rowdy,"

&c. Recently "les Apaches" have been the terror of certain districts of

Paris, as were the "Mohocks" (Mohawks) for certain parts of London

toward the close of the 18th century.

Popular fallacies.

The North American Indians have been the subject of numerous popular

fallacies, some of which have gained world-wide currency. Here belongs

a mass of pseudo-scientific and thoroughly unscientific literature

embodying absurd and extravagant theories and speculations as to the

origin of the aborigines and their "civilizations" which derive them

(in most extraordinary ways sometimes), in recent or in remote

antiquity, from all regions of the Old World--Egypt and Carthage,

Phoenicia and Canaan, Asia Minor and the Caucasus, Assyria and

Babylonia, Persia and India, Central Asia and Siberia, China and

Tibet, Korea, Japan, the East Indies, Polynesia, Greece and ancient

Celtic Europe and even medieval Ireland and Wales. Favourite theories

of this sort have made the North American aborigines the descendants

of refugees from sunken Atlantis, Tatar warriors, Malayo-Polynesian

sea-farers, Hittite immigrants from Syria, the "Lost Ten Tribes of

Israel," &c., or attributed their social, religious and political

ideas and institutions to the advent of stray junks from Japan,

Buddhist votaries from south-eastern Asia, missionaries from early

Christian Europe, Norse vikings, Basque fishermen and the like.

Particularly interesting are the theories of "Welsh (or white)

Indians" and the "Lost Ten Tribes." The myth of the "Welsh Indians,"

reputed to be the descendants of a colony founded about A.D. 1170 by

Prince Madoc (well known from Southey's poem), has been studied by

James Mooney (_Amer. Anthrop._ iv., 1891, 393-394), who traces its

development from statements in an article in _The Turkish Spy_,

published in London about 1730. At first these "Welsh Indians," who

are subsequently described as speaking Welsh, possessing Welsh Bibles,

beads, crucifixes, &c., are placed near the Atlantic coast and

identified with the Tuscaroras, an Iroquoian tribe, but by 1776 they

had retreated inland to the banks of the Missouri above St Louis. A

few years later they were far up the Red river, continuing, as time

went on, to recede farther and farther westward, being identified

successively with the Mandans, in whose language Catlin thought he

detected a Welsh element, the Moqui, a Pueblos tribe of north-eastern

Arizona, and the Modocs (here the name was believed to re-echo Madoc)

of south-western Oregon, until at last they vanished over the waters

of the Pacific Ocean. The theory that the American Indians were the

"Lost Ten Tribes of Israel" has not yet entirely disappeared from

ethnological literature. Many of the identities and resemblances in

ideas, customs and institutions between the American Indians and the

ancient Hebrews, half-knowledge or distorted views of which formed

the basis of the theory, are discussed, and their real significance

pointed out by Colonel Garrick Mallery in his valuable address on

"Israelite and Indian: A Parallel in Planes of Culture" (_Proc. Amer.

Assoc. Adv. Sci._ vol. xxxviii., 1889, pp. 287-331). The whole subject

has been discussed by Professor H. W. Henshaw in his "Popular

Fallacies respecting the Indians" (_Amer. Anthrop._ vol. vii. n.s.,

1905, pp. 104-113).

Linguistic stocks.

Of ways of classifying the races of mankind and their subdivisions the

number is great, but that which measures them by their speech is both

ancient and convenient. The multiplicity of languages among the American

Indians was one of the first things that struck the earliest

investigators of a scientific turn of mind, no less than the

missionaries who preceded them. The Abbé Hervas, the first serious

student of the primitive tongues of the New World, from the

classificatory point of view, noted this multiplicity of languages in

his _Catalogo delle lingue conosciute e notizia della loro affinità e

diversità_ (Cesena, 1784); and after him Balbi, Adelung and others.

About the same time in America Thomas Jefferson, who besides being a

statesman was also a considerable naturalist (see _Amer. Anthrop._ ix.

n.s., 1907, 499-509), was impressed by the same fact, and in his _Notes

on the State of Virginia_ observed that for one "radical language" in

Asia there would be found probably twenty in America. Jefferson himself

collected and arranged (the MSS. were afterwards lost) the vocabularies

of about fifty Indian languages and dialects, and so deserves rank among

the forerunners of the modern American school of comparative

philologists. After Jefferson came Albert Gallatin, who had been his

secretary of the treasury, as a student of American Indian languages in

the larger sense. He had also himself collected a number of Indian

vocabularies. Gallatin's work is embodied in the well-known "Synopsis of

the Indian Tribes within the United States East of the Rocky Mountains,

and in the British and Russian Possessions in North America," published

in the _Transactions and Collections of the American Antiquarian

Society_ (ii. 1-422) for 1836. In this, really the first attempt in

America to classify on a linguistic basis the chief Indian tribes of the

better-known regions of North America, Gallatin enumerated the following

twenty-nine separate divisions: Adaize, Algonkin-Lenape, Athapascas,

Atnas, Attacapas, Blackfeet, Caddoes, Catawbas, Chahtas, Cherokees,

Chetimachas, Chinooks, Eskimaux, Fall Indians, Iroquois, Kinai,

Koulischen, Muskhogee, Natches, Pawnees, Queen Charlotte's Island,

Salish, Salmon River (Friendly Village), Shoshonees, Sioux, Straits of

Fuca, Utchees, Wakash, Woccons. These do not all represent distinct

linguistic stocks, as may be seen by comparison with the list given

below; such peoples as the Caddo and Pawnee are now known to belong

together, the Blackfeet are Algonkian, the Catawba Siouan, the Adaize

Caddoan, the Natchez Muskogian, &c. But the monograph is a very good

first attempt at classifying North American Indian languages.

Gallatin's coloured map of the distribution of the Indian tribes in

question is also a pioneer piece of work. In 1840 George Bancroft, in

the third volume of his _History of the Colonization of the United

States_, discussed the Indian tribes east of the Mississippi, listing

the following eight families: Algonquin, Catawba, Cherokee,

Huron-Iroquois, Mobilian (Choctaw and Muskhogee), Natchez, Sioux or

Dahcota, Uchee. He gives also a linguistic map, modified somewhat from

that of Gallatin. The next work of great importance in American

comparative philology is Horatio Hale's monograph forming the sixth

volume (Phila., 1846), _Ethnography and Philology_, of the publications

of the "United States Exploring Expedition, during the years 1838, 1839,

1840, 1842, under the Command of Charles Wilkes, U.S. Navy," which added

much to our knowledge of the languages of the Indians of the Pacific

coast regions. Two years later Gallatin published in the second volume

of the _Transactions of the American Ethnological Society_ (New York) a

monograph entitled "Hale's Indians of North-west America, and

Vocabularies of North America," in which he recognized the following

additional groups: Arrapahoes, Jakon, Kalapuya, Kitunaha, Lutuami,

Palainih, Sahaptin, Saste, Waiilatpu. In 1853 he contributed a brief

paper to the third volume of Schoolcraft's _Information Respecting the

History, Condition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United

States_, adding to the "families" already recognized by him the

following: Cumanches, Gros Ventres, Kaskaias, Kiaways, Natchitoches,

Towiacks, Ugaljachmutzi. Some modifications in the original list were

also made. During the period 1853-1877 many contributions to the

classification of the Indian languages of North America, those of the

west and the north-west in particular, were made by Gibbs, Latham,

Turner, Buschmann, Hayden, Dall, Powers, Powell and Gatschet. The next

important step, and the most scientific, was taken by Major J. W.

Powell, who contributed to the _Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of

Ethnology, 1885-1886_ (Washington, 1891) his classic monograph (pp.

1-142) on "Indian Linguistic Families of America North of Mexico." In

1891 also appeared Dr D. G. Brinton's _The American Race: A Linguistic

Classification and Ethnographic Description of the Native Tribes of

North and South America_ (New York, p. 392). With these two works the

adoption of language as the means of distinction and classification of

the American aborigines north of Mexico for scientific purposes became

fixed. Powell, using the vocabulary as the test of relationship or

difference, enumerated, in the area considered, 58 separate linguistic

stocks, or families of speech, each "as distinct from one another in

their vocabularies and apparently in their origin as from the Aryan or

the Scythian families" (p. 26).

The 58 distinct linguistic stocks of American Indians north of Mexico,

recognized by Powell, were as follows: (1) Adaizan; (2) Algonquian; (3)

Athapascan; (4) Attacapan; (5) Beothukan; (6) Caddoan; (7) Chimakuan;

(8) Chimarikan; (9) Chimmesyan; (10) Chinookan; (11) Chitimachan; (12)

Chumashan; (13) Coahuiltecan; (14) Copehan; (15) Costanoan; (16)

Eskimauan; (17) Esselenian; (18) Iroquoian; (19) Kalapooian; (20)

Karankawan; (21) Keresan; (22) Kiowan; (23) Kitunahan; (24) Koluschan;

(25) Kulanapan; (26) Kusan; (27) Lutuamian; (28) Mariposan; (29)

Moquelumnan; (30) Muskhogean; (31) Natchesan; (32) Palaihnihan; (33)

Piman; (34) Pujunan; (35) Quoratean; (36) Salinan; (37) Salishan; (38)

Sastean; (39) Shahaptian; (40) Shoshonean; (41) Siouan; (42)

Skittagetan; (43) Takilman; (44) Tañoan; (45) Timuquanan; (46) Tonikan;

(47) Tonkawan; (48) Uchean; (49) Waiilatpuan; (50) Wakashan; (51)

Washoan; (52) Weitspekan; (53) Wishoskan; (54) Yakonan; (55) Yanan; (56)

Yukian; (57) Yuman; (58) Zuñian.

This has been the working-list of students of American Indian languages,

but since its appearance the scientific investigations of Boas,

Gatschet, Dorsey, Fletcher, Mooney, Hewitt, Hale, Morice, Henshaw,

Hodge, Matthews, Kroeber, Dixon, Goddard, Swanton and others have added

much to our knowledge, and not a few serious modifications of Powell's

classification have resulted. With Powell's monograph was published a

coloured map showing the distribution of all the linguistic stocks of

Indians north of Mexico. Of this a revised edition accompanies the

_Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico_, published by the Bureau

of American Ethnology in 1907-1910, now the standard book of reference

on the subject. The chief modifications made in Powell's list are as

follows: The temporary presence in a portion of south-west Florida of a

new stock, the Arawakan, is now proved. The Adaizan language has been

shown to belong to the Caddoan family; the Natchez to the Muskogian; the

Palaihnian to the Shastan; the Piman to the Shoshonian. The nomenclature

of Powell's classification has never been completely satisfactory to

American philologists, and a movement is now well under way (see _Amer.

Anthrop._ vii. n.s., 1905, 579-593) to improve it. In the present

article the writer has adopted some of the suggestions made by a

committee of the American Anthropological Society in 1907, covering

several of the points in question.

In the light of the most recent and authoritative researches and

investigations the linguistic stocks of American aborigines north of

Mexico, past and present, the areas occupied, earliest homes (or

original habitats), number of tribes, subdivisions, &c., and

population, may be given as follows:--

+----------------+------------------+----------------+-----------+------------+

+----------------+------------------+----------------+-----------+------------+

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | N.E. Texas. | | | 1885 4 |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | 1829. |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | of Puget Sound, | N.W. | | |

| | | | | |

| | N.W. of the | | | in 1903 |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | Louisiana. | | in 1881 |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | Athabaskan, from | the latter. | &c. | 11,000 |

| | Belle Isle to the| | | 13,000, |

| | Aleutian Islands;| | | 4500, |

| | N.E. Asia W. to | | | 1200. |

| | | | | |

| | | | | 1890. |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | the valley of the| N.W. Oregon. | 15-18, | 140 |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | Mendocino | | &c.; no | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | and Sprague | | | and 279 |

| | Oregon (chiefly) | | | in |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | Georgia, part of | | | 1000 in |

| | in Oklahoma. | | | in |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | s," &c. | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | 300. |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | 89° to 110° W. | | | |

| | | | | |

| | Rogue, and to | | | the |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | La., &c. | | | living at |

| | | | | La. |

| | | | | |

| | remnants now in | | | 78 |

| | | | | 1905 but |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | Hood and Scott, | | | (in 1888 |

| | Umatilla and | | | in 1881 |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | at |

| | | | | 2000 or |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | region of Round | | | 1884 but 35|

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

| | and Gila valley),| | | 4800. |

| | | | | |

+----------------+------------------+----------------+-----------+------------+

Of these 55 different linguistic stocks 5 (Arawakan, Beothukan,

Esselenian, Karankawan and Timuquan) are completely extinct, the

Arawakan, of course, in North America only; 13 (Atakapan, Chimarikan,

Chitimachan, Chumashan, Costanoan, Kusan, Pakawan, Salinan, Takelman,

Tonikan, Tonkawan, Wishoskan, Yakonan) practically extinct; while the

speakers of a few other languages or the survivors of the people once

speaking them (e.g. Chemakuan, Chinookan, Copehan, Kalapuyan, Mariposan,

Washoan, Yukian), number about 200 or 300, in some cases fewer. Of the

Wailatpuans, although some individuals belonging to the stock are still

living, the language itself is practically extinct. The distribution of

the various stocks reveals some interesting facts. Among these are the

stretch of the Eskimoan along the whole Arctic coast and its extension

into Asia; the immense areas occupied by the Athabaskan and the

Algonkian, and (less notably) the Shoshonian and the Siouan; the

existence of few stocks on the Atlantic slope (from Labrador to Florida,

east of the Mississippi, only 8 are represented); the great multiplicity

of stocks in the Pacific coast region, particularly in Oregon and

California; the extension of the Shoshonian, Yuman and Athabaskan

southward into Mexico, the Shoshonian in ancient, the Athabaskan in

modern times; the existence of an Arawakan colony in south-western

Florida, a 16th-century representative in North America of a South

American linguistic stock. Some stocks, e.g. Atakapan, Beothukan,

Chemakuan, Chimarikan, Chitimachan, Kiowan, Kitunahan, Lutuamian,

Takelman, Tonkawan, Wailatpuan, Yanan, Yuchian, Zuñi, &c., were not

split up into innumerable dialects, possessing at most but two, three or

four, usually fewer. Of the larger stocks, the Athabaskan, Algonkian,

Shoshonian, Siouan, Iroquoian, Salishan, &c., possess many dialects

often mutually unintelligible. In marked contrast with this is the case

of the Eskimoan stock, where, in spite of the great distance over which

it has extended, dialect variations are at a minimum, and the people

"have retained their language in all its minor features for centuries"

(Boas). As to the reason for the abundance of linguistic stocks in the

region of the Pacific (from Alaska to Lower California, west of long.

115°, there are 37: Eskimoan, Koluschan, Athabaskan, Haidan, Tsimshian,

Wakashan, Salishan, Kitunahan, Chimakuan, Chinookan, Sahaptian,

Wailatpuan, Shoshonian, Kalapuyan, Yakonan, Kusan, Takelman, Lutuamian,

Quoratean, Weitspekan, Wishoskan, Shastan, Yanan, Chimarikan, Yukian,

Copehan, Pujunan, Washoan, Kulanapan, Moquelumnan, Mariposan, Costanoan,

Esselenian, Salinan, Chumashan, Yuman) there has been much discussion.

Of these no fewer than 18 are confined practically to the limits of the

present state of California. Dialects of Athabaskan, Shoshonian and

Yuman also occur within the Californian areas, thus making, in all,

representatives of 21 linguistic stocks in a portion of the continent

measuring less than 156,000 sq. m. In explanation of this great

diversity of speech several theories have been put forward. One is to

the effect that here, as in the region of the Caucasus in the Old World,

the multiplicity of languages is due to the fact that tribe after tribe

has been driven into the mountain valleys, &c., by the pressure of

stronger and more aggressive peoples, who were setting forth on careers

of migration and conquest. Another view, advocated by Horatio Hale in

1886 (_Proc. Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci._; also _Proc. Canad. Inst._,

Toronto, 1888), is that this great diversity of human speech is due to

the language-making instinct of children, being the result of "its

exercise by young children accidentally isolated from the teachings and

influence of grown companions." A pair of young human beings, separating

thus from the parent tribe and starting social life in a new environment

by themselves, would, according to Mr Hale, soon produce a new dialect

or a new language. This theory was looked upon with favour by Romanes,

Brinton, and other psychologists and ethnologists. Dr R. B. Dixon

(_Congr. intern. des. Amér._, Quebec, 1906, pp. 255-263), discussing

some aspects of this question, concludes "that the great linguistic and

considerable cultural complexity of this whole California-Oregon region

is due to progressive differentiation rather than to the crowding into

this restricted area of remnants of originally discrete stocks." How far

two dialects of one stock can go in the way of such differentiation

without becoming absolutely distinct is illustrated by the Achomawi

branches of the Shastan family of speech, which Dr Dixon has very

carefully investigated.

The test of vocabulary is not the only means by which the languages of

the North American aborigines might be classified. There are

peculiarities of phonetics, morphology, grammar, sentence-structure,

&c., which suggest groupings of the linguistic stocks independent of

their lexical content. Some languages are harsh and consonantal (e.g.

the Kootenay and others of the North Pacific region), some melodious

and vocalic, as are certain of the tongues of California and the

south-eastern United States. Some employ reduplication with great

frequency, like certain Shoshonian dialects; others, like Kootenay,

but rarely. A few, like the Chinook, are exceedingly onomatopoeic.

Some, like the northern languages of California, have no proper plural

forms. Of the Californian languages the Pomo alone distinguishes

gender in the pronoun, a feature common to other languages no farther

off than Oregon. The high development and syntactical use of

demonstratives which characterize the Kwakiutl are not found among the

Californian tongues. A few languages, like the Chinook and the Tonika,

possess real grammatical gender. Some languages are essentially

prefix, others essentially suffix tongues; while yet others possess

both prefixes and suffixes, or even infixes as well. In some languages

vocalic changes, in others consonantal, have grammatical or semantic

meaning. In certain languages tense, mood and voice are rather weakly

developed. In some languages syntactical cases occur (e.g. in certain

Californian tongues), while in many others they are quite unknown.

Altogether the most recent investigations have revealed a much greater

variety in morphological and in grammatical processes than was

commonly believed to exist, so that the general statement that the

American Indian tongues are all clearly and distinctly of the

"incorporating" and "polysynthetic" types needs considerable

modification. Using criteria of phonetics, morphology, grammar, &c.,

some of the best authorities have been able to suggest certain groups

of North American Indian languages exhibiting peculiarities justifying

the assumption of relationship together. Thus Dr Franz Boas (_Mem.

Intern. Congr. Anthrop._, 1893, pp. 339-346, and _Ann. Archaeol. Rep.

Ontario_, 1905, pp. 88-106) has grouped the linguistic stocks of the

North Pacific coast region as follows: (1) Tlingit (Koluschan) and

Haida; (2) Tsimshian; (3) Wakashan (Kwakiutl-Nootka), Salish,

Chemakum; (4) Chinook. In the same region the present writer has

suggested a possible relationship of the Kootenay with Shoshonian. In

the Californian area Dr R. B. Dixon and Dr A. L. Kroeber have made out

these probable groups among the numerous language stocks of that part

of the United States: (1) Chumashan and Salinan; (2) Yurok

(Weitspekan), Wishoskan, Athabaskan, Karok (Quoratean), Chimarikan;

(3) Maidu (Pujunan), Lutuamian, Wintun (Copehan), Yukian, Pomo

(Kulanapan), Costanoan, Esselenian, Yokuts (Mariposan), Shoshonian,

Shastan, Moquelumnan and possibly Washoan; (4) Yanan; (5) Yuman.

Suggestions of even larger groups than any of these have also been

made. It may be that, judged by certain criteria, the Kootenay,

Shoshonian, Iroquoian and Siouan may belong together, but this is

merely tentative. It is also possible, from the consideration of

morphological peculiarities, that some if not all of the languages of

the so-called "Palaeo-Asiatic" peoples of Siberia, as Boas has

suggested (_Science_, vol. xxiii., n.s., 1906, p. 644), may be

included within the American group of linguistic stocks. Indeed

Sternberg (_Intern. Amer.-Kongr._ xiv., Stuttgart, 1904, pp. 137-140)

has undertaken to show the relationship morphologically of one of

these languages, the Giliak (of the island of Saghalin and the region

about the mouth of the Amur), to the American tongues, and its

divergence from the "Ural-Altaic" family of speech. Here, however,

more detailed investigations are needed to settle the question.

General character of Indian languages.

At one time the opinion was widely prevalent that primitive languages

changed very rapidly, sometimes even within a generation, and the

American Indian tongues were rather freely used as typical examples of

such extreme variation. The error of this view is now admitted

everywhere, and for the speech of the New World aborigines Dr Franz Boas

states (_Hndb. Amer. Ind._ pt. i., 1907, p. 759): "There is, however, no

historical proof of the change of any Indian language since the time of

the discovery comparable with that of the language of England between

the 10th and 13th centuries." Another statement that has obtained

currency, appearing even in otherwise reputable quarters sometimes, is

to the effect that some of the vocabularies of American Indian languages

consist of but a few hundred words, one being indeed so scanty that its

speakers could not converse by night, since darkness prevented resort to

the use of gesture. This is absolutely contrary to fact, for the

vocabularies of the languages of the American Indians are rich, and,

according to the best authority on the subject, "it is certain that in

every one there are a couple of thousand of stem words and many thousand

words, as that term is defined in English dictionaries" (Boas). The

number of words in the vocabulary of the individual Indian is also much

greater than is generally thought to be the case. It was long customary,

even in "scientific" circles, to deny to American Indian tongues the

possession of abstract terms, but here again the authority of the best

recent investigators is conclusive, for "the power to form abstract

ideas is, nevertheless, not lacking, and the development of abstract

thought would find in every one of the languages a ready means of

expression" (Boas). In this connexion, however, it should be remembered

that, in general, the languages of the American aborigines "are not so

well adapted to generalized statements as to lively descriptions." The

holophrastic terms characteristic of so many American Indian languages

"are not due to a lack of power to classify, but are rather expressions

of form of culture, single terms being intended for those ideas of prime

importance to the people" (Boas). This consideration of American

primitive tongues in their relation to culture-types opens up a

comparatively new field of research, and one of much evolutional

significance.

As a result of the most recent and authoritative philological

investigations, the following may be cited as some of the chief

characteristics of many, and in some cases, of most of the languages

of the aborigines north of Mexico.

1. Tendency to express ideas with great graphic detail as to place,

form, &c.

2. "Polysynthesis," a device making possible, by the use of

modifications of stems and radicals and the employment of prefixes,

suffixes, and sometimes infixes, &c., the expression of a large number

of special ideas. By such methods of composition (to cite two examples

from Boas) the Eskimo can say at one breath, so to speak, "He only

orders him to go and see," and the Tsimshian, "He went with him upward

in the dark and came against an obstacle." The Eskimo

_Takusariartorumagaluarnerpâ?_ ("Do you think he really intends to go

to look after it?") is made up from the following elements:

_Takusar_(_pâ_), "he looks after it"; _iartor_ (_poq_), "he goes to";

_uma_ (_voq_), "he intends to"; (_g_) _aluar_ (_poq_), "he does so,

but"; _nerpoq_, "do you think he." The Cree "word"

"_kekawewechetushekamikowanowow_" ("may it," i.e. the grace of Jesus

Christ, "remain with you") is resolvable into: _Kelawow_ (here split

into _ke_ at the beginning and _-owow_ as terminal), "you" (pl.); _ka_

= sign of futurity (first and second persons); _we_ = an optative

particle; _weche_ = "with"; _tusheka_ = verbal radical, "remain";

_mik_ = pronominal particle showing that the subject of the verb is in

the third person and the object in the second, "it-you"; _owan_ =

verbal possessive particle, indicating that the subject of the verb is

something inanimate belonging to the animate third person, "his-it."

The Carrier (Athabaskan) _lekoenahweshoendoethoenoezkrok_, "I usually

recommence to walk to and fro on all fours while singing," which

Morice calls "a simple word," is built up from the following elements:

_le_ = "prefix expressing reciprocity, which, when in connexion with a

verb of locomotion, indicates that the movement is executed between

two certain points without giving prominence to either"; _koe_ =

particle denoting direction toward these points; _na_ = "iterative

particle, suggesting that the action is repeated"; _hwe_ = particle

referring to the action as being in its incipient stage; _shoen_ =

"song" (when incorporated in a verb it "indicates that singing

accompanies the action expressed by the verbal root"); _doe_ = "a

particle called for by _shoen_, said particle always entering into the

composition of verbs denoting reference to vocal sounds"; _thoe_ = the

secondary radical of the uncomposite verb _thîzkret_ inflected from

_thi_ for the sake of euphony with _noez_; _noez_ = "the pronominal

element of the whole compound" (the _n_ is demanded by the previous

_hwe_, _oe_ marks the present tense, and _z_ marks the first person

singular of the third conjugation); _krok_ = "the main radical,

altered here by the usitative from the normal form _kret_, and is

expressive of locomotion habitually executed on four feet or on all

fours."

3. Incorporation of noun and adjectives in verb, or of pronouns in

verb. From the Kootenay language of south-eastern British Columbia the

following examples may be given: Natl_tlam_kine = "He carries (the)

_head_ in (his) hand"; Howanko_tlam_kine = "I shake (the) head in (my)

hand"; Witl_wum_ine = "(His) _belly_ is large"; Tlit_kat_ine = "He has

no tail"; Matlna_ktletl_ine = "He opens his eyes." In these

expressions are incorporated, with certain abbreviations of form, the

words _aqktlam_, "head"; _aqkowum_, "belly"; _aqkat_, "tail";

_aqkaktletl_, "eyes." In some languages the form for the noun

incorporated in the verb is entirely different from that in

independent use. Of pronominal incorporation these examples are from

the Kootenay: Nupqan_ap_ine = "_He_ sees _me_"; _Ho_nupqan_is_ine =

"_I_ see _you_"; Tshatlipitl_is_ine = "_He_ will kill _you_";

Tshatlitqan_awas_ine = "_He_ will bite _us_"; Tshatltsukwat_is_ine =

"_He_ is going to seize _you_"; _Hin_tshatltlpatl_nap_ine = "_You_

will honour _me_." For incorporation of adjectives these examples will

serve: Honite_nus_tik = "I paint (my face)," literally, "1 make it

_red_" (_kanohos_, "red"; the radical is _nos_ or _nus_ for _nohos_);

Ho_witl_keine = "I shout," literally, "I talk _big_"; Ho_witlk_aine =

"I am _tall_ (_big_)." In some languages the pronouns denoting

subject, direct object and indirect object are all incorporated in the

verb.

4. The formation of nouns of very composite character by the use of

stems or radicals and prefixes, suffixes, &c., of various sorts, the

intricacy of such formations exceeding often anything known in the

Indo-European and Semitic languages. Often the component parts are

"clipped," or changed by decapitation, decaudation, syncopation, &c.,

before being used in the compound. The following examples from various

Indian languages will illustrate the process:--Kootenay:

_Aqkinkanuktlamnam_ = "crown of head," from _aq_ (prefix of uncertain

meaning), _kinkan_ = "top," _tlam_ = "head," _-nam_ (suffix =

"somebody's"). Tlingit: _Kanyiqkuwate_ = "aurora," literally, "fire

(_kan_)-like (_yiq_)-out-of-doors (_ku_)-colour (_wate_)."

5. The development of a great variety of forms for personal and

demonstrative pronouns. In the latter, sometimes, the language

distinguishes "visibility and invisibility, present and past, location

to the right, left, front and back of, and above and below the

speaker" (Boas). According to Morice (_Trans. Canad. Inst._,

1889-1890, p. 187), the Carrier language of the Athabaskan stock has

no fewer than seventeen possessive pronouns of the third person.

6. Indistinctness of demarcation between noun and verb; in some

languages the transitive and in others the intransitive only is really

verbal in form.

7. The use of the intransitive verb as a means of expressing ideas

which in European tongues, e.g., would be carried by adjectives. In

the Carrier language almost all adjectives are "genuine verbs"

(Morice).

8. The expression of abstract nouns in a verbalized form. Thus Cree

(Algonkian) generally says, in preference to using the abstract noun

_pimatisewin_, "life," the periphrastic verb _apimatisenanewuk_,

literally "that they (indefinite as to person) live." So far is this

carried sometimes that Horden (_Cree Grammar_, London, 1881, p. 5)

says: "I have known an Indian speak a long sentence, on the duties of

married persons to each other, without using a single noun."

As an interesting example of a long word in American-Indian languages

may be mentioned the Iroquois

_taontasakonatiatawitserakninonseronniontonhatieseke_. This "word,"

which, as Forbes (_Congr. intern. d. Amer._, Quebec, 1906, p. 103)

suggests, would serve well on the signboard of a dealer in novelties,

is translated by him, "Que plusieurs personnes viennent acheter des

habits pour d'autres personnes avec de quoi payer." Not so formidable

is _deyeknonhsedehrihadasterasterahetakwa_, a term for "stove polish,"

in use on the Mohawk Reservation near Brantford, Ontario.

The literature in the native languages of North America due to

missionary efforts has now reached large proportions. Naturally Bible

translations have been most important. According to Wilberforce Eames

(_Handbook of Amer. Inds._, 1907, pt. i. pp. 143-145), "the Bible has

been printed in part or in whole in 32 Indian languages north of Mexico.

In 18 one or more portions have been printed; in 9 others the New

Testament or more has appeared; and in 5 languages, namely, the

Massachuset, Cree, Labrador Eskimo, Santee Dakota and Tukkuthkutchin,

the whole Bible is in print." Of the 32 languages possessing Bible

translations of some sort 3 are Eskimoan dialects, 4 Athabaskan, 13

Algonkian, 3 Iroquoian, 2 Muskogian, 2 Siouan, 1 Caddoan, 1 Sahaptian, 1

Wakashan, 1 Tsimshian, 1 Haidan. Translations of the Lord's Prayer,

hymns, articles of faith and brief devotional compositions exist now in

many more languages and dialects. A goodly number of other books have

also been made accessible in Indian versions, e.g. Bunyan's _Pilgrim's

Progress_ (Dakota, 1857), Baxter's _Call to the Unconverted_

(Massachuset, 1655), Goodrich's _Child's Book of the Creation_ (Choctaw,

1839), Thomas à Kempis's _Imitation of Christ_ (Greenland Eskimo, 1787),

Newton's _The King's Highway_ (Dakota, 1879), &c. The "Five Civilized

Tribes," who are now full-fledged citizens of the state of Oklahoma,

possess a mass of literature (legal, religious, political, educational,

&c.) published in the alphabet adapted from the "Cherokee Alphabet"

invented by Sequoyah about 1821, "which at once raised them to the rank

of a literary people."

Of periodicals in Indian languages there have been many published from

time to time among the "Five Civilized Tribes." Of the _Cherokee

Advocate_, Mooney said in 1897-1898, "It is still continued under the

auspices of the Nation, printed in both languages (i.e. Cherokee and

English), and distributed free at the expense of the Nation to those

unable to read English--an example without parallel in any other

government." More or less ephemeral periodicals (weekly, monthly, &c.)

are on record in various Algonkian, Iroquoian, Siouan and other

languages, and the Greenland Eskimo have one, published irregularly

since 1861. Wilberforce Eames (_Handbook of Amer. Inds._, 1907, pt. i.

p. 389) chronicles 122 dictionaries (of which more than half are still

in MSS.) of 63 North American-Indian languages, belonging to 19

different stocks.

The following linguistic stocks are represented by printed

dictionaries (in one or more dialects): Algonkian, Athabaskan,

Chinookan, Eskimoan, Iroquoian, Lutuamian, Muskogian, Salishan,

Shoshonian, Siouan. There exists a considerable number of texts

(myths, legends, historical data, songs, grammatical material, &c.) in

quite a number of Indian languages that have been published by

scientific investigators. The Algonkian (e.g. Jones's _Fox Texts_,

1908), Athabaskan (e.g. Goddard's _Hupa Texts_, 1904, Matthews's

_Navaho Legends_, 1897, &c.), Caddoan (e.g. Miss A. C. Fletcher's

_Hako Ceremony_, 1900), Chinookan (Boas's _Chinook Texts_, 1904, and

_Kathlamet Texts_, 1901), Eskimoan (texts in Boas's _Eskimo of Baffin

Land_, &c., 1901, 1908: and Thalbitzer's _Eskimo Language_, 1904,

Barnum's _Innuit Grammar_, 1901), Haidan (Swanton's _Haida Texts_,

1905, &c.), Iroquoian (texts in Hale's _Iroquois Book of Rites_, 1883,

and Hewitt's _Iroquoian Cosmology_, 1899), Lutuamian (texts in

Gatschet's _Klamath Indians_, 1890), Muskogian (texts in Gatschet's

_Migration Legend of the Creeks_, 1884-1888), Salishan (texts in

various publications of Boas and Hill-Tout), Siouan (Riggs and Dorsey

in various publications), Tsimshian (Boas's _Tsimshian Texts_, 1902),

Wakashan (Boas's _Kwakiutl Texts_, 1902-1905), &c.

Migrations of Indian stocks.

The question of the direction of migration of the principal aboriginal

stocks north of Mexico has been reopened of late years. Not long ago

there seemed to be practical agreement as to the following views. The

Eskimo stock had reached its present habitats from a primitive home

somewhere in the interior of north-western Canada or Alaska; the general

trend of the Athabaskan migrations, and those of the Shoshonian tribes

had been south and south-east, the first from somewhere in the interior

of north-western Canada, the second from about the latitude of southern

British Columbia; the Algonkian tribes had moved south, east and west

from a point somewhere between the Great Lakes and Hudson Bay; the

Iroquoian stock had passed southward and westward from some spot to the

north-east of the Great Lakes; the Siouan tribes, from their primitive

home in the Carolinas, had migrated westward beyond the Mississippi;

some stocks, like the Kitunahan, now found west of the Rocky Mountains,

had dwelt formerly in the plains region to the east. Professor Cyrus

Thomas, however, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, discussing primary

Indian migrations in North America (_Congr. intern. d. Amér._, Quebec,

1906, i. 189-204), rejects the theory that the Siouan stock originated

in the Carolinas, and adopts for them an origin in the region north of

Lake Superior, whence he also derives the Iroquoian stock, whose

primitive home Dr David Boyle (_Ann. Archaeol. Rep. Ontario_, 1905, p.

154), the Canadian ethnologist, would place in Kentucky and southern

Ohio. Another interesting contribution to this subject is made by Mr P.

E. Goddard (_Congr. intern. des. Amér._, Quebec, 1906, i. 337-358).

Contemplating the distribution of the tribes belonging to the Athabaskan

stock in three divisions, viz. a northern (continuous and very

extensive), a Pacific coast division (scattered through Washington,

Oregon, California), and a southern division which occupies a large area

in Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, Kansas, Texas and Mexico, Mr Goddard

suggests that the intrusion of non-Athabaskan peoples into a region once

completely in the possession of the Athabaskan stock is the best

explanation for the facts as now existing not explicable from

assimilation to environment, which has here played a great rôle. It is

possible also that a like explanation may hold for the conditions

apparent in some other linguistic stocks. Many Indian tribes have been

forcibly removed from their own habitats to reservations, or induced to

move by missionary efforts, &c. Thus, in the state of Oklahoma are to be

found representatives of the following tribes: Apache, Arapaho, Caddo,

Cherokee, Cheyenne, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Comanche, Creek, Iowa, Kansa,

Kickapoo, Kiowa, Miami, Missouri, Modoc, Osage, Oto, Ottawa, Pawnee,

Peoria, Ponca, Potawatomi, Quapaw, Sac and Fox, Seminole, Seneca,

Shawnee, Tonkawa, Wichita, Wyandot, &c.; these belong to 10 different

linguistic stocks, whose original habitats were widely distant from one

another in many cases.

Some of the American-Indian linguistic stocks (those of California

especially) hardly know real tribal divisions, but local groups or

settlements only; others have many large and important tribes.

The tabular alphabetical list given in the following pages contains the

names of the more important and more interesting tribes of American

aborigines north of Mexico, and of the stocks to which they belong,

their situation and population in 1909, the degree of intermixture with

whites or negroes, their social, moral and religious condition, state of

progress, &c., and also references to the best or the most recent

literature concerning them.

Up to the date of their publication references to the literature

concerning the tribes of the stocks treated will be found in Pilling's

bibliographies: Algonquian (1891), Athabascan (1892), Chinookan

(1893), Eskimoan (1887), Iroquoian (1888), Muskhogean (1889), Salishan

(1893), Siouan (1887) and Wakashan (1894). See also the _Handbook of

American Indians North of Mexico_ (Washington, 1907-1910); and the

sumptuous monograph of E. S. Curtis, _The North American Indian_

(N.Y., vols. i.-xx., 1908), with its remarkable reproduction of Indian

types.

----------------------------------------------------------------------

Tribe.

Stock.

(1) Situation, Population, &c.

(2) Degree of Intermixture.

(3) Condition, Progress, &c.

(4) Authorities.

----------------------------------------------------------------------

ABNAKI.

Algonkian.

(1) At Becancour, Quebec, 27; at St François du Lac and Pierreville,

330. Decreasing.

(2) Probably no pure blood left.

(3) As civilized as the neighbouring whites. All Catholics.

(4) Maurault, _Hist. des Abénaquis_ (Quebec, 1866); Jack, _Trans.

Canad. Inst._, 1892-1893.

ACNOMAWI (Pit river Indians).

Shastan.

(1) N.E. California. About 1100 in the Pit river region; also 50 or

60 on the Klamath Reservation, Oregon.

(2) Little.

(3) Progress very slow; influence of schools felt. Klamath Achomawi

under Methodist influence.

(4) Powers, _Contrib. N. Amer. Ethnol._, vol. iii., 1877; various

writings of Dr R. B. Dixon, _American Anthropologist_, 1905-1908,

&c.

ALEUTS.

Eskimoan.

(1) Aleutian Islands and part of Alaska. About 1600. Decreasing.

(2) About 50% are mixed bloods.

(3) "Decaying." Once converted to Greek Orthodox church. Methodist

mission at Unalaska.

(4) Works (in Russian) of Veniaminov, 1840-1848; Golder, _Journ.

Amer. Folk-Lore_, 1905-1907; Chamberlain, _Dict. Relig. and

Ethics_ (Hastings, vol. i., 1908).

AMALECITES (Maliseets).

Algonkian.

(1) 106 at Viger (Cacouna, Quebec); 702 in various parts of W. New

Brunswick. Apparently increasing.

(2) Probably few pure bloods.

(3) Fairly good. At Viger industrially unsettled. Catholics.

(4) Writings of S. T. Rand; Chamberlain (M.), _Maliseet Vocabulary_

(Cambridge, 1899).

APACHE.

Athabaskan.

(1) In Arizona, 4879; New Mexico, 1244; Oklahoma, 453. Not rapidly

decreasing as formerly thought.

(2) Considerable Spanish blood due to captives, &c.

(3) Marked improvement here and there. Catholic and Lutheran

missions.

(4) Cremony, _Life among the Apaches_ (1868); Bourke, _9th Ann. Rep.

Bur. Ethnol._, 1887-1888, and _Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore_, 1890;

Hrdlicka, _American Anthropologist_, 1905.

ARAPAHO.

Algonkian.

(1) 358 at Ft. Belknap Reservation, Montana; 873 at Wind river

Reservation, Wyoming; 885 in Oklahoma. Holding their own.

(2) Some Spanish (Mexican) blood in places.

(3) Oklahoma Arapaho American citizens; progress elsewhere.

Mennonite missions chiefly; also Dutch Reformed.

(4) Writings of Kroeber and Dorsey, _Bull. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist._,

1900-1907, and _Publ. Field Columb. Mus._, 1903; Scott, _Amer.

Anthrop._, 1907.

ASSINIBOIN.

Siouan.

(1) In Montana, 1248; Alberta, 971; Saskatchewan, 420.

(2) Some little.

(3) In Canada "steady advance," elsewhere good. Alberta Assiniboins

are Methodists; in Montana Catholic and Presbyterian missions on

reservations.

(4) Maclean, Canadian _Savage Folk_ (Toronto, 1890); McGee, _15th

Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1893-1894.

BABINES.

Athabaskan.

(1) 530 on Babine Lake, Bulkley river, &c., in central British

Columbia.

(2) Little, if any.

(3) Conservative. Little progress. Reached by Catholic mission of

Stuart Lake, B.C.

(4) Morice, _Anthropos_, 1906-1907, and _Ann. Arch. Rep. Ontario_,

1905, and other writings.

BANNOCK.

Shoshonian.

(1) About 500 at Ft. Hall, and 78 at Lemhi Agency, Idaho.

(2) Little.

(3) Considerable improvement morally and industrially.

(4) Hoffman, _Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc._, 1886; Mooney, _14th Ann.

Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1892-1893; Lowie, _Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus.

Nat. Hist._, 1909.

BEAVER.

Athabaskan.

(1) About 700 on Peace river, a western affluent of Lake Athabaska.

(2) Very little.

(3) Rather stationary.

(4) See Babines.

BILQULA (Bellacoola).

Salishan.

(1) 287 on Dean Inlet, Bentinck Arm, Bellacoola river, &c., coast of

central British Columbia. Decreasing.

(2) Little.

(3) Not very encouraging. Mission influence not yet strongly felt.

(4) Boas, _Rep. Brit. Assoc. Adv. Sci._ 1891, and _Mem. Amer. Mus.

Nat. Hist._, 1898.

BLACKFEET (Siksika).

Algonkian.

(1) About 824 in Alberta, Canada. Decreasing.

(2) Little.

(3) Steadily improving morally and financially. Anglicans, 237;

Catholics, 260; pagans, 327.

(4) Maclean, _Canadian Savage Folk_ (Toronto, 1890), and other

writings; Grinnell, _Blackfoot Lodge - Tales_ (N.Y., 1903), and

other writings; Wissler, _Ann. Arch. Rep. Ontario_, 1905;

Schultz, _My Life as an Indian_ (N.Y., 1907); Wissler, _Anthrop.

Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist._, 1908.

BLOODS.

Algonkian.

(1) 1168 near Ft. Macleod, Alberta. Probably decreasing somewhat.

(2) Little.

(3) All able-bodied Indians will soon be self-supporting.

Presbyterians, 150; Catholics, 150; the rest pagan.

(4) See Blackfeet.

CADDO.

Caddoan.

(1) 550 in Oklahoma. Increasing slightly.

(2) Considerable French blood.

(3) Citizens of United States. Catholic, Methodist and Presbyterian

missions.

(4) Mooney, _14th Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1892-1893; writings of

Fletcher, Dorsey, &c.

CARIBOO-EATERS.

Athabaskan.

(1) 1700 in the region E. of Lake Athabaska, N.W. Canada.

(2) Little, if any.

(3) Little progress.

(4) See Babines.

CARRIERS.

Athabaskan.

(1) 970 between Tatla Lake and Ft. Alexandria, central British

Columbia.

(2) Little.

(3) Semi-sedentary and naturally progressive as Indians;

improvements beginning to be marked. Under influence of Catholic

mission at Stuart Lake, B.C.

(4) Morice, _Proc. Canad. Inst._, 1889, _Trans. Canad. Inst._, 1894,

_Hist. of Northern Inter. of British Columbia_ (Toronto, 1904),

and other writings. See Babines.

CATAWBA.

Siouan.

(1) About 100 on the Catawba river, York county, South Carolina.

Decreasing.

(2) Much mixed with white blood.

(3) Slowly adopting white man's ways. Chiefly farmers.

(4) Mooney, _Siouan Tribes of the East_ (Washington, 1894);

Gatschet, _American Anthropologist_, 1900; Harrington, _ibid._,

1908.

CAYUGA.

Iroquoian.

(1) 179 on the Iroquois Reservations in New York State; 1044 with

the Six Nations in Ontario; also some with the Seneca in

Oklahoma and with Oneida in Wisconsin.

(2) Some English admixture.

(3) Canadian Cayuga steadily improving; they are "pagan."

(4) See Six Nations.

CAYUSE.

Wailatpuan.

(1) 405 on Umatilla Reservation, Oregon.

(2) About ¼ are of mixed blood, chiefly French.

(3) Conditions improving, Good work of Catholic and Presbyterian

missions.

(4) Mowry, _Marcus Whitman_ (1991): Lewis, _Mem. Amer. Anthrop.

Assoc._ 1906.

CHEHALIS.

Salishan.

(1) 182 on Puyallup Reservation, Washington. Perhaps increasing

slightly

(2) No data.

(3) Gradually improving and generally prosperous. Congregational

mission.

(4) Gibbs, _Contrib. N. Amer. Ethnol._, vol. iii., 1877; Eells,

_Hist. of Ind. Missions on the Pacific Coast_ (N.Y., 1882), and

other writings.

CHEMEHUEVI.

Shoshonian.

(1) About 300 on the Colorado Reservation; a few elsewhere in

Arizona and California.

(2) No data.

(3) Some improvement. Missions of the Presbyterians and of the

Church of the Nazarene.

(4) See Ute.

CHEROKEE.

Iroquoian.

(1) About 28,000, of which 1489 are in North Carolina and the rest

in Oklahoma.

(2) Not more than ¼ are of approximately pure blood.

(3) Oklahoma Cherokee citizens of the United States, and making

excellent progress. Various religious faiths.

(4) Royce, _5th Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1883-1884; Mooney, 7th

Rep., 1885-1886, and especially _19th Rep._, 1897-1898.

CHEYENNE.

Algonkian.

(1) 1440 northern Cheyenne in Montana, 1894 southern Cheyenne in

Oklahoma. Former increasing, latter decreasing.

(2) Some white blood, from captives, &c.

(3) Southern Cheyenne citizens of United States; Mennonite mission

doing good work. Northern Cheyenne making progress as labourers,

&c.; Mennonite and Catholic missions.

(4) Mooney, _14th Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1892-1893; Dorsey, _Publ.

Field Columb. Mus._, 1905; Grinnell, _Intern. Congr.

Americanists_, 1902-1906; _Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore_, 1907-1908;

_Amer. Anthrop._, 1902-1906; Mooney and Petter, _Mem. Amer.

Anthrop. Assoc._, 1907.

CHICKAHOMINY.

Algonkian.

(1) Some 220 on Chickahominy river, Virginia.

(2) No pure bloods left. Considerable negro admixture.

(3) Fishers and Farmers.

(4) Tooker, _Algonquian Series_ (N.Y., 1900); Mooney, _Amer.

Anthrop._, 1907.

CHICKASAW.

Muskogian.

(1) 5558 in Oklahoma.

(2) Large admixture of white blood.

(3) American citizens and progressing well. Various religious

faiths.

(4) Speck, _Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore_, 1907, and _Amer. Anthrop._,

1907.

CHILCOTIN.

Athabaskan.

(1) About 450 on Chilcotin river, in S. central British Columbia.

(2) Little.

(3) Fairly laborious, but clinging to native customs, though making

progress. Catholic mission influence.

(4) Writings of Morice (see Carriers); Farrand, _Mem. Amer. Mus.

Nat. Hist._, 1900.

CHILKAT.

Koluschan.

(1) About 700 at head of Lynn Canal, Alaska. Decreasing.

(2) No data.

(3) Little progress.

(4) Emmons and Boas, _Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist._, 1908.

CHINOOK.

Chinookan.

(1) About 300 in Oregon. Decreasing.

(2) Some little.

(3) Stationary or "worse."

(4) Boas, _Chinook Texts_ (Washington, 1894), and other writings;

Sapir, _Amer. Anthrop._, 1907.

CHIPEWYAN.

Athabaskan.

(1) About 3000 in the region S. of Lake Athabaska, N.W. Canada.

(2) Some Canadian-French admixture.

(3) Coming to be more influenced by the whites. Reached by Catholic

missions.

(4) Writings of Petitot, Legoff, Morice (see Babines), &c.; Morice,

_Anthropos_, 1900-1907, and _Ann. Arch. Rep. Ontario_, 1905.

CHIPPEWA (Ojibwa)

Algonkian.

(1) About 18,000 in Ontario, Manitoba, &c.; nearly the same number

in the United States (Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, N.

Dakota).

(2) Much French and English admixture in various regions.

(3) Good progress. Many Indians quite equal to average whites of

neighbourhood. Among the Canadian Chippewa the Methodists,

Catholics and Anglicans are well represented; among those in the

United States the Catholics and Episcopalians chiefly, also

Methodists, Lutherans, &c. A number of native ministers.

(4) Warren, _Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1885; Blackbird, _Ottawa and

Chippewa Indians_ (1887); W. Jones, _Ann. Arch. Rep. Ontario_,

1905; Hugolin, _Congr. int. d. Amér._ (Quebec, 1906); P. Jones,

_Hist. Ojebway Inds._ (1861).

CHOCTAW.

Muskogian.

(1) 17,529 in Oklahoma; 1356 in Mississippi and Louisiana.

(2) Large element of white and some negro blood.

(3) Citizens of United States, making good progress. Various

religious faiths.

(4) Gatschet, _Migration Legend of Creeks_ (1884-1888); Speck,

_Amer. Anthrop._, 1907.

CLAYOQUOT.

Wakashan.

(1) 224 in the region of Clayoquot Sound, Vancouver Island.

Decreasing.

(2) No data.

(3) Rather stationary, but beginning to improve. Influence of

Catholic mission and industrial school.

(4) See Nootka.

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