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The Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus
by
Washington Irving.
Venient annis
Sæcula seris, quibus Oceanus
Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens
Pateat tellus, Typhisque novos
Detegat Orbes, nec sit terris
Ultima Thule.
Seneca: _Medea_.
Author's Revised Edition.
Vol. II.
1892
Contents of Volume II.
Book XI.
I. Administration of the Adelantado.--Expedition to the Province of
Xaragua
II. Establishment of a Chain of Military Posts.--Insurrection of
Guarionex, the Cacique of the Vega
III. The Adelantado Repairs to Xaragua to receive Tribute
IV. Conspiracy of Roldan
V. The Adelantado repairs to the Vega in relief of Fort Conception.
--His Interview with Roldan
VI. Second Insurrection of Guarionex, and his Flight to the Mountains
of Ciguay
VII. Campaign of the Adelantado in the Mountains of Ciguay
Book XII.
I. Confusion in the Island.--Proceedings of the Rebels at Xaragua
II. Negotiation of the Admiral with the Rebels.--Departure of Ships
for Spain
III. Arrangement with the Rebels
IV. Another Mutiny of the Rebels; and Second Arrangement with them
V. Grants made to Roldan and his Followers.--Departure of several of
the Rebels for Spain
VI. Arrival of Ojeda with a Squadron at the Western part of the Island.
--Roldan sent to meet him
VII. Manoeuvres of Roldan and Ojeda
Book XIII.
I. Representations at Court against Columbus.--Bobadilla empowered to
examine into his Conduct
II. Arrival of Bobadilla at San Domingo.--His violent Assumption of
the Command
III. Columbus summoned to appear before Bobadilla
IV. Columbus and his Brothers arrested and sent to Spain in Chains
Book XIV.
I. Sensation in Spain on the Arrival of Columbus in Irons.--His
Appearance at Court
II. Contemporary Voyages of Discovery
III. Nicholas de Ovando appointed to supersede Bobadilla
IV. Proposition of Columbus relative to the Recovery of the Holy
Sepulchre
V. Preparations of Columbus for a Fourth Voyage of Discovery
Book XV.
I. Departure of Columbus on his Fourth Voyage.--Refused Admission to
the Harbor of San Domingo--Exposed to a violent Tempest
II. Voyage along the Coast of Honduras
III. Voyage along the Mosquito Coast, and Transactions at Cariari
IV. Voyage along Costa Rica.--Speculations concerning the Isthmus at
Veragua
V. Discovery of Puerto Bello and El Retrete.--Columbus abandons the
search after the Strait
VI. Return to Veragua.--The Adelantado explores the Country.
VII. Commencement of a Settlement on the river Belen.--Conspiracy of the
Natives.--Expedition of the Adelantado to surprise Quibian.
VIII. Disasters of the Settlement.
IX. Distress of the Admiral on board of his Ship.--Ultimate Relief of
the Settlement.
X. Departure from the Coast of Veragua.--arrival at Jamaica.--Stranding
of the Ships.
Book XVI.
I. Arrangement of Diego Mendez with the Caciques for Supplies of
Provisions.--Sent to San Domingo by Columbus in quest of Relief.
II. Mutiny of Porras.
III. Scarcity of Provisions.--Stratagem of Columbus to obtain Supplies
from the Natives.
IV. Mission of Diego de Escobar to the Admiral.
V. Voyage of Diego Mendez and Bartholomew Fiesco in a Canoe to
Hispaniola.
VI. Overtures of Columbus to the Mutineers.--Battle of the Adelantado
with Porras and his Followers.
Book XVII.
I. Administration of Ovando in Hispaniola.--Oppression of the Natives.
II. Massacre at Xaragua.--Fate of Anacaona.
III. War with the Natives of Higuey.
IV. Close of the War with Higuey.--Fate of Cotabanama.
Book XVIII.
I. Departure of Columbus for San Domingo.--His Return to Spain.
II. Illness of Columbus at Seville.--Application to the Crown for a
Restitution of his Honors.--Death of Isabella.
III. Columbus arrives at Court.--Fruitless Application to the King for
Redress.
IV. Death of Columbus.
V. Observations on the Character of Columbus.
Appendix
Index
The Life and Voyages of Columbus
Book XI.
Chapter I.
Administration of the Adelantado.--Expedition to the Province of Xaragua.
[1498.]
Columbus had anticipated repose from his toils on arriving at Hispaniola,
but a new scene of trouble and anxiety opened upon him, destined to impede
the prosecution of his enterprises, and to affect all his future fortunes.
To explain this, it is necessary to relate the occurrences of the island
during his long detention in Spain.
When he sailed for Europe in March, 1496, his brother, Don Bartholomew,
who remained as Adelantado, took the earliest measures to execute his
directions with respect to the mines recently discovered by Miguel Diaz on
the south side of the island. Leaving Don Diego Columbus in command at
Isabella, he repaired with a large force to the neighborhood of the mines,
and, choosing a favorable situation in a place most abounding in ore,
built a fortress, to which he gave the name of San Christoval. The
workmen, however, finding grains of gold among the earth and stone
employed in its construction, gave it the name of the Golden
Tower. [1]
The Adelantado remained here three months, superintending the building of
the fortress, and making the necessary preparations for working the mines
and purifying the ore. The progress of the work, however, was greatly
impeded by scarcity of provisions, having frequently to detach a part of
the men about the country in quest of supplies. The former hospitality of
the island was at an end. The Indians no longer gave their provisions
freely; they had learnt from the white men to profit by the necessities of
the stranger, and to exact a price for bread. Their scanty stores, also,
were soon exhausted, for their frugal habits, and their natural indolence
and improvidence, seldom permitted them to have more provisions on hand
than was requisite for present support. [2] The Adelantado found it
difficult, therefore, to maintain so large a force in the neighborhood,
until they should have time to cultivate the earth, and raise live-stock,
or should receive supplies from Spain. Leaving ten men to guard the
fortress, with a dog to assist them in catching utias, he marched with the
rest of his men, about four hundred in number, to Fort Conception, in the
abundant country of the Vega. He passed the whole month of June collecting
the quarterly tribute, being supplied with food by Guarionex and his
subordinate caciques. In the following month (July, 1496) the three
caravels commanded by Niño arrived from Spain, bringing a reinforcement
of men, and, what was still more needed, a supply of provisions. The
latter was quickly distributed among the hungry colonists, but
unfortunately a great part had been injured during the voyage. This was a
serious misfortune in a community where the least scarcity produced murmur
and sedition.
By these ships the Adelantado received letters from his brother, directing
him to found a town and sea-port at the mouth of the Ozema, near to the
new mines. He requested him, also, to send prisoners to Spain such of the
caciques and their subjects as had been concerned in the death of any of
the colonists; that being considered as sufficient ground, by many of the
ablest jurists and theologians of Spain, for selling them as slaves. On
the return of the caravels, the Adelantado dispatched three hundred Indian
prisoners, and three caciques. These formed the ill-starred cargoes about
which Niño had made such absurd vaunting, as though the ships were laden
with treasure; and which had caused such mortification, disappointment,
and delay to Columbus.
Having obtained by this arrival a supply of provisions, the Adelantado
returned to the fortress of San Christoval, and thence proceeded to the
Ozema, to choose a site for the proposed seaport. After a careful
examination, he chose the eastern bank of a natural haven at the mouth of
the river. It was easy of access, of sufficient depth, and good anchorage.
The river ran through a beautiful and fertile country; its waters were
pure and salubrious, and well stocked with fish; its banks were covered
with trees bearing the fine fruits of the island, so that in sailing
along, the fruits and flowers might be plucked with the hand from the
branches which overhung the stream. [3] This delightful vicinity was the
dwelling-place of the female cacique who had conceived an affection for
the young Spaniard Miguel Diaz, and had induced him to entice his
countrymen to that part of the island. The promise she had given of a
friendly reception on the part of her tribe was faithfully performed.
On a commanding bank of the harbor, Don Bartholomew erected a fortress,
which at first was called Isabella, but afterwards San Domingo, and was
the origin of the city which still bears that name. The Adelantado was of
an active and indefatigable spirit. No sooner was the fortress completed,
than he left in it a garrison of twenty men, and with the rest of his
forces set out to visit the dominions of Behechio, one of the principal
chieftains of the island. This cacique, as has already been mentioned,
reigned over Xaragua, a province comprising almost the whole coast at the
west end of the island, including Cape Tiburon, and extending along the
south side as far as Point Aguida, or the small island of Beata. It was
one of the most populous and fertile districts, with a delightful climate;
and its inhabitants were softer and more graceful in their manners than
the rest of the islanders. Being so remote from all the fortresses, the
cacique, although he had taken a part in the combination of the
chieftains, had hitherto remained free from the incursions and exactions
of the white men.
With this cacique resided Anacaona, widow of the late formidable Caonabo.
She was sister to Behechio, and had taken refuge with her brother after
the capture of her husband. She was one of the most beautiful females of
the island; her name in the Indian language signified "The Golden Flower."
She possessed a genius superior to the generality of her race, and was
said to excel in composing those little legendary ballads, or areytos,
which the natives chanted as they performed their national dances. All the
Spanish writers agree in describing her as possessing a natural dignity
and grace hardly to be credited in her ignorant and savage condition.
Notwithstanding the ruin with which her husband had been overwhelmed by
the hostility of the white men, she appears to have entertained no
vindictive feeling towards them, knowing that he had provoked their
vengeance by his own voluntary warfare. She regarded the Spaniards with
admiration as almost superhuman beings, and her intelligent mind perceived
the futility and impolicy of any attempt to resist their superiority in
arts and arms. Having great influence over her brother Behechio, she
counseled him to take warning by the fate of her husband, and to
conciliate the friendship of the Spaniards; and it is supposed that a
knowledge of the friendly sentiments and powerful influence of this
princess in a great measure prompted the Adelantado to his present
expedition. [4]
In passing through those parts of the island which had hitherto been
unvisited by Europeans, the Adelantado adopted the same imposing measures
which the admiral had used on a former occasion; he put his cavalry in the
advance, and entered all the Indian towns in martial array, with standards
displayed, and the sound of drum and trumpet.
After proceeding about thirty leagues, he came to the river Neyva, which,
issuing from the mountains of Cibao, divides the southern side of the
island. Crossing this stream, he dispatched two parties of ten men each
along the sea-coast in search of brazil-wood. They found great quantities,
and felled many trees, which they stored in the Indian cabins, until they
could be taken away by sea.
Inclining with his main force to the right, the Adelantado met, not far
from the river, the cacique Behechio, with a great army of his subjects,
armed with bows and arrows and lances. If he had come forth with the
intention of opposing the inroad into his forest domains, he was probably
daunted by the formidable appearance of the Spaniards. Laying aside his
weapons, he advanced and accosted the Adelantado very amicably, professing
that he was thus in arms for the purpose of subjecting certain villages
along the river, and inquiring, at the same time, the object of this
incursion of the Spaniards. The Adelantado assured him that he came on a
peaceful visit to pass a little time in friendly intercourse at Xaragua.
He succeeded so well in allaying the apprehensions of the cacique, that
the latter dismissed his army, and sent swift messengers to order
preparations for the suitable reception of so distinguished a guest. As
the Spaniards advanced into the territories of the chieftain, and passed
through the districts of his inferior caciques, the latter brought forth
cassava bread, hemp, cotton, and various other productions of the land. At
length they drew near to the residence of Behechio, which was a large town
situated in a beautiful part of the country near the coast, at the bottom
of that deep bay called at present the Bight of Leogan.
The Spaniards had heard many accounts of the soft and delightful region of
Xaragua, in one part of which Indian traditions placed their Elysian
fields. They had heard much, also, of the beauty and urbanity of the
inhabitants: the mode of their reception was calculated to confirm their
favorable prepossessions. As they approached the place, thirty females of
the cacique's household came forth to meet them, singing their areytos, or
traditionary ballads, and dancing and waving palm branches. The married
females wore aprons of embroidered cotton, reaching half way to the knee;
the young women were entirely naked, with merely a fillet round the
forehead, their hair falling upon their shoulders. They were beautifully
proportioned; their skin smooth and delicate, and their complexion of a
clear agreeable brown. According to old Peter Martyr, the Spaniards, when
they beheld them issuing forth from their green woods, almost imagined
they beheld the fabled dryads, or native nymphs and fairies of the
fountains, sung by the ancient poets. [5] When they came before Don
Bartholomew, they knelt and gracefully presented him the green branches.
After these came the female cacique Anacaona, reclining on a kind of light
litter borne by six Indians. Like the other females, she had no other
covering than an apron of various-colored cotton. She wore round her head
a fragrant garland of red and white flowers, and wreaths of the same round
her neck and arms. She received the Adelantado and his followers with that
natural grace and courtesy for which she was celebrated; manifesting no
hostility towards them for the fate her husband had experienced at their
hands.
The Adelantado and his officers were conducted to the house of Behechio,
where a banquet was served up of utias, a great variety of sea and river
fish, with roots and fruits of excellent quality. Here first the Spaniards
conquered their repugnance to the guana, the favorite delicacy of the
Indians, but which the former had regarded with disgust, as a species of
serpent. The Adelantado, willing to accustom himself to the usages of the
country, was the first to taste this animal, being kindly pressed thereto
by Anacaona. His followers imitated his example; they found it to be
highly palatable and delicate; and from that time forward, the guana was
held in repute among Spanish epicures. [6]
The banquet being over, Don Bartholomew with six of his principal
cavaliers were lodged in the dwelling of Behechio; the rest were
distributed in the houses of the inferior caciques, where they slept in
hammocks of matted cotton, the usual beds of the natives.
For two days they remained with the hospitable Behechio, entertained with
various Indian games and festivities, among which the most remarkable was
the representation of a battle. Two squadrons of naked Indians, armed with
bows and arrows, sallied suddenly into the public square and began to
skirmish in a manner similar to the Moorish play of canes, or tilting
reeds. By degrees they became excited, and fought with such earnestness,
that four were slain, and many wounded, which seemed to increase the
interest and pleasure of the spectators. The contest would have continued
longer, and might have been still more bloody, had not the Adelantado and
the other cavaliers interfered and begged that the game might cease. [7]
When the festivities were over, and familiar intercourse had promoted
mutual confidence, the Adelantado addressed the cacique and Anacaona on
the real object of his visit. He informed him that his brother, the
admiral, had been sent to this island by the sovereigns of Castile, who
were great and mighty potentates, with many kingdoms under their sway.
That the admiral had returned to apprise his sovereigns how many tributary
caciques there were in the island, leaving him in command, and that he had
come to receive Behechio under the protection of these mighty sovereigns,
and to arrange a tribute to be paid by him, in such manner as should be
most convenient and satisfactory to himself. [8]
The cacique was greatly embarrassed by this demand, knowing the sufferings
inflicted on the other parts of the island by the avidity of the Spaniards
for gold. He replied that he had been apprised that gold was the great
object for which the white men had come to their island, and that a
tribute was paid in it by some of his fellow-caciques; but that in no part
of his territories was gold to be found; and his subjects hardly knew what
it was. To this the Adelantado replied with great adroitness, that nothing
was farther from the intention or wish of his sovereigns than to require a
tribute in things not produced in his dominions, but that it might be paid
in cotton, hemp, and cassava bread, with which the surrounding country
appeared to abound. The countenance of the cacique brightened at this
intimation; he promised cheerful compliance, and instantly sent orders to
all his subordinate caciques to sow abundance of cotton for the first
payment of the stipulated tribute. Having made all the requisite
arrangements, the Adelantado took a most friendly leave of Behechio and
his sister, and set out for Isabella.
Thus, by amicable and sagacious management, one of the most extensive
provinces of the island was brought into cheerful subjection, and had not
the wise policy of the Adelantado been defeated by the excesses of
worthless and turbulent men, a large revenue might have been collected,
without any recourse to violence or oppression. In all instances, these
simple people appear to have been extremely tractable, and meekly and even
cheerfully to have resigned their rights to the white men, when treated
with gentleness and humanity.
Chapter II.
Establishment of a Chain of Military Posts.--Insurrection of Guarionex,
the Cacique of the Vega.
[1496.]
On arriving at Isabella, Don Bartholomew found it, as usual, a scene of
misery and repining. Many had died during his absence; most were ill.
Those who were healthy complained of the scarcity of food, and those who
were ill, of the want of medicines. The provisions distributed among them,
from the supply brought out a few months before by Pedro Alonzo Niño, had
been consumed. Partly from sickness, and partly from a repugnance to
labor, they had neglected to cultivate the surrounding country, and the
Indians, on whom they chiefly depended, outraged by their oppressions, had
abandoned the vicinity, and fled to the mountains; choosing rather to
subsist on roots and herbs, in their rugged retreats, than remain in the
luxuriant plains, subject to the wrongs and cruelties of the white men.
The history of this island presents continual pictures of the miseries,
the actual want and poverty, produced by the grasping avidity of gold. It
had rendered the Spaniards heedless of all the less obvious, but more
certain and salubrious, sources of wealth. All labor seemed lost that was
to produce profit by a circuitous process. Instead of cultivating the
luxuriant soil around them, and deriving real treasures from its surface,
they wasted their time in seeking for mines and golden streams, and were
starving in the midst of fertility.
No sooner were the provisions exhausted which had been brought out by
Niño, than the colonists began to break forth in their accustomed murmurs.
They represented themselves as neglected by Columbus, who, amidst the
blandishments and delights of a court, thought little of their sufferings.
They considered themselves equally forgotten by government; while, having
no vessel in the harbor, they were destitute of all means of sending home
intelligence of their disastrous situation, and imploring relief.
To remove this last cause of discontent, and furnish some object for their
hopes and thoughts to rally round, the Adelantado ordered that two
caravels should be built at Isabella, for the use of the island. To
relieve the settlement, also, from all useless and repining individuals,
during this time of scarcity, he distributed such as were too ill to
labor, or to bear arms, into the interior, where they would have the
benefit of a better climate, and more abundant supply of Indian
provisions. He at the same time completed and garrisoned the chain of
military posts established by his brother in the preceding year,
consisting of five fortified houses, each surrounded by its dependent
hamlet. The first of these was about nine leagues from Isabella, and was
called la Esperanza. Six leagues beyond was Santa Catalina. Four leagues
and a half further was Magdalena, where the first town of Santiago was
afterwards founded; and five leagues further Fort Conception--which was
fortified with great care, being in the vast and populous Vega, and within
half a league from the residence of its cacique, Guarionex. [9] Having
thus relieved Isabella of all its useless population, and left none but
such as were too ill to be removed, or were required for the service and
protection of the place, and the construction of the caravels, the
Adelantado returned, with a large body of the most effective men, to the
fortress of San Domingo.
The military posts, thus established, succeeded for a time in overawing
the natives; but fresh hostilities were soon manifested, excited by a
different cause from the preceding. Among the missionaries who had
accompanied Friar Boyle to the island, were two of far greater zeal than
their superior. When he returned to Spain, they remained, earnestly bent
upon the fulfillment of their mission. One was called Roman Pane, a poor
hermit, as he styled himself, of the order of St. Geronimo; the other was
Juan Borgoñon, a Franciscan. They resided for some time among the Indians
of the Vega, strenuously endeavoring to make converts, and had succeeded
with one family, of sixteen persons, the chief of which, on being
baptized, took the name of Juan Mateo. The conversion of the cacique
Guarionex, however, was their main object. The extent of his possessions
made his conversion of great importance to the interests of the colony,
and was considered by the zealous fathers a means of bringing his numerous
subjects under the dominion of the church. For some time he lent a willing
ear; he learnt the Pater Noster, the Ave Maria, and the Creed, and made
his whole family repeat them daily. The other caciques of the Vega and of
the provinces of Cibao, however, scoffed at him for meanly conforming to
the laws and customs of strangers, usurpers of his domains, and oppressors
of his nation. The friars complained that, in consequence of these evil
communications, their convert suddenly relapsed into infidelity; but
another and more grievous cause is assigned for his recantation. His
favorite wife was seduced or treated with outrage by a Spaniard of
authority; and the cacique renounced all faith in a religion which, as he
supposed, admitted of such atrocities. Losing all hope of effecting his
conversion, the missionaries removed to the territories of another
cacique, taking with them Juan Mateo, their Indian convert. Before their
departure, they erected a small chapel, and furnished it with an altar,
crucifix, and images, for the use of the family of Mateo.
Scarcely had they departed, when several Indians entered the chapel, broke
the images in pieces, trampled them under foot, and buried them in a
neighboring field. This, it was said, was done by order of Guarionex, in
contempt of the religion from which he had apostatized. A complaint of
this enormity was carried to the Adelantado, who ordered a suit to be
immediately instituted, and those who were found culpable, to be punished
according to law. It was a period of great rigor in ecclesiastical law,
especially among the Spaniards. In Spain, all heresies in religion, all
recantations from the faith, and all acts of sacrilege, either by Moor or
Jew, were punished with fire and fagot. Such was the fate of the poor
ignorant Indians, convicted of this outrage on the church. It is
questionable whether Guarionex had any hand in this offence, and it is
probable that the whole affair was exaggerated. A proof of the credit due
to the evidence brought forward may be judged by one of the facts recorded
by Roman Pane, "the poor hermit." The field in which the holy images were
buried, was planted, he says, with certain roots shaped like a turnip, or
radish, several of which coming up in the neighborhood of the images, were
found to have grown most miraculously in the form of a cross. [10]
The cruel punishment inflicted on these Indians, instead of daunting their
countrymen, filled them with horror and indignation. Unaccustomed to such
stern rule and vindictive justice, and having no clear ideas nor powerful
sentiments with respect to religion of any kind, they could not comprehend
the nature nor extent of the crime committed. Even Guarionex, a man
naturally moderate and pacific, was highly incensed with the assumption of
power within his territories, and the inhuman death inflicted on his
subjects. The other caciques perceived his irritation, and endeavored to
induce him to unite in a sudden insurrection, that by one vigorous and
general effort they might break the yoke of their oppressors. Guarionex
wavered for some time. He knew the martial skill and prowess of the
Spaniards; he stood in awe of their cavalry, and he had before him the
disastrous fate of Caonabo; but he was rendered bold by despair, and he
beheld in the domination of these strangers the assured ruin of his race.
The early writers speak of a tradition current among the inhabitants of
the island, respecting this Guarionex. He was of an ancient line of
hereditary caciques. His father, in times long preceding the discovery,
having fasted for five days, according to their superstitious observances,
applied to his zemi, or household deity, for information of things to
come. He received for answer, that within a few years there should come to
the island a nation covered with clothing, which should destroy all their
customs and ceremonies, and slay their children or reduce them to painful
servitude. [11] The tradition was probably invented by the Butios, or
priests, after the Spaniards had begun to exercise their severities.
Whether their prediction had an effect in disposing the mind of Guarionex
to hostilities is uncertain. Some have asserted that he was compelled to
take up arms by his subjects, who threatened, in case of his refusal, to
choose some other chieftain; others have alleged the outrage committed
upon his favorite wife, as the principal cause of his irritation. [12] It
was probably these things combined, which at length induced him to enter
into the conspiracy. A secret consultation was held among the caciques,
wherein it was concerted, that on the day of payment of their quarterly
tribute, when a great number could assemble without causing suspicion,
they should suddenly rise upon the Spaniards and massacre them. [13]
By some means the garrison at Fort Conception received intimation of this
conspiracy. Being but a handful of men, and surrounded by hostile tribes,
they wrote a letter to the Adelantado, at San Domingo, imploring immediate
aid. As this letter might be taken from their Indian messenger, the
natives having discovered that these letters had a wonderful power of
communicating intelligence, and fancying they could talk, it was inclosed
in a reed, to be used as a staff. The messenger was, in fact, intercepted;
but, affecting to be dumb and lame, and intimating by signs that he was
returning home, was permitted to limp forward on his journey. When out of
sight he resumed his speed, and bore the letter safely and expeditiously
to San Domingo. [14]
The Adelantado, with his characteristic promptness and activity, set out
immediately with a body of troops for the fortress; and though his men
were much enfeebled by scanty fare, hard service, and long marches,
hurried them rapidly forward. Never did aid arrive more opportunely. The
Indians were assembled on the plain, to the amount of many thousands,
armed after their manner, and waiting for the appointed time to strike the
blow. After consulting with the commander of the fortress and his
officers, the Adelantado concerted a mode of proceeding. Ascertaining the
places in which the various caciques had distributed their forces, he
appointed an officer with a body of men to each cacique, with orders, at
an appointed hour of the night, to rush into the villages, surprise them
asleep and unarmed, bind the caciques, and bring them off prisoners. As
Guarionex was the most important personage, and his capture would probably
be attended with most difficulty and danger, the Adelantado took the
charge of it upon himself, at the head of one hundred men.
This stratagem, founded upon a knowledge of the attachment of the Indians
to their chieftains, and calculated to spare a great effusion of blood,
was completely successful. The villages, having no walls nor other
defences, were quietly entered at midnight; and the Spaniards, rushing
suddenly into the houses where the caciques were quartered, seized and
bound them, to the number of fourteen, and hurried them off to the
fortress, before any effort could be made for their defence or rescue. The
Indians, struck with terror, made no resistance, nor any show of
hostility; surrounding the fortress in great multitudes, but without
weapons, they filled the air with doleful howlings and lamentations,
imploring the release of their chieftains. The Adelantado completed his
enterprise with the spirit, sagacity, and moderation with which he had
hitherto conducted it. He obtained information of the causes of this
conspiracy, and the individuals most culpable. Two caciques, the principal
movers of the insurrection, and who had most wrought upon the easy nature
of Guarionex, were put to death. As to that unfortunate cacique, the
Adelantado, considering the deep wrongs he had suffered, and the slowness
with which he had been provoked to revenge, magnanimously pardoned him;
nay, according to Las Casas, he proceeded with stern justice against the
Spaniard whose outrage on his wife had sunk so deeply in his heart. He
extended his lenity also to the remaining chieftains of the conspiracy;
promising great favors and rewards, if they should continue firm in their
loyalty; but terrible punishments should they again be found in rebellion.
The heart of Guarionex was subdued by this unexpected clemency. He made a
speech to his people, setting forth the irresistible might and valor of
the Spaniards; their great lenity to offenders, and their generosity to
such as were faithful; and he earnestly exhorted them henceforth to
cultivate their friendship. The Indians listened to him with attention;
his praises of the white men were confirmed by their treatment of himself;
when he had concluded, they took him up on their shoulders, bore him to
his habitation with songs and shouts of joy, and for some time the
tranquillity of the Vega was restored. [15]
Chapter III.
The Adelantado Repairs to Xaragua to Receive Tribute.
[1497.]
With all his energy and discretion, the Adelantado found it difficult to
manage the proud and turbulent spirit of the colonists. They could ill
brook the sway of a foreigner, who, when they were restive, curbed them
with an iron hand. Don Bartholomew had not the same legitimate authority
in their eyes as his brother. The admiral was the discoverer of the
country, and the authorized representative of the sovereigns; yet even him
they with difficulty brought themselves to obey. The Adelantado, on the
contrary, was regarded by many as a mere intruder, assuming high command
without authority from the crown, and shouldering himself into power on
the merits and services of his brother. They spoke with impatience and
indignation, also, of the long absence of the admiral, and his fancied
inattention to their wants; little aware of the incessant anxieties he was
suffering on their account, during his detention in Spain. The sagacious
measure of the Adelantado in building the caravels for some time diverted
their attention. They watched their progress with solicitude, looking upon
them as a means either of obtaining relief, or of abandoning the island.
Aware that repining and discontented men should never be left in idleness,
Don Bartholomew kept them continually in movement; and indeed a state of
constant activity was congenial to his own vigorous spirit. About this
time messengers arrived from Behechio, cacique of Xaragua, informing him
that he had large quantities of cotton, and other articles, in which his
tribute was to be paid, ready for delivery. The Adelantado immediately set
forth with a numerous train, to revisit this fruitful and happy region. He
was again received with songs and dances, and all the national
demonstrations of respect and amity by Behechio and his sister Anacaona.
The latter appeared to be highly popular among the natives, and to have
almost as much sway in Xaragua as her brother. Her natural ease, and the
graceful dignity of her manners, more and more won the admiration of the
Spaniards.
The Adelantado found thirty-two inferior caciques assembled in the house
of Behechio, awaiting his arrival with their respective tributes. The
cotton they had brought was enough to fill one of their houses. Having
delivered this, they gratuitously offered the Adelantado as much cassava
bread as he desired. The offer was most acceptable in the present
necessitous state of the colony; and Don Bartholomew sent to Isabella for
one of the caravels, which was nearly finished, to be dispatched as soon
as possible to Xaragua, to be freighted with bread and cotton.
In the meantime, the natives brought from all quarters large supplies of
provisions, and entertained their guests with continual festivity and
banqueting. The early Spanish writers, whose imaginations, heated by the
accounts of the voyagers, could not form an idea of the simplicity of
savage life, especially in these newly-discovered countries, which were
supposed to border upon Asia, often speak in terms of oriental
magnificence of the entertainments of the natives, the palaces of the
caciques, and the lords and ladies of their courts, as if they were
describing the abodes of Asiatic potentates. The accounts given of
Xaragua, however, have a different character; and give a picture of savage
life, in its perfection of idle and ignorant enjoyment. The troubles which
distracted the other parts of devoted Hayti had not reached the
inhabitants of this pleasant region. Living among beautiful and fruitful
groves, on the borders of a sea apparently for ever tranquil and unvexed
by storms; having few wants, and those readily supplied, they appeared
emancipated from the common lot of labor, and to pass their lives in one
uninterrupted holiday. When the Spaniards regarded the fertility and
sweetness of this country, the gentleness of its people, and the beauty of
its women, they pronounced it a perfect paradise.
At length the caravel arrived which was to be freighted with the articles
of tribute. It anchored about six miles from the residence of Behechio,
and Anacaona proposed to her brother that they should go together to
behold what she called the great canoe of the white men. On their way to
the coast, the Adelantado was lodged one night in a village, in a house
where Anacaona treasured up those articles which she esteemed most rare
and precious. They consisted of various manufactures of cotton,
ingeniously wrought; of vessels of clay, moulded into different forms; of
chairs, tables, and like articles of furniture, formed of ebony and other
kinds of wood, and carved with various devices,--all evincing great skill
and ingenuity, in a people who had no iron tools to work with. Such were
the simple treasures of this Indian princess, of which she made numerous
presents to her guest.
Nothing could exceed the wonder and delight of this intelligent woman,
when she first beheld the ship. Her brother, who treated her with a
fraternal fondness and respectful attention worthy of civilized life, had
prepared two canoes, gayly painted and decorated; one to convey her and
her attendants, and the other for himself and his chieftains. Anacaona,
however, preferred to embark, with her attendants, in the ship's boat with
the Adelantado. As they approached the caravel, a salute was fired. At the
report of the cannon, and the sight of the smoke, Anacaona, overcome with
dismay, fell into the arms of the Adelantado, and her attendants would
have leaped overboard, but the laughter and the cheerful words of Don
Bartholomew speedily reassured them. As they drew nearer to the vessel,
several instruments of martial music struck up, with which they were
greatly delighted. Their admiration increased on entering on board.
Accustomed only to their simple and slight canoes, every thing here
appeared wonderfully vast and complicated. But when the anchor was
weighed, the sails were spread, and, aided by a gentle breeze, they beheld
this vast mass, moving apparently by its own volition, veering from side
to side, and playing like a huge monster in the deep, the brother and
sister remained gazing at each other in mute astonishment. [16]
Nothing seems to have filled the mind of the most stoical savage with more
wonder than that sublime and beautiful triumph of genius, a ship under
sail.
Having freighted and dispatched the caravel, the Adelantado made many
presents to Behechio, his sister, and their attendants, and took leave of
them, to return by land with his troops to Isabella. Anacaona showed great
affliction at their parting, entreating him to remain some time longer
with them, and appearing fearful that they had failed in their humble
attempt to please him. She even offered to follow him to the settlement,
nor would she be consoled until he had promised to return again to
Xaragua. [17]
We cannot but remark the ability shown by the Adelantado in the course of
his transient government of the island. Wonderfully alert and active, he
made repeated marches of great extent, from one remote province to
another, and was always at the post of danger at the critical moment. By
skillful management, with a handful of men, he defeated a formidable
insurrection without any effusion of blood. He conciliated the most
inveterate enemies among the natives by great moderation, while he
deterred all wanton hostilities by the infliction of signal punishments.
He had made firm friends of the most important chieftains, brought their
dominions under cheerful tribute, opened new sources of supplies for the
colony, and procured relief from its immediate wants. Had his judicious
measures been seconded by those under his command, the whole country would
have been a scene of tranquil prosperity, and would have produced great
revenues to the crown, without cruelty to the natives; but, like his
brother the admiral, his good intentions and judicious arrangements were
constantly thwarted by the vile passions and perverse conduct of others.
While he was absent from Isabella, new mischiefs had been fomented there,
which were soon to throw the whole island into confusion.
Chapter IV.
Conspiracy of Roldan.
[1497.]
The prime mover of the present mischief was one Francisco Roldan, a man
under the deepest obligations to the admiral. Raised by him from poverty
and obscurity, he had been employed at first in menial capacities; but,
showing strong natural talents, and great assiduity, he had been made
ordinary alcalde, equivalent to justice of the peace. The able manner in
which he acquitted himself in this situation, and the persuasion of his
great fidelity and gratitude, induced Columbus, on departing for Spain, to
appoint him alcalde mayor, or chief judge of the island. It is true he was
an uneducated man, but, as there were as yet no intricacies of law in the
colony, the office required little else than shrewd good sense and upright
principles for its discharge. [18]
Roldan was one of those base spirits which grow venomous in the sunshine
of prosperity. His benefactor had returned to Spain apparently under a
cloud of disgrace; a long interval had elapsed without tidings from him;
he considered him a fallen man, and began to devise how he might profit by
his downfall. He was intrusted with an office inferior only to that of the
Adelantado; the brothers of Columbus were highly unpopular; he imagined it
possible to ruin them, both with the colonists and with the government at
home, and by dextrous cunning and bustling activity to work his way into
the command of the colony. The vigorous and somewhat austere character of
the Adelantado for some time kept him in awe; but when he was absent from
the settlement, Roldan was able to carry on his machinations with
confidence. Don Diego, who then commanded at Isabella, was an upright and
worthy man, but deficient in energy. Roldan felt himself his superior in
talent and spirit, and his self-conceit was wounded at being inferior to
him in authority. He soon made a party among the daring and dissolute of
the community, and secretly loosened the ties of order and good
government, by listening to and encouraging the discontents of the common
people, and directing them against the character and conduct of Columbus
and his brothers. He had heretofore been employed as superintendent of
various public works; this brought him into familiar communication with
workmen, sailors, and others of the lower order. His originally vulgar
character enabled him to adapt himself to their intellects and manners,
while his present station gave him consequence in their eyes. Finding them
full of murmurs about hard treatment, severe toil, and the long absence of
the admiral, he affected to be moved by their distresses. He threw out
suggestions that the admiral might never return, being disgraced and
ruined in consequence of the representations of Aguado. He sympathized
with the hard treatment they experienced from the Adelantado and his
brother Don Diego, who, being foreigners, could take no interest in their
welfare, nor feel a proper respect for the pride of a Spaniard; but who
used them merely as slaves, to build houses and fortresses for them, or to
swell their state and secure their power, as they marched about the island
enriching themselves with the spoils of the caciques. By these suggestions
he exasperated their feelings to such a height, that they had at one time
formed a conspiracy to take away the life of the Adelantado, as the only
means of delivering themselves from an odious tyrant. The time and place
for the perpetration of the act were concerted. The Adelantado had
condemned to death a Spaniard of the name of Berahona, a friend of Roldan,
and of several of the conspirators. What was his offence is not positively
stated, but from a passage in Las Casas [19] there is reason to believe
that he was the very Spaniard who had violated the favorite wife of
Guarionex, the cacique of the Vega. The Adelantado would be present at the
execution. It was arranged, therefore, that when the populace had
assembled, a tumult should be made as if by accident, and in the confusion
of the moment, Don Bartholomew should be dispatched with a poniard.
Fortunately for the Adelantado, he pardoned the criminal, the assemblage
did not take place, and the plan of the conspirators was disconcerted.
[20]
When Don Bartholomew was absent collecting the tribute in Xaragua, Roldan
thought it was a favorable time to bring affairs to a crisis. He had
sounded the feelings of the colonists, and ascertained that there was a
large party disposed for open sedition. His plan was to create a popular
tumult, to interpose in his official character of alcalde mayor, to throw
the blame upon the oppression and injustice of Don Diego and his brother,
and, while he usurped the reins of authority, to appear as if actuated
only by zeal for the peace and prosperity of the island, and the interests
of the sovereigns.
A pretext soon presented itself for the proposed tumult. When the caravel
returned from Xaragua laden with the Indian tributes, and the cargo was
discharged, Don Diego had the vessel drawn up on the land, to protect it
from accidents, or from any sinister designs of the disaffected colonists.
Roldan immediately pointed this circumstance out to his partisans. He
secretly inveighed against the hardship of having this vessel drawn on
shore, instead of being left afloat for the benefit of the colony, or sent
to Spain to make known their distresses. He hinted that the true reason
was the fear of the Adelantado and his brother, lest accounts should be
carried to Spain of their misconduct, and he affirmed that they wished to
remain undisturbed masters of the island, and keep the Spaniards there as
subjects, or rather as slaves. The people took fire at these suggestions.
They had long looked forward to the completion of the caravels as their
only chance for relief; they now insisted that the vessel should be
launched and sent to Spain for supplies. Don Diego endeavored to convince
them of the folly of their demand, the vessel not being rigged and
equipped for such a voyage; but the more he attempted to pacify them, the
more unreasonable and turbulent they became. Roldan, also, became more
bold and explicit in his instigations. He advised them to launch and take
possession of the caravel, as the only mode of regaining their
independence. They might then throw off the tyranny of these upstart
strangers, enemies in their hearts to Spaniards, and might lead a life of
ease and pleasure; sharing equally all that they might gain by barter in
the island, employing the Indians as slaves to work for them, and enjoying
unrestrained indulgence with respect to the Indian women. [21]
Don Diego received information of what was fermenting among the people,
yet feared to come to an open rupture with Roldan in the present mutinous
state of the colony. He suddenly detached him, therefore, with forty men,
to the Vega, under pretext of overawing certain of the natives who had
refused to pay their tribute, and had shown a disposition to revolt.
Roldan made use of this opportunity to strengthen his faction. He made
friends and partisans among the discontented caciques, secretly justifying
them in their resistance to the imposition of tribute, and promising them
redress. He secured the devotion of his own soldiers by great acts of
indulgence, disarming and dismissing such as refused full participation in
his plans, and returned with his little band to Isabella, where he felt
secure of a strong party among the common people.
The Adelantado had by this time returned from Xaragua; but Roldan, feeling
himself at the head of a strong faction, and arrogating to himself great
authority from his official station, now openly demanded that the caravel
should be launched, or permission given to himself and his followers to
launch it. The Adelantado peremptorily refused, observing that neither he
nor his companions were mariners, nor was the caravel furnished and
equipped for sea, and that neither the safety of the vessel, nor of the
people, should be endangered by their attempt to navigate her.
Roldan perceived that his motives were suspected, and felt that the
Adelantado was too formidable an adversary to contend with in any open
sedition at Isabella. He determined, therefore, to carry his plans into
operation in some more favorable part of the island, always trusting to
excuse any open rebellion against the authority of Don Bartholomew, by
representing it as a patriotic opposition to his tyranny over Spaniards.
He had seventy well-armed and determined men under his command, and he
trusted, on erecting his standard, to be joined by all the disaffected
throughout the island. He set off suddenly, therefore, for the Vega,
intending to surprise the fortress of Conception, and by getting command
of that post and the rich country adjacent, to set the Adelantado at
defiance.
He stopped, on his way, at various Indian villages in which the Spaniards
were distributed, endeavoring to enlist the latter in his party, by
holding out promises of great gain and free living. He attempted also to
seduce the natives from their allegiance, by promising them freedom from
all tribute. Those caciques with whom he had maintained a previous
understanding, received him with open arms; particularly one who had taken
the name of Diego Marque, whose village he made his headquarters, being
about two leagues from Fort Conception. He was disappointed in his hopes
of surprising the fortress. Its commander, Miguel Ballester, was an old
and staunch soldier, both resolute and wary. He drew himself into his
stronghold on the approach of Roldan, and closed his gates. His garrison
was small, but the fortification, situated on the side of a hill, with a
river running at its foot, was proof against any assault. Roldan had still
some hopes that Ballester might be disaffected to government, and might be
gradually brought into his plans, or that the garrison would be disposed
to desert, tempted by the licentious life which he permitted among his
followers. In the neighborhood was the town inhabited by Guarionex. Here
were quartered thirty soldiers, under the command of Captain Garcia de
Barrantes. Roldan repaired thither with his armed force, hoping to enlist
Barrantes and his party; but the captain shut himself up with his men in a
fortified house, refusing to permit them to hold any communication with
Roldan. The latter threatened to set fire to the house; but after a little
consideration, contented himself with seizing their store of provisions,
and then marched towards Fort Conception, which was not quite half a
league distant. [22]
Chapter V.
The Adelantado Repairs to the Vega in Relief of Fort Conception.--His
Interview with Roldan.
[1497.]
The Adelantado had received intelligence of the flagitious proceedings of
Roldan, yet hesitated for a time to set out in pursuit of him. He had lost
all confidence in the loyalty of the people around him, and knew not how
far the conspiracy extended, nor on whom he could rely. Diego de Escobar,
alcayde of the fortress of La Madalena, together with Adrian de Moxica and
Pedro de Valdivieso, all principal men, were in league with Roldan. He
feared that the commander of Fort Conception might likewise be in the
plot, and the whole island in arms against him. He was reassured, however,
by tidings from Miguel Ballester. That loyal veteran wrote to him pressing
letters for succor; representing the weakness of his garrison, and the
increasing forces of the rebels.
Don Bartholomew hastened to his assistance with his accustomed promptness,
and threw himself with a reinforcement into the fortress. Being ignorant
of the force of the rebels, and doubtful of the loyalty of his own
followers, he determined to adopt mild measures. Understanding that Roldan
was quartered at a village but half a league distant, he sent a message to
him, remonstrating on the flagrant irregularity of his conduct, the injury
it was calculated to produce in the island, and the certain ruin it must
bring upon himself, and summoning him to appear at the fortress, pledging
his word for his personal safety. Roldan repaired accordingly to Fort
Conception, where the Adelantado held a parley with him from a window,
demanding the reason of his appearing in arms, in opposition to royal
authority. Roldan replied boldly, that he was in the service of his
sovereigns, defending their subjects from the oppression of men who sought
their destruction. The Adelantado ordered him to surrender his staff of
office, as alcalde mayor, and to submit peaceably to superior authority.
Roldan refused to resign his office, or to put himself in the power of Don
Bartholomew, whom he charged with seeking his life. He refused also to
submit to any trial, unless commanded by the king. Pretending, however, to
make no resistance to the peaceable exercise of authority, he offered to
go with his followers, and reside at any place the Adelantado might
appoint. The latter immediately designated the village of the cacique
Diego Colon, the same native of the Lucayos Islands who had been baptized
in Spain, and had since married a daughter of Guarionex. Roldan objected,
pretending there were not sufficient provisions to be had there for the
subsistence of his men, and departed, declaring that he would seek a more
eligible residence elsewhere. [23]
He now proposed to his followers to take possession of the remote province
of Xaragua. The Spaniards who had returned thence gave enticing accounts
of the life they had led there; of the fertility of the soil, the
sweetness of the climate, the hospitality and gentleness of the people,
their feasts, dances, and various amusements, and, above all, the beauty
of the women; for they had been captivated by the naked charms of the
dancing nymphs of Xaragua. In this delightful region, emancipated from the
iron rule of the Adelantado, and relieved from the necessity of irksome
labor, they might lead a life of perfect freedom and indulgence, and have
a world of beauty at their command. In short, Roldan drew a picture of
loose sensual enjoyment, such as he knew to be irresistible with men of
idle and dissolute habits. His followers acceded with joy to his
proposition. Some preparations, however, were necessary to carry it into
effect. Taking advantage of the absence of the Adelantado, he suddenly
marched with his band to Isabella, and entering it in a manner by
surprise, endeavored to launch the caravel, with which they might sail to
Xaragua. Don Diego Columbus, hearing the tumult, issued forth with several
cavaliers; but such was the force of the mutineers, and their menacing
conduct, that he was obliged to withdraw, with his adherents, into the
fortress. Roldan held several parleys with him, and offered to submit to
his command, provided he would set himself up in opposition to his brother
the Adelantado. His proposition was treated with scorn. The fortress was
too strong to be assailed with success; he found it impossible to launch
the caravel, and feared the Adelantado might return, and he be inclosed
between two forces. He proceeded, therefore, in all haste to make
provisions for the proposed expedition to Xaragua. Still pretending to act
in his official capacity, and to do every thing from loyal motives, for
the protection and support of the oppressed subjects of the crown, he
broke open the royal warehouse, with shouts of "Long live the king!"
supplied his followers with arms, ammunition, clothing, and whatever they
desired from the public stores; proceeded to the inclosure where the
cattle and other European animals were kept to breed, took such as he
thought necessary for his intended establishment, and permitted his
followers to kill such of the remainder as they might want for present
supply. Having committed this wasteful ravage, he marched in triumph out
of Isabella. [24] Reflecting, however, on the prompt and vigorous
character of the Adelantado, he felt that his situation would be but
little secure with such an active enemy behind him; who, on extricating
himself from present perplexities, would not fail to pursue him to his
proposed paradise of Xaragua. He determined, therefore, to march again to
the Vega, and endeavor either to get possession of the person of the
Adelantado, or to strike some blow, in his present crippled state, that
should disable him from offering further molestation. Returning,
therefore, to the vicinity of Fort Conception, he endeavored in every way,
by the means of subtle emissaries, to seduce the garrison to desertion, or
to excite it to revolt.
The Adelantado dared not take the field with his forces, having no
confidence in their fidelity. He knew that they listened wistfully to the
emissaries of Roldan, and contrasted the meagre fare and stern discipline
of the garrison with the abundant cheer and easy misrule that prevailed
among the rebels. To counteract these seductions, he relaxed from his
usual strictness, treating his men with great indulgence, and promising
them large rewards. By these means he was enabled to maintain some degree
of loyalty amongst his forces, his service having the advantage over that
of Roldan, of being on the side of government and law.
Finding his attempts to corrupt the garrison unsuccessful, and fearing
some sudden sally from the vigorous Adelantado, Roldan drew off to a
distance, and sought by insidious means to strengthen his own power, and
weaken that of the government. He asserted equal right to manage the
affairs of the island with the Adelantado, and pretended to have separated
from him on account of his being passionate and vindictive in the exercise
of his authority. He represented him as the tyrant of the Spaniards, the
oppressor of the Indians. For himself, he assumed the character of a
redresser of grievances and champion of the injured. He pretended to feel
a patriotic indignation at the affronts heaped upon Spaniards by a family
of obscure and arrogant foreigners; and professed to free the natives from
tributes wrung from them by these rapacious men for their own enrichment,
and contrary to the beneficent intentions of the Spanish monarchs. He
connected himself closely with the Carib cacique Manicaotex, brother of
the late Caonabo, whose son and nephew were in his possession as hostages
for payment of tributes. This warlike chieftain he conciliated by presents
and caresses, bestowing on him the appellation of brother. [25] The
unhappy natives, deceived by his professions, and overjoyed at the idea of
having a protector in arms for their defence, submitted cheerfully to a
thousand impositions, supplying his followers with provisions in
abundance, and bringing to Roldan all the gold they could collect;
voluntarily yielding him heavier tributes than those from which he
pretended to free them.
The affairs of the island were now in a lamentable situation. The Indians,
perceiving the dissensions among the white men, and encouraged by the
protection of Roldan, began to throw off all allegiance to the government.
The caciques at a distance ceased to send in their tributes, and those who
were in the vicinity were excused by the Adelantado, that by indulgence he
might retain their friendship in this time of danger. Roldan's faction
daily gained strength; they ranged insolently and at large in the open
country, and were supported by the misguided natives; while the Spaniards
who remained loyal, fearing conspiracies among the natives, had to keep
under shelter of the fort, or in the strong houses which they had erected
in the villages. The commanders were obliged to palliate all kinds of
slights and indignities, both from their soldiers and from the Indians,
fearful of driving them to sedition by any severity. The clothing and
munitions of all kinds, either for maintenance or defence, were rapidly
wasting away, and the want of all supplies or tidings from Spain was
sinking the spirits of the well-affected into despondency. The Adelantado
was shut up in Fort Conception, in daily expectation of being openly
besieged by Roldan, and was secretly informed that means were taken to
destroy him, should he issue from the walls of the fortress. [26]
Such was the desperate state to which the colony was reduced, in
consequence of the long detention of Columbus in Spain, and the
impediments thrown in the way of all his measures for the benefit of the
island by the delays of cabinets and the chicanery of Fonseca and his
satellites. At this critical juncture, when faction reigned triumphant,
and the colony was on the brink of ruin, tidings were brought to the Vega
that Pedro Fernandez Coronal had arrived at the port of San Domingo, with
two ships, bringing supplies of all kinds, and a strong reinforcement of
troops. [27]
Chapter VI.
Second Insurrection of Guarionex, and His Flight to the Mountains of
Ciguay.
[1498.]
The arrival of Coronal, which took place on the third of February, was the
salvation of the colony. The reinforcements of troops, and of supplies of
all kinds, strengthened the hands of Don Bartholomew. The royal
confirmation of his title and authority as Adelantado at once dispelled
all doubts as to the legitimacy of his power; and the tidings that the
admiral was in high favor at court, and would soon arrive with a powerful
squadron, struck consternation into those who had entered into the
rebellion on the presumption of his having fallen into disgrace.
The Adelantado no longer remained mewed up in his fortress, but set out
immediately for San Domingo with a part of his troops, although a much
superior rebel force was at the village of the cacique Guarionex, at a
very short distance. Roldan followed slowly and gloomily with his party,
anxious to ascertain the truth of these tidings, to make partisans, if
possible, among those who had newly arrived, and to take advantage of
every circumstance that might befriend his rash and hazardous projects.
The Adelantado left strong guards on the passes of the roads to prevent
his near approach to San Domingo, but Roldan paused within a few leagues
of the place.
When the Adelantado found himself secure in San Domingo with this
augmentation of force, and the prospect of a still greater reinforcement
at hand, his magnanimity prevailed over his indignation, and he sought by
gentle means to allay the popular seditions, that the island might be
restored to tranquillity before his brother's arrival. He considered that
the colonists had suffered greatly from the want of supplies; that their
discontents had been heightened by the severities he had been compelled to
inflict; and that many had been led to rebellion by doubts of the
legitimacy of his authority. While, therefore, he proclaimed the royal act
sanctioning his title and powers, he promised amnesty for all past
offences, on condition of immediate return to allegiance. Hearing that
Roldan was within five leagues of San Domingo with his band, he sent Pedro
Fernandez Coronal, who had been appointed by the sovereigns alguazil mayor
of the island, to exhort him to obedience, promising him oblivion of the
past. He trusted that the representations of a discreet and honorable man
like Coronal, who had been witness of the favor in which his brother stood
in Spain, would convince the rebels of the hopelessness of their course.
Roldan, however, conscious of his guilt, and doubtful of the clemency of
Don Bartholomew, feared to venture within his power; he determined, also,
to prevent his followers from communicating with Coronal, lest they should
be seduced from him by the promise of pardon. When that emissary,
therefore, approached the encampment of the rebels, he was opposed in a
narrow pass by a body of archers, with their cross-bows levelled. "Halt
there! traitor!" cried Roldan, "had you arrived eight days later, we
should all have been united as one man." [28]
In vain Coronal endeavored by fair reasoning and earnest entreaty to win
this perverse and turbulent man from his career. Roldan answered with
hardihood and defiance, professing to oppose only the tyranny and misrule
of the Adelantado, but to be ready to submit to the admiral on his
arrival. He, and several of his principal confederates, wrote letters to
the same effect to their friends in San Domingo, urging them to plead
their cause with the admiral when he should arrive, and to assure him of
their disposition to acknowledge his authority.
When Coronal returned with accounts of Roldan's contumacy, the Adelantado
proclaimed him and his followers traitors. That shrewd rebel, however, did
not suffer his men to remain within either the seduction of promise or the
terror of menace; he immediately set out on his march for his promised
land of Xaragua, trusting to impair every honest principle and virtuous
tie of his misguided followers by a life of indolence and libertinage.
In the meantime the mischievous effects of his intrigues among the
caciques became more and more apparent. No sooner had the Adelantado left
Fort Conception, than a conspiracy was formed among the natives to
surprise it. Guarionex was at the head of this conspiracy, moved by the
instigations of Roldan, who had promised him protection and assistance,
and led on by the forlorn hope, in this distracted state of the Spanish
forces, of relieving his paternal domains from the intolerable domination
of usurping strangers. Holding secret communications with his tributary
caciques, it was concerted that they should all rise simultaneously and
massacre the soldiery, quartered in small parties in their villages; while
he, with a chosen force, should surprise the fortress of Conception. The
night of the full moon was fixed upon for the insurrection.
One of the principal caciques, however, not being a correct observer of
the heavenly bodies, took up arms before the appointed night, and was
repulsed by the soldiers quartered in his village. The alarm was given,
and the Spaniards were all put on the alert. The cacique fled to Guarionex
for protection, but the chieftain, enraged at his fatal blunder, put him
to death upon the spot.
No sooner did the Adelantado hear of this fresh conspiracy, than he put
himself on the march for the Vega with a strong body of men. Guarionex did
not await his coming. He saw that every attempt was fruitless to shake off
these strangers, who had settled like a curse upon his territories. He had
found their very friendship withering and destructive, and he now dreaded
their vengeance. Abandoning, therefore, his rightful domain, the once
happy Vega, he fled with his family and a small band of faithful followers
to the mountains of Ciguay. This is a lofty chain, extending along the
north side of the island, between the Vega and the sea. The inhabitants
were the most robust and hardy tribe of the island, and far more
formidable than the mild inhabitants of the plains. It was a part of this
tribe which displayed hostility to the Spaniards in the course of the
first voyage of Columbus, and in a skirmish with them in the Gulf of
Semana the first drop of native blood had been shed in the New World. The
reader may remember the frank and confiding conduct of these people the
day after the skirmish, and the intrepid faith with which their cacique
trusted himself on board of the caravel of the admiral, and in the power
of the Spaniards. It was to this same cacique, named Mayobanex, that the
fugitive chieftain of the Vega now applied for refuge. He came to his
residence at an Indian town near Cape Cabron, about forty leagues east of
Isabella, and implored shelter for his wife and children, and his handful
of loyal followers. The noble-minded cacique of the mountains received him
with open arms. He not only gave an asylum to his family, but engaged to
stand by him in his distress, to defend his cause, and share his desperate
fortunes. [29]Men in civilized life learn magnanimity from precept,
but their most generous actions are often rivaled by the deeds of
untutored savages, who act only from natural impulse.
Chapter VII.
Campaign of the Adelantado in the Mountains of Ciguay.
[1498.]
Aided by his mountain ally, and by bands of hardy Ciguayans, Guarionex
made several descents into the plain, cutting off straggling parties of
the Spaniards, laying waste the villages of the natives which continued in
allegiance to them, and destroying the fruits of the earth. The Adelantado
put a speedy stop to these molestations; but he determined to root out so
formidable an adversary from the neighborhood. Shrinking from no danger
nor fatigue, and leaving nothing to be done by others which he could do
himself, he set forth in the spring with a band of ninety men, a few
cavalry, and a body of Indians, to penetrate the Ciguay mountains.
After passing a steep defile, rendered almost impracticable for troops by
rugged rocks and exuberant vegetation, he descended into a beautiful
valley or plain, extending along the coast, and embraced by arms of the
mountains which approached the sea. His advance into the country was
watched by the keen eyes of Indian scouts who lurked among rocks and
thickets. As the Spaniards were seeking the ford of a river at the
entrance of the plain, two of these spies darted from among the bushes on
its bank. One flung himself headlong into the water, and swimming across
the mouth of the river escaped; the other being taken, gave information
that six thousand Indians lay in ambush on the opposite shore, waiting to
attack them as they crossed.
The Adelantado advanced with caution, and finding a shallow place, entered
the river with his troops. They were scarcely midway in the stream when
the savages, hideously painted, and looking more like fiends than men,
burst from their concealment. The forest rang with their yells and
howlings. They discharged a shower of arrows and lances, by which,
notwithstanding the protection of their targets, many of the Spaniards
were wounded. The Adelantado, however, forced his way across the river,
and the Indians took to flight. Some were killed, but their swiftness of
foot, their knowledge of the forest, and their dexterity in winding
through the most tangled thickets, enabled the greater number to elude the
pursuit of the Spaniards, who were encumbered with armor, targets,
crossbows, and lances.
By the advice of one of his Indian guides, the Adelantado pressed forward
along the valley to reach the residence of Mayobanex, at Cabron. In the
way he had several skirmishes with the natives, who would suddenly rush
forth with furious war-cries from ambuscades among the bushes, discharge
their weapons, and take refuge again in the fastnesses of their rocks and
forests, inaccessible to the Spaniards.
Having taken several prisoners, the Adelantado sent one accompanied by an
Indian of a friendly tribe, as a messenger to Mayobanex, demanding the
surrender of Guarionex; promising friendship and protection in case of
compliance, but threatening, in case of refusal, to lay waste his
territory with fire and sword. The cacique listened attentively to the
messenger: "Tell the Spaniards," said he in reply, "that they are bad men,
cruel and tyrannical; usurpers of the territories of others, and shedders
of innocent blood. I desire not the friendship of such men; Guarionex is a
good man, he is my friend, he is my guest, he has fled to me for refuge, I
have promised to protect him, and I will keep my word."
This magnanimous reply, or rather defiance, convinced the Adelantado that
nothing was to be gained by friendly overtures. When severity was
required, he could be a stern soldier. He immediately ordered the village
in which he had been quartered, and several others in the neighborhood, to
be set on fire. He then sent further messengers to Mayobanex, warning him
that, unless he delivered up the fugitive cacique, his whole dominions
should be laid waste in like manner; and he would see nothing in every
direction but the smoke and flames of burning villages. Alarmed at this
impending destruction, the Ciguayans surrounded their chieftain with
clamorous lamentations, cursing the day that Guarionex had taken refuge
among them, and urging that he should be given up for the salvation of the
country. The generous cacique was inflexible. He reminded them of the many
virtues of Guarionex, and the sacred claims he had on their hospitality,
and declared he would abide all evils, rather than it should ever be said
Mayobanex had betrayed his guest.
The people retired with sorrowful hearts, and the chieftain, summoning
Guarionex into his presence, again pledged his word to protect him, though
it should cost him his dominions. He sent no reply to the Adelantado, and
lest further messages might tempt the fidelity of his subjects, he placed
men in ambush, with orders to slay any messenger who might approach. They
had not lain in wait long, before they beheld two men advancing through
the forest, one of whom was a captive Ciguayan, and the other an Indian
ally of the Spaniards. They were both instantly slain. The Adelantado was
following at no great distance, with only ten foot-soldiers and four
horsemen. When he found his messengers lying dead in the forest path,
transfixed with arrows, he was greatly exasperated, and resolved to deal
rigorously with this obstinate tribe. He advanced, therefore, with all his
force to Cabron, where Mayobanex and his army were quartered. At his
approach the inferior caciques and their adherents fled, overcome by
terror of the Spaniards. Finding himself thus deserted, Mayobanex took
refuge with his family in a secret part of the mountains. Several of the
Ciguayans sought for Guarionex, to kill him or deliver him up as a
propitiatory offering, but he fled to the heights, where he wandered about
alone, in the most savage and desolate places.
The density of the forests and the ruggedness of the mountains rendered
this expedition excessively painful and laborious, and protracted it far
beyond the time that the Adelantado had contemplated. His men suffered,
not merely from fatigue, but hunger. The natives had all fled to the
mountains; their villages remained empty and desolate; all the provisions
of the Spaniards consisted of cassava bread, and such roots and herbs as
their Indian allies could gather for them, with now and then a few utias
taken with the assistance of their dogs. They slept almost always on the
ground, in the open air, under the trees, exposed to the heavy dew which
falls in this climate. For three months they were thus ranging the
mountains, until almost worn out with toil and hard fare. Many of them had
farms in the neighborhood of Fort Conception, which required their
attention; they, therefore, entreated permission, since the Indians were
terrified and dispersed, to return to their abodes in the Vega.
The Adelantado granted many of them passports and an allowance out of the
scanty stock of bread which remained. Retaining only thirty men, he
resolved with these to search every den and cavern of the mountains until
he should find the two caciques. It was difficult, however, to trace them
in such a wilderness. There was no one to give a clue to their retreat,
for the whole country was abandoned. There were the habitations of men,
but not a human being to be seen; or if, by chance, they caught some
wretched Indian stealing forth from the mountains in quest of food, he
always professed utter ignorance of the hiding-place of the caciques.
It happened one day, however, that several Spaniards, while hunting utias,
captured two of the followers of Mayobanex, who were on their way to a
distant village in search of bread. They were taken to the Adelantado, who
compelled them to betray the place of concealment of their chieftain, and
to act as guides. Twelve Spaniards volunteered to go in quest of him.
Stripping themselves naked, staining and painting their bodies so as to
look like Indians, and covering their swords with palm-leaves, they were
conducted by the guides to the retreat of the unfortunate Mayobanex. They
came secretly upon him, and found him surrounded by his wife and children
and a few of his household, totally unsuspicious of danger. Drawing their
swords, the Spaniards rushed upon them, and made them all prisoners. When
they were brought to the Adelantado, he gave up all further search after
Guarionex, and returned to Fort Conception.
Among the prisoners thus taken was the sister of Mayobanex. She was the
wife of another cacique of the mountains, whose territories had never yet
been visited by the Spaniards; and she was reputed to be one of the most
beautiful women of the island. Tenderly attached to her brother, she had
abandoned the security of her own dominions, and had followed him among
rocks and precipices, participating in all his hardships, and comforting
him with a woman's sympathy and kindness. When her husband heard of her
captivity, he hastened to the Adelantado and offered to submit himself and
all his possessions to his sway, if his wife might be restored to him. The
Adelantado accepted his offer of allegiance, and released his wife and
several of his subjects who had been captured. The cacique, faithful to
his word, became a firm and valuable ally of the Spaniards, cultivating
large tracts of land, and supplying them with great quantities of bread
and other provisions.
Kindness appears never to have been lost upon the people of this island.
When this act of clemency reached the Ciguayans, they came in multitudes
to the fortress, bringing presents of various kinds, promising allegiance,
and imploring the release of Mayobanex and his family. The Adelantado
granted their prayers in part, releasing the wife and household of the
cacique, but still detaining him prisoner to insure the fidelity of his
subjects.
In the meantime the unfortunate Guarionex, who had been hiding in the
wildest parts of the mountains, was driven by hunger to venture down
occasionally into the plain in quest of food. The Ciguayans looking upon
him as the cause of their misfortunes, and perhaps hoping by his sacrifice
to procure the release of their chieftain, betrayed his haunts to the
Adelantado. A party was dispatched to secure him. They lay in wait in the
path by which he usually returned to the mountains. As the unhappy
cacique, after one of his famished excursions, was returning to his den
among the cliffs, he was surprised by the lurking Spaniards, and brought
in chains to Fort Conception. After his repeated insurrections, and the
extraordinary zeal and perseverance displayed in his pursuit, Guarionex
expected nothing less than death from the vengeance of the Adelantado. Don
Bartholomew, however, though stern in his policy, was neither vindictive
nor cruel in his nature. He considered the tranquillity of the Vega
sufficiently secured by the captivity of the cacique; and ordered him to
be detained a prisoner and hostage in the fortress. The Indian hostilities
in this important part of the island being thus brought to a conclusion,
and precautions taken to prevent their recurrence, Don Bartholomew
returned to the city of San Domingo, where, shortly after his arrival, he
had the happiness of receiving his brother, the admiral, after nearly two
years and six months' absence. [30]
Such was the active, intrepid, and sagacious, but turbulent and disastrous
administration of the Adelantado, in which we find evidences of the great
capacity, the mental and bodily vigor of this self-formed and almost
self-taught man. He united, in a singular degree, the sailor, the soldier,
and the legislator. Like his brother, the admiral, his mind and manners
rose immediately to the level of his situation, showing no arrogance nor
ostentation, and exercising the sway of sudden and extraordinary power
with the sobriety and moderation of one who had been born to rule. He has
been accused of severity in his government, but no instance appears of a
cruel or wanton abuse of authority. If he was stern towards the factious
Spaniards, he was just; the disasters of his administration were not
produced by his own rigor, but by the perverse passions of others, which
called for its exercise; and the admiral, who had more suavity of manner
and benevolence of heart, was not more fortunate in conciliating the good
will, and insuring the obedience of the colonists. The merits of Don
Bartholomew do not appear to have been sufficiently appreciated by the
world. His portrait has been suffered to remain too much in the shade; it
is worthy of being brought into the light, as a companion to that of his
illustrious brother. Less amiable and engaging, perhaps, in its
lineaments, and less characterized by magnanimity, its traits are
nevertheless bold, generous, and heroic, and stamped with iron firmness.
Book XII.
Chapter I.
Confusion in the Island.--Proceedings of the Rebels at Xaragua.
[August 30, 1498.]
Columbus arrived at San Domingo, wearied by a long and arduous voyage, and
worn down by infirmities; both mind and body craved repose, but from the
time he first entered into public life, he had been doomed never again to
taste the sweets of tranquillity. The island of Hispaniola, the favorite
child as it were of his hopes, was destined to involve him in perpetual
troubles, to fetter his fortunes, impede his enterprises, and imbitter the
conclusion of his life. What a scene of poverty and suffering had this
opulent and lovely island been rendered by the bad passions of a few
despicable men! The wars with the natives and the seditions among the
colonists had put a stop to the labors of the mines, and all hopes of
wealth were at an end. The horrors of famine had succeeded to those of
war. The cultivation of the earth had been generally neglected; several of
the provinces had been desolated during the late troubles; a great part of
the Indians had fled to the mountains, and those who remained had lost all
heart to labor, seeing the produce of their toils liable to be wrested
from them by ruthless strangers. It is true, the Vega was once more
tranquil, but it was a desolate tranquillity. That beautiful region, which
the Spaniards but four years before had found so populous and happy,
seeming to inclose in its luxuriant bosom all the sweets of nature, and to
exclude all the cares and sorrows of the world, was now a scene of
wretchedness and repining. Many of those Indian towns, where the Spaniards
had been detained by genial hospitality, and almost worshiped as
beneficent deities, were now silent and deserted. Some of their late
inhabitants were lurking among rocks and caverns; some were reduced to
slavery; many had perished with hunger, and many had fallen by the sword.
It seems almost incredible, that so small a number of men, restrained too
by well-meaning governors, could in so short a space of time have produced
such wide-spreading miseries. But the principles of evil have a fatal
activity. With every exertion, the best of men can do but a moderate
amount of good; but it seems in the power of the most contemptible
individual to do incalculable mischief.
The evil passions of the white men, which had inflicted such calamities
upon this innocent people, had insured likewise a merited return of
suffering to themselves. In no part was this more truly exemplified than
among the inhabitants of Isabella, the most idle, factious, and dissolute
of the island. The public works were unfinished; the gardens and fields
they had begun to cultivate lay neglected: they had driven the natives
from their vicinity by extortion and cruelty, and had rendered the country
around them a solitary wilderness. Too idle to labor, and destitute of any
resources with which to occupy their indolence, they quarrelled among
themselves, mutinied against their rulers, and wasted their time in
alternate riot and despondency. Many of the soldiery quartered about the
island had suffered from ill health during the late troubles, being shut
up in Indian villages where they could take no exercise, and obliged to
subsist on food to which they could not accustom themselves. Those
actively employed had been worn down by hard service, long marches, and
scanty food. Many of them were broken in constitution, and many had
perished by disease. There was a universal desire to leave the island, and
escape from miseries created by themselves. Yet this was the favored and
fruitful land to which the eyes of philosophers and poets in Europe were
fondly turned, as realizing the pictures of the golden age. So true it is,
that the fairest Elysium fancy ever devised would be turned into a
purgatory by the passions of bad men!
One of the first measures of Columbus on his arrival was to issue a
proclamation approving of all the measures of the Adelantado, and
denouncing Roldan and his associates. That turbulent man had taken
possession of Xaragua, and been kindly received by the natives. He had
permitted his followers to lead an idle and licentious life among its
beautiful scenes, making the surrounding country and its inhabitants
subservient to their pleasures and their passions. An event happened
previous to their knowledge of the arrival of Columbus, which threw
supplies into their hands, and strengthened their power. As they were one
day loitering on the sea-shore, they beheld three caravels at a distance,
the sight of which, in this unfrequented part of the ocean, filled them
with wonder and alarm. The ships approached the land, and came to anchor.
The rebels apprehended at first they were vessels dispatched in pursuit of
them. Roldan, however, who was sagacious as he was bold, surmised them to
be ships which had wandered from their course, and been borne to the
westward by the currents, and that they must be ignorant of the recent
occurrences of the island. Enjoining secrecy on his men, he went on board,
pretending to be stationed in that neighborhood for the purpose of keeping
the natives in obedience, and collecting tribute. His conjectures as to
the vessels were correct. They were, in fact, the three caravels detached
by Columbus from his squadron at the Canary Islands, to bring supplies to
the colonies. The captains, ignorant of the strength of the currents,
which set through the Caribbean Sea, had been carried west far beyond
their reckoning, until they had wandered to the coast of Xaragua.
Roldan kept his secret closely for three days. Being considered a man in
important trust and authority, the captains did not hesitate to grant all
his requests for supplies. He procured swords, lances, cross-bows, and
various military stores; while his men, dispersed through the three
vessels, were busy among the crews, secretly making partisans,
representing the hard life of the colonists at San Domingo, and the ease
and revelry in which they passed their time at Xaragua. Many of the crews
had been shipped in compliance with the admiral's ill-judged proposition,
to commute criminal punishments into transportation to the colony. They
were vagabonds, the refuse of Spanish towns, and culprits from Spanish
dungeons; the very men, therefore, to be wrought upon by such
representations, and they promised to desert on the first opportunity and
join the rebels.
It was not until the third day, that Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal, the most
intelligent of the three captains, discovered the real character of the
guests he had admitted so freely on board of his vessels. It was then too
late; the mischief was effected. He and his fellow captains had many
earnest conversations with Roldan, endeavoring to persuade him from his
dangerous opposition to the regular authority. The certainty that Columbus
was actually on his way to the island, with additional forces, and
augmented authority, had operated strongly on his mind. He had, as has
already been intimated, prepared his friends at San Domingo to plead his
cause with the admiral, assuring him that he had only acted in opposition
to the injustice and oppression of the Adelantado, but was ready to submit
to Columbus on his arrival. Carvajal perceived that the resolution of
Roldan and of several of his principal confederates was shaken, and
flattered himself, that, if he were to remain some little time among the
rebels, he might succeed in drawing them back to their duty. Contrary winds
rendered it impossible for the ships to work up against the currents to
San Domingo. It was arranged among the captains, therefore, that a large
number of the people on board, artificers and others most important to the
service of the colony, should proceed to the settlement by land. They were
to be conducted by Juan Antonio Colombo, captain of one of the caravels, a
relative of the admiral, and zealously devoted to his interests. Arana was
to proceed with the ships, when the wind would permit, and Carvajal
volunteered to remain on shore, to endeavor to bring the rebels to their
allegiance.
On the following morning, Juan Antonio Colombo landed with forty men well
armed with cross-bows, swords, and lances, but was astonished to find
himself suddenly deserted by all his party excepting eight. The deserters
went off to the rebels, who received with exultation this important
reinforcement of kindred spirits. Juan Antonio endeavored in vain by
remonstrances and threats to bring them back to their duty. They were most
of them convicted culprits, accustomed to detest order, and to set law at
defiance. It was equally in vain that he appealed to Roldan, and reminded
him of his professions of loyalty to the government. The latter replied
that he had no means of enforcing obedience; his was a mere "Monastery of
Observation," where every one was at liberty to adopt the habit of the
order. Such was the first of a long train of evils, which sprang from this
most ill-judged expedient of peopling a colony with criminals, and thus
mingling vice and villany with the fountain-head of its population.
Juan Antonio, grieved and disconcerted, returned on board with the few who
remained faithful. Fearing further desertions, the two captains
immediately put to sea, leaving Carvajal on shore, to prosecute his
attempt at reforming the rebels. It was not without great difficulty and
delay that the vessels reached San Domingo; the ship of Carvajal having
struck on a sand-bank, and sustained great injury. By the time of their
arrival, the greater part of the provisions with which they had been
freighted was either exhausted or damaged. Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal
arrived shortly afterwards by land, having been escorted to within six
leagues of the place by several of the insurgents, to protect him from the
Indians. He failed in his attempt to persuade the band to immediate
submission; but Roldan had promised that the moment he heard of the
arrival of Columbus, he would repair to the neighborhood of San Domingo,
to be at hand to state his grievances, and the reasons of his past
conduct, and to enter into a negotiation for the adjustment of all
differences. Carvajal brought a letter from him to the admiral to the same
purport; and expressed a confident opinion, from all that he observed of
the rebels, that they might easily be brought back to their allegiance by
an assurance of amnesty. [31]
Chapter II.
Negotiation of the Admiral with the Rebels.--Departure of Ships for Spain.
[1498.]
Notwithstanding the favorable representations of Carvajal, Columbus was
greatly troubled by the late event at Xaragua. He saw that the insolence
of the rebels, and their confidence in their strength, must be greatly
increased by the accession of such a large number of well-armed and
desperate confederates. The proposition of Roldan to approach to the
neighborhood of San Domingo, startled him. He doubted the sincerity of his
professions, and apprehended great evils and dangers from so artful,
daring, and turbulent a leader, with a rash and devoted crew at his
command. The example of this lawless horde, roving at large about the
island, and living in loose revel and open profligacy, could not but have
a dangerous effect upon the colonists newly arrived; and when they were
close at hand, to carry on secret intrigues, and to hold out a camp of
refuge to all malcontents, the loyalty of the whole colony might be sapped
and undermined.
Some measures were immediately necessary to fortify the fidelity of the
people against such seductions. He was aware of a vehement desire among
many to return to Spain; and of an assertion industriously propagated by
the seditious, that he and his brothers wished to detain the colonists on
the island through motives of self-interest. On the 12th of September,
therefore, he issued a proclamation, offering free passage and provisions
for the voyage to all who wished to return to Spain, in five vessels
nearly ready to put to sea. He hoped by this means to relieve the colony
from the idle and disaffected; to weaken the party of Roldan, and to
retain none about him but such as were sound-hearted and well-disposed.
He wrote at the same time to Miguel Ballester, the staunch and well-tried
veteran who commanded the fortress of Conception, advising him to be upon
his guard, as the rebels were coining into his neighborhood. He empowered
him also to have an interview with Roldan; to offer him pardon and
oblivion of the past, on condition of his immediate return to duty; and to
invite him to repair to San Domingo to have an interview with the admiral,
under a solemn, and, if required, a written assurance from the latter, of
personal safety. Columbus was sincere in his intentions. He was of a
benevolent and placable disposition, and singularly free from all
vindictive feelings towards the many worthless and wicked men who heaped
sorrow on his head.
Ballester had scarcely received this letter, when the rebels began to
arrive at the village of Bonao. This was situated in a beautiful valley,
or Vega, bearing the same name, about ten leagues from Fort Conception,
and about twenty from San Domingo, in a well-peopled and abundant country.
Here Pedro Riquelme, one of the ringleaders of the sedition, had large
possessions, and his residence became the headquarters of the rebels.
Adrian de Moxica, a man of turbulent and mischievous character, brought
his detachment of dissolute ruffians to this place of rendezvous. Roldan
and others of the conspirators drew together there by different routes.
No sooner did the veteran Miguel Ballester hear of the arrival of Roldan,
than he set forth to meet him. Ballester was a venerable man, gray-headed,
and of a soldier-like demeanor. Loyal, frank, and virtuous, of a serious
disposition, and great simplicity of heart, he was well chosen as a
mediator with rash and profligate men; being calculated to calm their
passions by his sobriety; to disarm their petulance by his age; to win
their confidence by his artless probity; and to awe their licentiousness
by his spotless virtue. [32]
Ballester found Roldan in company with Pedro Riquelme, Pedro de Gamez, and
Adrian de Moxica, three of his principal confederates. Flushed with a
confidence of his present strength, Roldan treated the proffered pardon
with contempt, declaring that he did not come there to treat of peace, but
to demand the release of certain Indians captured unjustifiably, and about
to be shipped to Spain as slaves, notwithstanding that he, in his capacity
of alcalde mayor, had pledged his word for their protection. He declared
that, until these Indians were given up, he would listen to no terms of
compact; throwing out an insolent intimation at the same time, that he
held the admiral and his fortunes in his hand, to make and mar them as he
pleased.
The Indians he alluded to were certain subjects of Guarionex, who had been
incited by Roldan to resist the exaction of tribute, and who, under the
sanction of his supposed authority, had engaged in the insurrections of
the Vega. Roldan knew that the enslavement of the Indians was an unpopular
feature in the government of the island, especially with the queen; and
the artful character of this man is evinced in his giving his opposition
to Columbus the appearance of a vindication of the rights of the suffering
islanders. Other demands were made of a highly insolent nature, and the
rebels declared that, in all further negotiations, they would treat with
no other intermediate agent than Carvajal, having had proofs of his
fairness and impartiality in the course of their late communications with
him at Xaragua.
This arrogant reply to his proffer of pardon was totally different from
what the admiral had been led to expect, and placed him in an embarrassing
situation. He seemed surrounded by treachery and falsehood. He knew that
Roldan had friends and secret partisans even among those who professed to
remain faithful; and he knew not how far the ramifications of the
conspiracy might extend. A circumstance soon occurred to show the justice
of his apprehensions. He ordered the men of San Domingo to appear under
arms, that he might ascertain the force with which he could take the field
in case of necessity. A report was, immediately circulated that they were
to be led to Bonao, against the rebels. Not above seventy men appeared
under arms, and of these not forty were to be relied upon. One affected to
be lame, another ill; some had relations, and others had friends among the
followers of Roldan: almost all were disaffected to the service.
[33]
Columbus saw that a resort to arms would betray his own weakness and the
power of the rebels, and completely prostrate the dignity and authority of
government. It was necessary to temporize, therefore, however humiliating
such conduct might be deemed. He had detained the five ships for eighteen
days in port, hoping in some way to have put an end to this rebellion, so
as to send home favorable accounts of the island to the sovereigns. The
provisions of the ships, however, were wasting. The Indian prisoners on
board were suffering and perishing; several of them threw themselves
overboard, or were suffocated with heat in the holds of the vessels. He
was anxious, also, that as many of the discontented colonists as possible
should make sail for Spain before any commotion should take place.
On the 18th of October, therefore, the ships put to sea. [34] Columbus
wrote to the sovereigns an account of the rebellion, and of his proffered
pardon being refused. As Roldan pretended that it was a mere quarrel
between him and the Adelantado, of which the admiral was not an impartial
judge, the latter entreated that Roldan might be summoned to Spain, where
the sovereigns might be his judges; or that an investigation might take
place in presence of Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal, who was friendly to
Roldan, and of Miguel Ballester, as witness on the part of the Adelantado.
He attributed, in a great measure, the troubles of this island to his own
long detention in Spain, and the delays thrown in his way by those
appointed to assist him, who had retarded the departure of the ships with
supplies, until the colony had been reduced to the greatest scarcity.
Hence had arisen discontent, murmuring, and finally rebellion. He
entreated the sovereigns, in the most pressing manner, that the affairs of
the colony might not be neglected, and those at Seville, who had charge of
its concerns, might be instructed at least not to devise impediments
instead of assistance. He alluded to his chastisement of the contemptible
Ximeno Breviesca, the insolent minion of Fonseca, and entreated that
neither that nor any other circumstance might be allowed to prejudice him
in the royal favor, through the misrepresentations of designing men. He
assured them that the natural resources of the island required nothing but
good management to supply all the wants of the colonists; but that the
latter were indolent and profligate. He proposed to send home, by every
ship, as in the present instance, a number of the discontented and
worthless, to be replaced by sober and industrious men. He begged also
that ecclesiastics might be sent out for the instruction and conversion of
the Indians; and, what was equally necessary, for the reformation of the
dissolute Spaniards. He required also a man learned in the law, to
officiate as judge over the island, together with several officers of the
royal revenue. Nothing could surpass the soundness and policy of these
suggestions; but unfortunately one clause marred the moral beauty of this
excellent letter. He requested that for two years longer the Spaniards
might be permitted to employ the Indians as slaves; only making use of
such, however, as were captured in wars and insurrections. Columbus had
the usage of the age in excuse for this suggestion; but it is at variance
with his usual benignity of feeling, and his paternal conduct towards
these unfortunate people.
At the same time he wrote another letter, giving an account of his recent
voyage, accompanied by a chart, and by specimens of the gold, and
particularly of the pearls found in the Gulf of Paria. He called especial
attention to the latter as being the first specimens of pearls found in
the New World. It was in this letter that he described the newly-discovered
continent in such enthusiastic terms, as the most favored part of the east,
the source of inexhaustible treasures, the supposed seat of the terrestrial
Paradise; and he promised to prosecute the discovery of its glorious realms
with the three remaining ships, as soon as the affairs of the island should
permit.
By this opportunity, Roldan and his friends likewise sent letters to
Spain, endeavoring to justify their rebellion by charging Columbus and his
brothers with oppression and injustice, and painting their whole conduct
in the blackest colors. It would naturally be supposed that the
representations of such men would have little weight in the balance
against the tried merits and exalted services of Columbus: but they had
numerous friends and relatives in Spain; they had the popular prejudice on
their side, and there were designing persons in the confidence of the
sovereigns ready to advocate their cause. Columbus, to use his own simple
but affecting words was "absent, envied, and a stranger." [35]
Chapter III.
Negotiations and Arrangements with the Rebels.
[1498.]
The ships being dispatched, Columbus resumed his negotiation with the
rebels; determined at any sacrifice to put an end to a sedition which
distracted the island and interrupted all his plans of discovery. His
three remaining ships lay idle in the harbor, though a region of
apparently boundless wealth was to be explored. He had intended to send
his brother on the discovery, but the active and military spirit of the
Adelantado rendered his presence indispensable, in case the rebels should
come to violence. Such were the difficulties encountered at every step of
his generous and magnanimous enterprises; impeded at one time by the
insidious intrigues of crafty men in place, and checked at another by the
insolent turbulence of a handful of ruffians.
In his consultations with the most important persons about him, Columbus
found that much of the popular discontent was attributed to the strict
rule of his brother, who was accused of dealing out justice with a
rigorous hand. Las Casas, however, who saw the whole of the testimony
collected from various sources with respect to the conduct of the
Adelantado, acquits him of all charges of the kind, and affirms that, with
respect to Roldan in particular, he had exerted great forbearance. Be this
as it may, Columbus now, by the advice of his counselors, resolved to try
the alternative of extreme lenity. He wrote a letter to Roldan, dated the
20th of October, couched in the most conciliating terms, calling to mind
past kindnesses, and expressing deep concern for the feud existing between
him and the Adelantado. He entreated him, for the common good, and for the
sake of his own reputation, which stood well with the sovereigns, not to
persist in his present insubordination, and repeated the assurance, that
he and his companions might come to him, under the faith of his word for
the inviolability of their persons.
There was a difficulty as to who should be the bearer of this letter. The
rebels had declared that they would receive no one as mediator but Alonzo
Sanchez de Carvajal. Strong doubts, however, existed in the minds of those
about Columbus as to the integrity of that officer. They observed that he
had suffered Roldan to remain two days on board of his caravel at Xaragua;
had furnished him with weapons and stores; had neglected to detain him on
board, when he knew him to be a rebel; had not exerted himself to retake
the deserters; had been escorted on his way to San Domingo by the rebels,
and had sent refreshments to them at Bonao. It was alleged, moreover, that
he had given himself out as a colleague of Columbus, appointed by
government to have a watch and control over his conduct. It was suggested,
that, in advising the rebels to approach San Domingo, he had intended, in
case the admiral did not arrive, to unite his pretended authority as
colleague, to that of Roldan, as chief judge, and to seize upon the reins
of government. Finally, the desire of the rebels to have him sent to them
as an agent, was cited as proof that he was to join them as a leader, and
that the standard of rebellion was to be hoisted at Bonao. [36] These
circumstances, for some time, perplexed Columbus: but he reflected that
Carvajal, as far as he had observed his conduct, had behaved like a man of
integrity; most of the circumstances alleged against him admitted of a
construction in his favor; the rest were mere rumors, and he had
unfortunately experienced, in his own case, how easily the fairest
actions, and the fairest characters, may be falsified by rumor. He
discarded, therefore, all suspicion, and determined to confide implicitly
in Carvajal; nor had he ever any reason to repent of his confidence.
The admiral had scarcely dispatched this letter, when he received one from
the leaders of the rebels, written several days previously. In this they
not merely vindicated themselves from the charge of rebellion, but claimed
great merit, as having dissuaded their followers from a resolution to kill
the Adelantado, in revenge of his oppressions, prevailing upon them to
await patiently for redress from the admiral. A month had elapsed since
his arrival, during which they had waited anxiously for his orders, but he
had manifested nothing but irritation against them. Considerations of
honor and safety, therefore, obliged them to withdraw from his service,
and they accordingly demanded their discharge. This letter was dated from
Bonao, the 17th of October, and signed by Francisco Roldan, Adrian de
Moxica, Pedro de Gamez, and Diego de Escobar. [37]
In the meantime, Carvajal arrived at Bonao, accompanied by Miguel
Ballester. They found the rebels full of arrogance and presumption. The
conciliating letter of the admiral, however, enforced by the earnest
persuasions of Carvajal, and the admonitions of the veteran Ballester, had
a favorable effect on several of the leaders, who had more intellect than
their brutal followers. Roldan, Gamez, Escobar, and two or three others,
actually mounted their horses to repair to the admiral, but were detained
by the clamorous opposition of their men; too infatuated with their idle,
licentious mode of life, to relish the idea of a return to labor and
discipline. These insisted that it was a matter which concerned them all;
whatever arrangement was to be made, therefore, should be made in public,
in writing, and subject to their approbation or dissent. A day or two
elapsed before this clamor could be appeased. Roldan then wrote to the
admiral, that his followers objected to his coming, unless a written
assurance, or passport, were sent, protecting the persons of himself and
such as should accompany him. Miguel Ballester wrote, at the same time, to
the admiral, urging him to agree to whatever terms the rebels might
demand. He represented their forces as continually augmenting, the
soldiers of his garrison daily deserting to them; unless, therefore, some
compromise were speedily effected, and the rebels shipped off to Spain, he
feared that not merely the authority, but even the person of the admiral
would be in danger; for though the Hidalgos and the officers and servants
immediately about him would, doubtless, die in his service, the common
people were but little to be depended upon. [38]
Columbus felt the increasing urgency of the case, and sent the required
passport. Roldan came to San Domingo; but, from his conduct, it appeared
as if his object was to make partisans, and gain deserters, rather than to
effect a reconciliation. He had several conversations with the admiral,
and several letters passed between them. He made many complaints, and
numerous demands; Columbus made large concessions, but some of the
pretensions were too arrogant to be admitted. [39] Nothing definite was
arranged. Roldan departed under the pretext of conferring with his people,
promising to send his terms in writing. The admiral sent his Mayordomo,
Diego de Salamanca, to treat in his behalf. [40]
On the 6th of November, Roldan wrote a letter from Bonao, containing his
terms, and requesting that a reply might be sent to him to Conception, as
scarcity of provisions obliged him to leave Bonao. He added that he should
wait for a reply until the following Monday (the 11th). There was an
insolent menace implied in this note, accompanied as it was by insolent
demands. The admiral found it impossible to comply with the latter; but to
manifest his lenient disposition, and to take from the rebels all plea of
rigor, he had a proclamation affixed for thirty days at the gate of the
fortress, promising full indulgence and complete oblivion of the past to
Roldan and his followers, on condition of their presenting themselves
before him and returning to their allegiance to the crown within a month;
together with free conveyance for all such as wished to return to Spain;
but threatening to execute rigorous justice upon those who should not
appear within the limited time. A copy of this paper he sent to Roldan by
Carvajal, with a letter, stating the impossibility of compliance with his
terms, but offering to agree to any compact drawn up with the approbation
of Carvajal and Salamanca.
When Carvajal arrived, he found the veteran Ballester actually besieged in
his fortress of Conception by Roldan, under pretext of claiming, in his
official character of alcalde mayor, a culprit who had taken refuge there
from justice. He had cut off the supply of water from the fort, by way of
distressing it into a surrender. When Carvajal posted up the proclamation
of the admiral on the gate of the fortress, the rebels scoffed at the
proffered amnesty, saying that, in a little while, they would oblige the
admiral to ask the same at their hands. The earnest intercessions of
Carvajal, however, brought the leaders at length to reflection, and
through his mediation articles of capitulation were drawn up. By these it
was agreed that Roldan and his followers should embark for Spain from the
port of Xaragua in two ships, to be fitted out and victualed within fifty
days. That they should each receive from the admiral a certificate of good
conduct, and an order for the amount of their pay, up to the actual date.
That slaves should be given to them, as had been given to others, in
consideration of services performed; and as several of their company had
wives, natives of the island, who were pregnant, or had lately been
delivered, they might take them with them, if willing to go, in place of
the slaves. That satisfaction should be made for property of some of the
company which had been sequestrated, and for live-stock which had belonged
to Francisco Roldan. There were other conditions, providing for the
security of their persons: and it was stipulated that, if no reply were
received to these terms within eight days, the whole should be void.
[41]
This agreement was signed by Roldan and his companions at Fort Conception
on the 16th of November, and by the admiral at San Domingo on the 21st. At
the same time, he proclaimed a further act of grace, permitting such as
chose to remain in the island either to come to San Domingo, and enter
into the royal service, or to hold lands in any part of the island. They
preferred, however, to follow the fortunes of Roldan, who departed with
his band for Xaragua, to await the arrival of the ships, accompanied by
Miguel Ballester, sent by the admiral to superintend the preparations for
their embarkation.
Columbus was deeply grieved to have his projected enterprise to Terra
Firma impeded by such contemptible obstacles, and the ships which should
have borne his brother to explore that newly-found continent devoted to
the use of this turbulent and worthless rabble. He consoled himself,
however, with the reflection, that all the mischief which had so long been
lurking in the island, would thus be at once shipped off, and thenceforth
every thing restored to order and tranquillity. He ordered every exertion
to be made, therefore, to get the ships in readiness to be sent round to
Xaragua; but the scarcity of sea-stores, and the difficulty of completing
the arrangements for such a voyage in the disordered state of the colony,
delayed their departure far beyond the stipulated time. Feeling that he
had been compelled to a kind of deception towards the sovereigns, in the
certificate of good conduct given to Roldan and his followers, he wrote a
letter to them, stating the circumstances under which that certificate had
been in a manner wrung from him to save the island from utter confusion
and ruin. He represented the real character and conduct of those men; how
they had rebelled against his authority; prevented the Indians from paying
tribute; pillaged the island; possessed themselves of large quantities of
gold, and carried off the daughters of several of the caciques. He
advised, therefore, that they should be seized, and their slaves and
treasure taken from them, until their conduct could be properly
investigated. This letter he intrusted to a confidential person, who was
to go in one of the ships. [42]
The rebels having left the neighborhood, and the affairs of San Domingo
being in a state of security, Columbus put his brother Don Diego in
temporary command, and departed with the Adelantado on a tour of several
months to visit the various stations, and restore the island to order.
The two caravels destined for the use of the rebels sailed from San
Domingo for Xaragua about the end of February; but, encountering a violent
storm, were obliged to put into one of the harbors of the island, where
they were detained until the end of March. One was so disabled as to be
compelled to return to San Domingo. Another vessel was dispatched to
supply its place, in which the indefatigable Carvajal set sail, to
expedite the embarkation of the rebels. He was eleven days in making the
voyage, and found the other caravel at Xaragua.
The followers of Roldan had in the meantime changed their minds, and now
refused to embark; as usual, they threw all the blame on Columbus,
affirming that he had purposely delayed the ships far beyond the
stipulated time; that he had sent them in a state not sea-worthy, and
short of provisions, with many other charges, artfully founded on
circumstances over which they knew he could have no control. Carvajal made
a formal protest before a notary who had accompanied him, and finding that
the ships were suffering great injury from the teredo or worm, and their
provisions failing, he sent them back to San Domingo, and set out on his
return by land. Roldan accompanied him a little distance on horseback,
evidently disturbed in mind. He feared to return to Spain, yet was shrewd
enough to know the insecurity of his present situation at the head of a
band of dissolute men, acting in defiance of authority. What tie had he
upon their fidelity stronger than the sacred obligations which they had
violated? After riding thoughtfully for some distance, he paused, and
requested some private conversation with Carvajal before they parted. They
alighted under the shade of a tree. Here Roldan made further professions
of the loyalty of his intentions, and finally declared, that if the
admiral would once more send him a written security for his person, with
the guarantee also of the principal persons about him, he would come to
treat with him, and trusted that the whole matter would be arranged on
terms satisfactory to both parties. This offer, however, he added, must be
kept secret from his followers.
Carvajal, overjoyed at this prospect of a final arrangement, lost no time
in conveying the proposition of Roldan to the admiral. The latter
immediately forwarded the required passport or security, sealed with the
royal seal, accompanied by a letter written in amicable terms, exhorting
his quiet obedience to the authority of the sovereigns. Several of the
principal persons also, who were with the admiral, wrote, at his request,
a letter of security to Roldan, pledging themselves for the safety of
himself and his followers during the negotiation; provided they did
nothing hostile to the royal authority or its representative.
While Columbus was thus, with unwearied assiduity and loyal zeal,
endeavoring to bring the island back to its obedience, he received a reply
from Spain, to the earnest representations made by him, in the preceding
autumn, of the distracted state of the colony and the outrages of these
lawless men, and his prayers for royal countenance and support. The letter
was written by his invidious enemy, the Bishop Fonseca, superintendent of
Indian affairs. It acknowledged the receipt of his statement of the
alleged insurrection of Roldan, but observed that this matter must be
suffered to remain in suspense, as the sovereigns would investigate and
remedy it presently. [43]
This cold reply had a disheartening effect upon Columbus. He saw that his
complaints had little weight with the government; he feared that his
enemies were prejudicing him with the sovereigns; and he anticipated
redoubled insolence on the part of the rebels, when they should discover
how little influence he possessed in Spain. Full of zeal, however, for the
success of his undertaking, and of fidelity to the interests of the
sovereigns, he resolved to spare no personal sacrifice of comfort or
dignity in appeasing the troubles of the island. Eager to expedite the
negotiation with Roldan, therefore, he sailed in the latter part of August
with two caravels to the port of Azua, west of San Domingo, and much
nearer to Xaragua. He was accompanied by several of the most important
personages of the colony. Roldan repaired thither likewise, with the
turbulent Adrian de Moxica, and a number of his band. The concessions
already obtained had increased his presumption; and he had, doubtless,
received intelligence of the cold manner in which the complaints of the
admiral had been received in Spain. He conducted himself more like a
conqueror, exacting triumphant terms, than a delinquent seeking to procure
pardon by atonement. He came on board of the caravel, and with his usual
effrontery, propounded the preliminaries upon which he and his companions
were disposed to negotiate.
First, that he should be permitted to send several of his company, to the
number of fifteen, to Spain, in the vessels which were at San Domingo.
Secondly, that those who remained should have lands granted them, in place
of royal pay. Thirdly, that it should be proclaimed, that every thing
charged against him and his party had been grounded upon false testimony,
and the machinations of person disaffected to the royal service. Fourthly,
that he should be reinstated in his office of alcalde mayor, or chief
judge. [44]
These were hard and insolent conditions to commence with, but they were
granted. Roldan then went on shore, and communicated them to his
companions. At the end of the two days the insurgents sent their
capitulations, drawn up in form, and couched in arrogant language,
including all the stipulations granted at Fort Conception, with those
recently demanded by Roldan, and concluding with one, more insolent than
all the rest, namely, that if the admiral should fail in the fulfillment
of any of these articles, they should have a right to assemble together,
and compel his performance of them by force, or by any other means they
might think proper. [45] The conspirators thus sought not merely
exculpation of the past, but a pretext for future rebellion.
The mind grows wearied and impatient with recording, and the heart of the
generous reader must burn with indignation at perusing, this protracted
and ineffectual struggle of a man of the exalted merits and matchless
services of Columbus, in the toils of such miscreants. Surrounded by doubt
and danger; a foreigner among a jealous people; an unpopular commander in
a mutinous island; distrusted and slighted by the government he was
seeking to serve; and creating suspicion by his very services; he knew not
where to look for faithful advice, efficient aid, or candid judgment. The
very ground on which he stood seemed giving way under him, for he was told
of seditious symptoms among his own people. Seeing the impunity with which
the rebels rioted in the possession of one of the finest parts of the
island, they began to talk among themselves of following their example, of
abandoning the standard of the admiral, and seizing upon the province of
Higuey, at the eastern extremity of the island, which was said to contain
valuable mines of gold.
Thus critically situated, disregarding every consideration of personal
pride and dignity, and determined, at any individual sacrifice, to secure
the interests of an ungrateful sovereign, Columbus forced himself to sign
this most humiliating capitulation. He trusted that afterwards, when he
could gain quiet access to the royal ear, he should be able to convince
the king and queen that it had been compulsory, and forced from him by the
extraordinary difficulties in which he had been placed, and the imminent
perils of the colony. Before signing it, however, he inserted a
stipulation, that the commands of the sovereigns, of himself, and of the
justices appointed by him, should be punctually obeyed. [46]
Chapter IV.
Grants Made to Roldan and His Followers.--Departure of Several of the
Rebels for Spain.
[1499.]
When Roldan resumed his office of alcalde mayor, or chief judge, he
displayed all the arrogance to be expected from one who had intruded
himself into power by profligate means. At the city of San Domingo, he was
always surrounded by his faction; communed only with the dissolute and
disaffected; and, having all the turbulent and desperate men of the
community at his beck, was enabled to intimidate the quiet and loyal by
his frowns. He bore an impudent front against the authority even of
Columbus himself, discharging from office one Rodrigo Perez, a lieutenant
of the admiral, declaring that none but such as he appointed should bear a
staff of office in the island. [47] Columbus had a difficult and painful
task in bearing with the insolence of this man, and of the shameless
rabble which had returned, under his auspices, to the settlements. He
tacitly permitted many abuses; endeavoring by mildness and indulgence to
allay the jealousies and prejudices awakened against him, and by various
concessions to lure the factious to the performance of their duty. To such
of the colonists generally as preferred to remain in the island, he
offered a choice of either royal pay or portions of lands, with a number
of Indians, some free, others as slaves, to assist in the cultivation. The
latter was generally preferred; and grants were made out, in which he
endeavored, as much as possible, to combine the benefit of the individual
with the interests of the colony.
Roldan presented a memorial signed by upwards of one hundred of his late
followers, demanding grants of lands and licenses to settle, and choosing
Xaragua for their place of abode. The admiral feared to trust such a
numerous body of factious partisans in so remote a province; he contrived,
therefore, to distribute them in various parts of the island; some at
Bonao, where their settlement gave origin to the town of that name; others
on the bank of the Rio Verde, or Green River, in the Vega; others about
six leagues thence, at St. Jago. He assigned to them liberal portions of
land, and numerous Indian slaves, taken in the wars. He made an
arrangement, also, by which the caciques in their vicinity, instead of
paying tribute, should furnish parties of their subjects, free Indians, to
assist the colonists in the cultivation of their lands: a kind of feudal
service, which was the origin of the repartimientos, or distributions of
free Indians among the colonists, afterwards generally adopted, and
shamefully abused, throughout the Spanish colonies: a source of
intolerable hardships and oppressions to the unhappy natives, and which
greatly contributed to exterminate them from the island of Hispaniola.[48]
Columbus considered the island in the light of a conquered country, and
arrogated to himself all the rights of a conqueror, in the name of the
sovereigns for whom he fought. Of course all his companions in the
enterprise were entitled to take part in the acquired territory, and to
establish themselves there as feudal lords, reducing the natives to the
condition of villains or vassals. [49] This was an arrangement widely
different from his original intention of treating the natives with
kindness, as peaceful subjects of the crown. But all his plans had been
subverted, and his present measures forced upon him by the exigency of
the times, and the violence of lawless men. He appointed a captain with
an armed band, as a kind of police, with orders to range the provinces;
oblige the Indians to pay their tributes; watch over the conduct of the
colonists; and check the least appearance of mutiny or insurrection. [50]
Having sought and obtained such ample provisions for his followers, Roldan
was not more modest in making demands for himself. He claimed certain
lands in the vicinity of Isabella, as having belonged to him before his
rebellion; also a royal farm, called La Esperanza, situated on the Vega,
and devoted to the rearing of poultry. These the admiral granted him, with
permission to employ, in the cultivation of the farm, the subjects of the
cacique whose ears had been cut off by Alonzo de Ojeda in his first
military expedition into the Vega. Roldan received also grants of land in
Xaragua, and a variety of live-stock from the cattle and other animals
belonging to the crown. These grants were made to him provisionally, until
the pleasure of the sovereigns should be known; [51] for Columbus yet
trusted, that when they should understand the manner in which these
concessions had been extorted from him, the ringleaders of the rebels
would not merely be stripped of their ill-gotten possessions, but receive
well-merited punishment.
Roldan, having now enriched himself beyond his hopes, requested permission
of Columbus to visit his lands. This was granted with great reluctance. He
immediately departed for the Vega, and stopping at Bonao, his late
headquarters, made Pedro Riquelme, one of his most active confederates,
alcalde, or judge of the place, with the power of arresting all
delinquents, and sending them prisoners to the fortress of Conception,
where he reserved to himself the right of sentencing them. This was an
assumption of powers not vested in his office, and gave great offence to
Columbus. Other circumstances created apprehensions of further troubles
from the late insurgents. Pedro Riquelme, under pretext of erecting
farming buildings for his cattle, began to construct a strong edifice on a
hill, capable of being converted into a formidable fortress. This, it was
whispered, was done in concert with Roldan, by way of securing a
stronghold in case of need. Being in the neighborhood of the Vega, where
so many of their late partisans were settled, it would form a dangerous
rallying place for any new sedition. The designs of Riquelme were
suspected and his proceedings opposed by Pedro de Arana, a loyal and
honorable man, who was on the spot. Representations were made by both
parties to the admiral, who prohibited Riquelme from proceeding with the
construction of his edifice. [52]
Columbus had prepared to return, with his brother Don Bartholomew, to
Spain, where he felt that his presence was of the utmost importance to
place the late events of the island in a proper light; having found that
his letters of explanation were liable to be counteracted by the
misrepresentations of malevolent enemies. The island, however, was still
in a feverish state. He was not well assured of the fidelity of the late
rebels, though so dearly purchased; there was a rumor of a threatened
descent into the Vega, by the mountain tribes of Ciguay, to attempt the
rescue of their captive cacique Mayobanex, still detained a prisoner in
the fortress of Conception. Tidings were brought about the same time from
the western parts of the island, that four strange ships had arrived at
the coast, under suspicious appearances. These circumstances obliged him
to postpone his departure, and held him involved in the affairs of this
favorite but fatal island.
The two caravels were dispatched for Spain in the beginning of October,
taking such of the colonists as chose to return, and among them a number
of Roldan's partisans. Some of these took with them slaves, others carried
away the daughters of caciques whom they had beguiled from their families
and homes. At these iniquities, no less than at many others which equally
grieved his spirit, the admiral was obliged to connive. He was conscious,
at the same time, that he was sending home a reinforcement of enemies and
false witnesses, to defame his character and traduce his conduct, but he
had no alternative. To counteract, as much as possible, their
misrepresentations, he sent by the same caravel the loyal and upright
veteran Miguel Ballester, together with Garcia de Barrantés, empowered to
attend to his affairs at court, and furnished with the dispositions taken
relative to the conduct of Roldan and his accomplices.
In his letters to the sovereigns, he entreated them to inquire into the
truth of the late transactions. He stated his opinion that his
capitulations with the rebels were null and void, for various reasons,
viz.--they had been extorted from him by violence, and at sea, where he
did not exercise the office of viceroy--there had been two trials relative
to the insurrection, and the insurgents having been condemned as traitors,
it was not in the power of the admiral to absolve them from their
criminality--the capitulations treated of matters touching the royal
revenue, over which he had no control, without the intervention of the
proper officers;--lastly, Francisco Roldan and his companions, on leaving
Spain, had taken an oath to be faithful to the sovereigns, and to the
admiral in their name, which oath they had violated. For these and similar
reasons, some just, others rather sophistical, he urged the sovereigns not
to consider themselves bound to ratify the compulsory terms ceded to these
profligate men, but to inquire into their offences, and treat them
accordingly. [53]
He repeated the request made in a former letter, that a learned judge
might be sent out to administer the laws in the island, since he himself
had been charged with rigor, although conscious of having always observed
a guarded clemency. He requested also that discreet persons should be sent
out to form a council, and others for certain fiscal employments,
entreating, however, that their powers should be so limited and defined,
as not to interfere with his dignity and privileges. He bore strongly on
this point; as his prerogatives on former occasions had been grievously
invaded. It appeared to him, he said, that princes ought to show much
confidence in their governors; for without the royal favor to give them
strength and consequence, every thing went to ruin under their command; a
sound maxim, forced from the admiral by his recent experience, in which
much of his own perplexities, and the triumph of the rebels, had been
caused by the distrust of the crown, and its inattention to his
remonstrances.
Finding age and infirmity creeping upon him, and his health much impaired
by his last voyage, he began to think of his son Diego, as an active
coadjutor; who, being destined as his successor, might gain experience
under his eye, for the future discharge of his high duties. Diego, though
still serving as a page at the court, was grown to man's estate, and
capable of entering into the important concerns of life. Columbus
entreated, therefore, that he might be sent out to assist him, as he felt
himself infirm in health and broken in constitution, and less capable of
exertion than formerly. [54]
Chapter V.
Arrival of Ojeda with a Squadron at the Western Part of the Island.--Roldan
Sent to Meet Him.
[1499.]
Among the causes which induced Columbus to postpone his departure for
Spain, has been mentioned the arrival of four ships at the western part of
the island. These had anchored on the 5th of September in a harbor a
little below Jacquemel, apparently with the design of cutting dye-woods,
which abound in that neighborhood, and of carrying off the natives for
slaves. Further reports informed him that they were commanded by Alonzo de
Ojeda, the same hot-headed and bold-hearted cavalier who had distinguished
himself on various occasions in the previous voyages of discovery, and
particularly in the capture of the cacique Caonabo. Knowing the daring and
adventurous spirit of this man, Columbus felt much disturbed at his
visiting the island in this clandestine manner, on what appeared to be
little better than a freebooting expedition. To call him to account, and
oppose his aggressions, required an agent of spirit and address. No one
seemed better fitted for the purpose than Roldan. He was as daring as
Ojeda, and of a more crafty character. An expedition of the kind would
occupy the attention of himself and his partisans, and divert them from
any schemes of mischief. The large concessions recently made to them
would, he trusted, secure their present fidelity, rendering it more
profitable for them to be loyal than rebellious.
Roldan readily undertook the enterprise. He had nothing further to gain by
sedition, and was anxious to secure his ill-gotten possessions and atone
for past offences by public services. He was vain as well as active, and
took a pride in acquitting himself well in an expedition which called for
both courage and shrewdness. Departing from San Domingo with two caravels,
he arrived on the 29th of September within two leagues of the harbor where
the ships of Ojeda were anchored. Here he landed with five-and-twenty
resolute followers, well armed, and accustomed to range the forests. He
sent five scouts to reconnoitre. They brought word that Ojeda was several
leagues distant from his ships, with only fifteen men, employed in making
cassava bread in an Indian village. Roldan threw himself between them and
the ships, thinking to take them by surprise. They were apprised, however,
of his approach by the Indians, with whom the very name of Roldan inspired
terror, from his late excesses in Xaragua. Ojeda saw his danger; he
supposed Roldan had been sent in pursuit of him, and he found himself cut
off from his ships. With his usual intrepidity he immediately presented
himself before Roldan, attended merely by half a dozen followers. The
latter craftily began by conversing on general topics. He then inquired
into his motives for landing on the island, particularly on that remote
and lonely part, without first reporting his arrival to the admiral. Ojeda
replied, that he had been on a voyage of discovery, and had put in there
in distress, to repair his ships and procure provisions. Roldan then
demanded, in the name of the government, a sight of the license under
which he sailed. Ojeda, who knew the resolute character of the man he had
to deal with, restrained his natural impetuosity, and replied that his
papers were on board of his ship. He declared his intention, on departing
thence, to go to San Domingo, and pay his homage to the admiral, having
many things to tell him which were for his private ear alone. He intimated
to Roldan that the admiral was in complete disgrace at court; that there
was a talk of taking from him his command, and that the queen, his
patroness, was ill beyond all hopes of recovery. This intimation, it is
presumed, was referred to by Roldan in his dispatches to the admiral,
wherein he mentioned that certain things had been communicated to him by
Ojeda, which he did not think it safe to confide to a letter.
Roldan now repaired to the ships. He found several persons on board with
whom he was acquainted, and who had already been in Hispaniola. They
confirmed the truth of what Ojeda had said, and showed a license signed by
the Bishop of Fonseca, as superintendent of the affairs of the Indias,
authorizing him to sail on a voyage of discovery. [55]
It appeared, from the report of Ojeda and his followers, that the glowing
accounts sent home by Columbus of his late discoveries on the coast of
Paria, his magnificent speculations with respect to the riches of the
newly-found country, and the specimen of pearls transmitted to the
sovereigns, had inflamed the cupidity of various adventurers. Ojeda
happened to be at that time in Spain. He was a favorite of the Bishop of
Fonseca, and obtained a sight of the letter written by the admiral to the
sovereigns, and the charts and maps of his route by which it was
accompanied. Ojeda knew Columbus to be embarrassed by the seditions of
Hispaniola; he found, by his conversations with Fonseca and other of the
admiral's enemies, that strong doubts and jealousies existed in the mind
of the king with respect to his conduct, and that his approaching downfall
was confidently predicted. The idea of taking advantage of these
circumstances struck Ojeda, and, by a private enterprise, he hoped to be
the first in gathering the wealth of these newly-discovered regions. He
communicated his project to his patron, Fonseca. The latter was but too
ready for any tiling that might defeat the plans and obscure the glory of
Columbus; and it may be added that he always showed himself more disposed
to patronize mercenary adventurers than upright and high-minded men. He
granted Ojeda every facility; furnishing him with copies of the papers and
charts of Columbus, by which to direct himself in his course, and a letter
of license signed with his own name, though not with that of the
sovereigns. In this, it was stipulated that he should not touch at any
land belonging to the King of Portugal, nor any that had been discovered
by Columbus prior to 1495. The last provision shows the perfidious
artifice of Fonseca, as it left Paria and the Pearl Islands free to the
visits of Ojeda, they having been discovered by Columbus subsequent to the
designated year. The ships were to be fitted out at the charges of the
adventurers, and a certain proportion of the products of the voyage were
to be rendered to the crown.
Under this license Ojeda fitted out four ships at Seville, assisted by
many eager and wealthy speculators. Among the number was the celebrated
Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine merchant, well acquainted with geography
and navigation. The principal pilot of the expedition was Juan de la Cosa,
a mariner of great repute, a disciple of the admiral, whom he had
accompanied in his first voyage of discovery, and in that along the
southern coast of Cuba, and round the island of Jamaica. There were
several also of the mariners, and Bartholomew Roldan, a distinguished
pilot, who had been with Columbus in his voyage to Paria. [56] Such was
the expedition which, by a singular train of circumstances, eventually
gave the name of this Florentine merchant, Amerigo Vespucci, to the whole
of the New World.
This expedition had sailed in May, 1499. The adventurers had arrived on
the southern continent, and ranged along its coast, from two hundred
leagues east of the Oronoco, to the Gulf of Paria. Guided by the charts of
Columbus, they had passed through this gulf, and through the Boca del
Dragon, and had kept along westward to Cape de la Vela, visiting the
island of Margarita and the adjacent continent, and discovering the Gulf
of Venezuela. They had subsequently touched at the Caribbee Islands, where
they had fought with the fierce natives, and made many captives, with the
intention of selling them in the slave-markets of Spain. Thence, being in
need of supplies, they had sailed to Hispaniola, having performed the most
extensive voyage hitherto made along the shores of the New World.
[57]
Having collected all the information that he could obtain concerning these
voyagers, their adventures and designs, and trusting to the declaration of
Ojeda, that he should proceed forthwith to present himself to the admiral,
Roldan returned to San Domingo to render a report of his mission.
Chapter VI.
Manoevres of Roldan and Ojeda.
[1500.]
When intelligence was brought to Columbus of the nature of the expedition
of Ojeda, and the license under which he sailed, he considered himself
deeply aggrieved, it being a direct infraction of his most important
prerogatives, and sanctioned by authority which ought to have held them
sacred. He awaited patiently, however, the promised visit of Alonzo de
Ojeda to obtain fuller explanations. Nothing was further from the
intention of that roving commander than to keep such promise: he had made
it merely to elude the vigilance of Roldan. As soon as he had refitted his
vessels and obtained a supply of provisions, he sailed round to the coast
of Xaragua, where he arrived in February. Here he was well received by the
Spaniards resident in that province, who supplied all his wants. Among
them were many of the late comrades of Roldan; loose, random characters,
impatient of order and restraint, and burning with animosity against the
admiral, for having again brought them under the wholesome authority of
the laws.
Knowing the rash and fearless character of Ojeda, and finding that there
were jealousies between him and the admiral, they hailed him as a new
leader, come to redress their fancied grievances, in place of Roldan, whom
they considered as having deserted them. They made clamorous complaints to
Ojeda of the injustice of the admiral, whom they charged with withholding
from them the arrears of their pay.
Ojeda was a hot-headed man, with somewhat of a vaunting spirit, and
immediately set himself up for a redresser of grievances. It is said also
that he gave himself out as authorized by government, in conjunction with
Carvajal, to act as counselors, or rather supervisors of the admiral; and
that one of the first measures they were to take, was to enforce the
payment of all salaries due to the servants of the crown. [58] It is
questionable, however, whether Ojeda made any pretension of the kind,
which could so readily be disproved, and would have tended to disgrace
him with the government. It is probable that he was encouraged in his
intermeddling, chiefly by his knowledge of the tottering state of the
admiral's favor at court, and of his own security in the powerful
protection of Fonseca. He may have imbibed also the opinion, diligently
fostered by those with whom he had chiefly communicated in Spain, just
before his departure, that these people had been driven to extremities by
the oppression of the admiral and his brothers. Some feeling of
generosity, therefore, may have mingled with his usual love of action and
enterprise, when he proposed to redress all their wrongs, put himself at
their head, march at once to San Domingo, and oblige the admiral to pay
them on the spot, or expel him from the island.
The proposition of Ojeda was received with acclamations of transport by
some of the rebels; others made objections. Quarrels arose: a ruffianly
scene of violence and brawl ensued, in which several were killed and
wounded on both sides; but the party for the expedition to San Domingo
remained triumphant.
Fortunately for the peace and safety of the admiral, Roldan arrived in the
neighborhood, just at this critical juncture, attended by a crew of
resolute fellows. He had been dispatched by Columbus to watch the
movements of Ojeda, on hearing of his arrival on the coast of Xaragua.
Apprised of the violent scenes which were taking place, Roldan, when on
the way, sent to his old confederate Diego de Escobar, to follow him with
all the trusty force he could collect. They reached Xaragua within a day
of each other. An instance of the bad faith usual between bad men was now
evinced. The former partisans of Roldan, finding him earnest in his
intention of serving the government, and that there was no hope of
engaging him in their new sedition, sought to waylay and destroy him on
his march, but his vigilance and celerity prevented them. [59]
Ojeda, when he heard of the approach of Roldan and Escobar, retired on
board of his ships. Though of a daring spirit, he had no inclination, in
the present instance, to come to blows, where there was a certainty of
desperate fighting, and no gain; and where he must raise his arm against
government. Roldan now issued such remonstrances as had often been
ineffectually addressed to himself. He wrote to Ojeda, reasoning with him
on his conduct, and the confusion he was producing in the island, and
inviting him on shore to an amicable arrangement of all alleged
grievances. Ojeda, knowing the crafty, violent character of Roldan,
disregarded his repeated messages, and refused to venture within his
power. He even seized one of his messengers, Diego de Truxillo, and
landing suddenly at Xaragua, carried off another of his followers, named
Toribio de Lenares; both of whom he detained in irons, on board of his
vessel, as hostages for a certain Juan Pintor, a one-armed sailor, who had
deserted, threatening to hang them if the deserter was not given up.
[60]
Various manoeuvres took place between these two well-matched opponents;
each wary of the address and prowess of the other. Ojeda made sail, and
stood twelve leagues to the northward, to the province of Cahay, one of
the most beautiful and fertile parts of the country, and inhabited by a
kind and gentle people. Here he landed with forty men, seizing upon
whatever he could find of the provisions of the natives. Roldan and
Escobar followed along shore, and were soon at his heels. Roldan then
dispatched Escobar in a light canoe, paddled swiftly by Indians, who,
approaching within hail of the ship, informed Ojeda that, since he would
not trust himself on shore, Roldan would come and confer with him on
board, if he would send a boat for him.
Ojeda now thought himself secure of his enemy; he immediately dispatched a
boat within a short distance of the shore, where the crew lay on their
oars, requiring Roldan to come to them. "How many may accompany me?"
demanded the latter. "Only five or six," was the reply. Upon this Diego de
Escobar and four others waded to the boat. The crew refused to admit more.
Roldan then ordered one man to carry him to the barge, and another to walk
by his side, and assist him. By this stratagem, his party was eight
strong. The instant he entered the boat, he ordered the oarsmen to row to
shore. On their refusing, he and his companions attacked them sword in
hand, wounded several, and made all prisoners, excepting an Indian archer,
who, plunging under the water, escaped by swimming.
This was an important triumph for Roldan. Ojeda, anxious for the recovery
of his boat, which was indispensable for the service of the ship, now made
overtures of peace. He approached the shore in his remaining boat, of
small size, taking with him his principal pilot, an arquebusier, and four
oarsmen. Roldan entered the boat he had just captured, with seven rowers
and fifteen fighting men, causing fifteen others to be ready on shore to
embark in a large canoe, in case of need. A characteristic interview took
place between these doughty antagonists, each keeping warily on his guard.
Their conference was carried on at a distance. Ojeda justified his hostile
movements by alleging that Roldan had come with an armed force to seize
him. This the latter positively denied, promising him the most amicable
reception from the admiral, in case he would repair to San Domingo. An
arrangement was at length effected; the boat was restored, and mutual
restitution of the men took place, with the exception of Juan Pintor, the
one-armed deserter, who had absconded; and on the following day, Ojeda,
according to agreement, set sail to leave the island, threatening however
to return at a future time with more ships and men. [61]
Roldan waited in the neighborhood, doubting the truth of his departure. In
the course of a few days, word was brought that Ojeda had landed on a
distant part of the coast. He immediately pursued him with eighty men in
canoes, sending scouts by land. Before he arrived at the place, Ojeda had
again made sail, and Roldan saw and heard no more of him. Las Casas
asserts, however, that Ojeda departed either to some remote district of
Hispaniola, or to the island of Porto Rico, where he made up what he
called his _Cavalgada_, or drove of slaves; carrying off numbers of
the unhappy natives, whom he sold in the slave-market of Cadiz. [62]
Chapter VII.
Conspiracy of Guevara and Moxica.
[1500.]
When men have been accustomed to act falsely, they take great merit to
themselves for an exertion of common honesty. The followers of Roldan were
loud in trumpeting forth their unwonted loyalty, and the great services
they had rendered to government in driving Ojeda from the island. Like all
reformed knaves, they expected that their good conduct would be amply
rewarded. Looking upon their leader as having every thing in his gift, and
being well pleased with the delightful province of Cahay, they requested
him to share the land among them, that they might settle there. Roldan
would have had no hesitation in granting their request, had it been made
during his freebooting career; but he was now anxious to establish a
character for adherence to the laws. He declined, therefore, acceding to
their wishes, until sanctioned by the admiral. Knowing, however, that he
had fostered a spirit among these men which it was dangerous to
contradict, and that their rapacity, by long indulgence, did not admit of
delay, he shared among them certain lands of his own, in the territory of
his ancient host Behechio, cacique of Xaragua. He then wrote to the
admiral for permission to return to San Domingo, and received a letter in
reply, giving him many thanks and commendations for the diligence and
address which he had manifested, but requesting him to remain for a time
in Xaragua, lest Ojeda should be yet hovering about the coast, and
disposed to make another descent in that province.
The troubles of the island were not yet at an end, but were destined again
to break forth, and from somewhat of a romantic cause. There arrived about
this time, at Xaragua, a young cavalier of noble family, named Don
Hernando de Guevara. He possessed an agreeable person and winning manners,
but was headstrong in his passions and dissolute in his principles. He was
cousin to Adrian de Moxica, one of the most active ringleaders in the late
rebellion of Roldan, and had conducted himself with such licentiousness at
San Domingo, that Columbus had banished him from the island. There being
no other opportunity of embarking, he had been sent to Xaragua, to return
to Spain in one of the ships of Ojeda, but arrived after their departure.
Roldan received him favorably, on account of his old comrade, Adrian de
Moxica, and permitted him to choose some place of residence until further
orders concerning him should arrive from the admiral. He chose the
province of Cahay, at the place where Roldan had captured the boat of
Ojeda. It was a delightful part of that beautiful coast; but the reason
why Guevara chose it, was the vicinity to Xaragua. While at the latter
place, in consequence of the indulgence of Roldan, he was favorably
received at the house of Anacaona, the widow of Caonabo, and sister of the
cacique Behechio. That remarkable woman still retained her partiality to
the Spaniards, notwithstanding the disgraceful scenes which had passed
before her eyes; and the native dignity of her character had commanded the
respect even of the dissolute rabble which infested her province. By her
late husband, the cacique Caonabo, she had a daughter named Higuenamota,
just grown up, and greatly admired for her beauty. Guevara being often in
company with her, a mutual attachment ensued. It was to be near her that
he chose Cahay as a residence, at a place where his cousin Adrian de
Moxica kept a number of dogs and hawks, to be employed in the chase.
Guevara delayed his departure. Roldan discovered the reason, and warned
him to desist from his pretensions and leave the province. Las Casas
intimates that Roldan was himself attached to the young Indian beauty, and
jealous of her preference of his rival. Anacaona, the mother, pleased with
the gallant appearance and ingratiating manners of the youthful cavalier,
favored his attachment; especially as he sought her daughter in marriage.
Notwithstanding the orders of Roldan, Guevara still lingered in Xaragua,
in the house of Anacaona; and sending for a priest, desired him to baptize
his intended bride.
Hearing of this, Roldan sent for Guevara, and rebuked him sharply for
remaining at Xaragua, and attempting to deceive a person of the importance
of Anacaona, by ensnaring the affections of her daughter. Guevara avowed
the strength of his passion, and his correct intentions, and entreated
permission to remain. Roldan was inflexible. He alleged that some evil
construction might be put on his conduct by the admiral; but it is
probable his true motive was a desire to send away a rival, who interfered
with his own amorous designs. Guevara obeyed; but had scarce been three
days at Cahay, when, unable to remain longer absent from the object of his
passion, he returned to Xaragua, accompanied by four or five friends, and
concealed himself in the dwelling of Anacaona. Roldan, who was at that
time confined by a malady in his eyes, being apprised of his return, sent
orders for him to depart instantly to Cahay. The young cavalier assumed a
tone of defiance. He warned Roldan not to make foes when he had such great
need of friends; for, to his certain knowledge, the admiral intended to
behead him. Upon this, Roldan commanded him to quit that part of the
island, and repair to San Domingo, to present himself before the admiral.
The thoughts of being banished entirely from the vicinity of his Indian
beauty checked the vehemence of the youth. He changed his tone of haughty
defiance into one of humble supplication; and Roldan, appeased by this
submission, permitted him to remain for the present in the neighborhood.
Roldan had instilled willfulness and violence into the hearts of his late
followers, and now was doomed to experience the effects. Guevara, incensed
at his opposition to his passion, meditated revenge. He soon made a party
among the old comrades of Roldan, who detested, as a magistrate, the man
they had idolized as a leader. It was concerted to rise suddenly upon him,
and either to kill him or put out his eyes. Roldan was apprised of the
plot, and proceeded with his usual promptness. Guevara was seized in the
dwelling of Anacaona, in the presence of his intended bride; seven of his
accomplices were likewise arrested. Roldan immediately sent an account of
the affair to the admiral, professing, at present, to do nothing without
his authority, and declaring himself not competent to judge impartially in
the case. Columbus, who was at that time at Fort Conception, in the Vega,
ordered the prisoner to be conducted to the fortress of San Domingo.
The vigorous measures of Roldan against his old comrades produced
commotions in the island. When Adrian de Moxica heard that his cousin
Guevara was a prisoner, and that, too, by command of his former
confederate, he was highly exasperated, and resolved on vengeance.
Hastening to Bonao, the old haunt of rebellion, he obtained the
co-operation of Pedro Riquelme, the recently-appointed alcalde. They went
round among their late companions in rebellion, who had received lands and
settled in various parts of the Vega, working upon their ready passions,
and enlisting their feelings in the cause of an old comrade. These men
seem to have had an irresistible propensity to sedition. Guevara was a
favorite with them all; the charms of the Indian beauty had probably their
influence; and the conduct of Roldan was pronounced a tyrannical
interference, to prevent a marriage agreeable to all parties, and
beneficial to the colony. There is no being so odious to his former
associates as a reformed robber, or a rebel, enlisted in the service of
justice. The old scenes of faction were renewed; the weapons which had
scarce been hung up from the recent rebellions were again snatched down
from the walls, and rash preparations were made for action. Moxica soon
saw a body of daring and reckless men ready, with horse and weapon, to
follow him on any desperate enterprise. Blinded by the impunity which had
attended their former outrages, he now threatened acts of greater
atrocity, meditating not merely the rescue of his cousin, but the death of
Roldan and the admiral.
Columbus was at Fort Conception, with an inconsiderable force, when this
dangerous plot was concerted in his very neighborhood. Not dreaming of any
further hostilities from men on whom he had lavished favors, he would
doubtless have fallen into their power, had not intelligence been brought
him of the plot by a deserter from the conspirators. He saw at a glance
the perils by which he was surrounded, and the storm about to burst upon
the island. It was no longer a time for lenient measures; he determined to
strike a blow which should crush the very head of rebellion.
Taking with him but six or seven trusty servants, and three esquires, all
well armed, he set out in the night for the place where the ringleaders
were quartered. Confiding probably in the secrecy of their plot, and the
late passiveness of the admiral, they appear to have been perfectly
unguarded. Columbus came upon them by surprise, seized Moxica and several
of his principal confederates, and bore them off to Fort Conception. The
moment was critical; the Vega was ripe for a revolt; he had the fomenter
of the conspiracy in his power, and an example was called for, that should
strike terror into the factious. He ordered Moxica to be hanged on the top
of the fortress. The latter entreated to be allowed to confess himself
previous to execution. A priest was summoned. The miserable Moxica, who
had been so arrogant in rebellion, lost all courage at the near approach
of death. He delayed to confess, beginning and pausing, and re-commencing,
and again hesitating, as if he hoped, by whiling away time, to give a
chance for rescue. Instead of confessing his own sins, he accused others
of criminality, who were known to be innocent; until Columbus, incensed at
this falsehood and treachery, and losing all patience, in his mingled
indignation and scorn, ordered the dastard wretch to be swung off from the
battlements. [63]
This sudden act of severity was promptly followed up. Several of the
accomplices of Moxica were condemned to death and thrown in irons to await
their fate. Before the conspirators had time to recover from their
astonishment, Pedro Riquelme was taken, with several of his compeers, in
his ruffian den at Bonao, and conveyed to the fortress of San Domingo;
where was also confined the original mover of this second rebellion,
Hernando de Guevara, the lover of the young Indian princess. These
unexpected acts of rigor, proceeding from a quarter which had been long so
lenient, had the desired effect. The conspirators fled for the most part
to Xaragua, their old and favorite retreat. They were not suffered to
congregate there again, and concert new seditions. The Adelantado,
seconded by Roldan, pursued them with his characteristic rapidity of
movement and vigor of arm. It has been said that he carried a priest with
him, in order that, as he arrested delinquents, they might be confessed
and hanged upon the spot; but the more probable account is that he
transmitted them prisoners to San Domingo. He had seventeen of them at one
time confined in one common dungeon, awaiting their trial, while he
continued in indefatigable pursuit of the remainder. [64]
These were prompt and severe measures; but when we consider how long
Columbus had borne with these men; how much he had ceded and sacrificed to
them; how he had been interrupted in all his great undertakings, and the
welfare of the colony destroyed by their contemptible and seditious
brawls; how they had abused his lenity, defied his authority, and at
length attempted his life,-we cannot wonder that he should at last let
fall the sword of justice, which he had hitherto held suspended.
The power of faction was now completely subdued; and the good effects of
the various measures taken by Columbus, since his last arrival, for the
benefit of the island, began to appear. The Indians, seeing the inefficacy
of resistance, submitted to the yoke. Many gave signs of civilization,
having, in some instances, adopted clothing and embraced Christianity.
Assisted by their labors, the Spaniards now cultivated their lands
diligently, and there was every appearance of settled and regular
prosperity.
Columbus considered all this happy change as brought about by the especial
intervention of heaven. In a letter to Doña Juana de la Torre, a lady of
distinction, aya or nurse of Prince Juan, he gives an instance of those
visionary fancies to which he was subject in times of illness and anxiety.
In the preceding winter, he says, about the festival of Christmas, when
menaced by Indian war and domestic rebellion, when distrustful of those
around him and apprehensive of disgrace at court, he sank for a time into
complete despondency. In this hour of gloom, when abandoned to despair, he
heard in the night a voice addressing him in words of comfort, "Oh man of
little faith! why art thou cast down? Fear nothing, I will provide for
thee. The seven years of the term of gold are not expired; in that, and in
all other things, I will take care of thee."
The seven years term of gold here mentioned, alludes to a vow made by
Columbus on discovering the New World, and recorded by him in a letter to
the sovereigns, that within seven years he would furnish, from the profits
of his discoveries, fifty thousand foot and five thousand horse, for the
deliverance of the holy sepulchre, and an additional force of like amount,
within five years afterwards.
The comforting assurance given him by the voice was corroborated, he says,
that very day, by intelligence received of the discovery of a large tract
of country rich in mines. [65] This imaginary promise of
divine aid thus mysteriously given, appeared to him at present in still
greater progress of fulfillment. The troubles and dangers of the island
had been succeeded by tranquillity. He now anticipated the prosperous
prosecution of his favorite enterprise, so long interrupted,--the
exploring of the regions of Paria, and the establishment of a fishery in
the Gulf of Pearls. How illusive were his hopes! At this moment events
were maturing which were to overwhelm him with distress, strip him of his
honors, and render him comparatively a wreck for the remainder of his
days!
Book XIII.
Chapter I.
Representations at Court Against Columbus.--Bobadilla Empowered to Examine
into His Conduct.
[1500.]
While Columbus was involved in a series of difficulties in the factious
island of Hispaniola, his enemies were but too successful in undermining
his reputation in the court of Spain. The report brought by Ojeda of his
anticipated disgrace was not entirely unfounded; the event was considered
near at hand, and every perfidious exertion was made to accelerate it.
Every vessel from the New World came freighted with complaints,
representing Columbus and his brothers as new men, unaccustomed to
command, inflated by their sudden rise from obscurity; arrogant and
insulting towards men of birth and lofty spirit; oppressive of the common
people, and cruel in their treatment of the natives. The insidious and
illiberal insinuation was continually urged, that they were foreigners,
who could have no interest in the glory of Spain, or the prosperity of
Spaniards; and contemptible as this plea may seem, it had a powerful
effect. Columbus was even accused of a design to cast off all allegiance
to Spain, and either make himself sovereign of the countries he had
discovered, or yield them into the hands of some other power: a slander
which, however extravagant, was calculated to startle the jealous mind of
Ferdinand.
It is true, that by every ship Columbus likewise sent home statements,
written with the frankness and energy of truth, setting forth the real
cause and nature of the distractions of the island, and pointing out and
imploring remedies, which, if properly applied, might have been
efficacious. His letters, however, arriving at distant intervals, made but
single and transient impressions on the royal mind, which were speedily
effaced by the influence of daily and active misrepresentation. His
enemies at court, having continual access to the sovereigns, were enabled
to place every thing urged against him in the strongest point of view,
while they secretly neutralized the force of his vindications. They used a
plausible logic to prove either bad management or bad faith on his part.
There was an incessant drain upon the mother country for the support of
the colony. Was this compatible with the extravagant pictures he had drawn
of the wealth of the island, and its golden mountains, in which he had
pretended to find the Ophir of ancient days, the source of all the riches
of Solomon? They inferred that he had either deceived the sovereigns by
designing exaggerations, or grossly wronged them by malpractices, or was
totally incapable of the duties of government.
The disappointment of Ferdinand, in finding his newly-discovered
possessions a source of expense instead of profit, was known to press
sorely on his mind. The wars, dictated by his ambition, had straitened his
resources, and involved him in perplexities. He had looked with confidence
to the New World for relief, and for ample means to pursue his triumphs;
and grew impatient at the repeated demands which it occasioned on his
scanty treasury. For the purpose of irritating his feelings and
heightening his resentment, every disappointed and repining man who
returned from the colony was encouraged, by the hostile faction, to put in
claims for pay withheld by Columbus, or losses sustained in his service.
This was especially the case with the disorderly ruffians shipped off to
free the island from sedition. Finding their way to the court of Granada,
they followed the king when he rode out, filling the air with their
complaints, and clamoring for their pay. At one time, about fifty of these
vagabonds found their way into the inner court of the Alhambra, under the
royal apartments; holding up bunches of grapes, as the meagre diet left
them by their poverty, and railing aloud at the deceits of Columbus, and
the cruel neglect of government. The two sons of Columbus, who were pages
to the queen, happening to pass by, they followed them with imprecations,
exclaiming, "There go the sons of the admiral, the whelps of him who
discovered the land of vanity and delusion, the grave of Spanish
hidalgos." [66]
The incessant repetition of falsehood will gradually wear its way into the
most candid mind. Isabella herself began to entertain doubts respecting
the conduct of Columbus. Where there was such universal and incessant
complaint, it seemed reasonable to conclude that there must exist some
fault. If Columbus and his brothers were upright, they might be
injudicious; and, in government, mischief is oftener produced through
error of judgment, than iniquity of design. The letters written by
Columbus himself presented a lamentable picture of the confusion of the
island. Might not this arise from the weakness and incapacity of the
rulers? Even granting that the prevalent abuses arose in a great measure
from the enmity of the people to the admiral and his brothers, and their
prejudices against them as foreigners, was it safe to intrust so important
and distant a command to persons so unpopular with the community?
These considerations had much weight in the candid mind of Isabella, but
they were all-powerful with the cautious and jealous Ferdinand. He had
never regarded Columbus with real cordiality; and ever since he had
ascertained the importance of his discoveries, had regretted the extensive
powers vested in his hands. The excessive clamors which had arisen during
the brief administration of the Adelantado, and the breaking out of the
faction of Roldan, at length determined the king to send out some person
of consequence and ability, to investigate the affairs of the colony, and,
if necessary for its safety, to take upon himself the command. This
important and critical measure it appears had been decided upon, and the
papers and powers actually drawn out, in the spring of 1499. It was not
carried into effect, however, until the following year. Various reasons
have been assigned for this delay. The important services rendered by
Columbus in the discovery of Paria and the Pearl Islands may have had some
effect on the royal mind. The necessity of fitting out an armament just at
that moment, to co-operate with the Venetians against the Turks; the
menacing movements of the new king of France, Louis XII; the rebellion of
the Moors of the Alpuxarra mountains in the lately-conquered kingdom of
Granada; all these have been alleged as reasons for postponing a measure
which called for much consideration, and might have important effects upon
the newly-discovered possessions. [67] The most probable reason, however,
was the strong disinclination of Isabella to take so harsh a step against
a man for whom she entertained such ardent gratitude and high admiration.
At length the arrival of the ships with the late followers of Roldan,
according to their capitulation, brought matters to a crisis. It is true
that Ballester and Barrantes came in these ships, to place the affairs of
the island in a proper light; but they brought out a host of witnesses in
favor of Roldan, and letters written by himself and his confederates,
attributing all their late conduct to the tyranny of Columbus and his
brothers. Unfortunately, the testimony of the rebels had the greatest
weight with Ferdinand; and there was a circumstance in the case which
suspended for a time the friendship of Isabella, hitherto the greatest
dependence of Columbus.
Having a maternal interest in the welfare of the natives, the queen had
been repeatedly offended by what appeared to her pertinacity on the part
of Columbus, in continuing to make slaves of those taken in warfare, in
contradiction to her known wishes. The same ships which brought home the
companions of Roldan, brought likewise a great number of slaves. Some,
Columbus had been obliged to grant to these men by the articles of
capitulation; others they had brought away clandestinely. Among them were
several daughters of caciques, seduced away from their families and their
native island by these profligates. Some of these were in a state of
pregnancy, others had new-born infants. The gifts and transfers of these
unhappy beings were all ascribed to the will of Columbus, and represented
to Isabella in the darkest colors. Her sensibility as a woman, and her
dignity as a queen, were instantly in arms. "What power," exclaimed she
indignantly, "has the admiral to give away my vassals?" [68] Determined,
by one decided and peremptory act, to show her abhorrence of these
outrages upon humanity, she ordered all the Indians to be restored to
their country and friends. Nay more, her measure was retrospective. She
commanded that those formerly sent to Spain by the admiral should be
sought out, and sent back to Hispaniola. Unfortunately for Columbus, at
this very juncture, in one of his letters, he advised the continuance of
Indian slavery for some time longer, as a measure important for the
welfare of the colony. This contributed to heighten the indignation of
Isabella, and induced her no longer to oppose the sending out of a
commission to investigate his conduct, and, if necessary, to supersede
him in command.
Ferdinand was exceedingly embarrassed in appointing this commission,
between his sense of what was due to the character and services of
Columbus, and his anxiety to retract with delicacy the powers vested in
him. A pretext at length was furnished by the recent request of the
admiral that a person of talents and probity, learned in the law, might be
sent out to act as chief judge; and that an impartial umpire might be
appointed, to decide in the affair between himself and Roldan. Ferdinand
proposed to consult his wishes, but to unite those two officers in one;
and as the person he appointed would have to decide in matters touching
the highest functions of the admiral and his brothers, he was empowered,
should he find them culpable, to supersede them in the government; a
singular mode of insuring partiality!
The person chosen for this momentous and delicate office was Don Francisco
de Bobadilla, an officer of the royal household, and a commander of the
military and religious order of Calatrava. Oviedo pronounces him a very
honest and religious man; [69] but he is represented by others, and his
actions corroborate the description, as needy, passionate, and ambitious;
three powerful objections to his exercising the rights of judicature in a
case requiring the utmost patience, candor, and circumspection, and where
the judge was to derive wealth and power from the conviction of one of the
parties.
The authority vested in Bobadilla is defined in letters from the
sovereigns still extant, and which deserve to be noticed chronologically;
for the royal intentions appear to have varied with times and
circumstances. The first was dated on the 21st of March, 1499, and
mentions the complaint of the admiral, that an alcalde, and certain other
persons, had risen in rebellion against him. "Wherefore," adds the latter,
"we order you to inform yourself of the truth of the foregoing; to
ascertain who and what persons they were who rose against the said admiral
and our magistracy, and for what cause; and what robberies and other
injuries they have committed; and furthermore, to extend your inquiries to
all other matters relating to the premises; and the information obtained,
and the truth known, whomsoever you find culpable, _arrest their
persons, and sequestrate their effects;_ and thus taken, proceed
against them and the absent, both civilly and criminally, and impose and
inflict such fines and punishments as you may think fit." To carry this
into effect, Bobadilla was authorized, in case of necessity, to call in
the assistance of the admiral, and of all other persons in authority.
The powers here given are manifestly directed merely against the rebels,
and in consequence of the complaints of Columbus. Another letter, dated on
the 21st of May, two months subsequently, is of quite different purport.
It makes no mention of Columbus, but is addressed to the various
functionaries and men of property of the islands and Terra Firma,
informing them of the appointment of Bobadilla to the government, with
full civil and criminal jurisdiction. Among the powers specified, is the
following;--"It is our will, that if the said commander, Francisco de
Bobadilla, should think it necessary for our service, and the purposes of
justice, that any cavaliers, or other persons who are at present in those
islands, or may arrive there, should leave them, and not return and reside
in them, and that they should come and present themselves before us, he
may command it in our name, and oblige them to depart; and whomsoever he
thus commands, we hereby order, that immediately, without waiting to
inquire or consult us, or to receive from us any other letter or command,
and without interposing appeal or supplication, they obey whatever he
shall say and order, under the penalties which he shall impose on our
part," &c. &c.
Another letter, dated likewise on the 21st of May, in which Columbus is
styled simply, "admiral of the ocean sea," orders him and his brothers to
surrender the fortress, ships, houses, arms, ammunition, cattle, and all
other royal property, into the hands of Bobadilla, as governor, under
penalty of incurring the punishments to which those subject themselves who
refuse to surrender fortresses and other trusts, when commanded by their
sovereigns.
A fourth letter, dated on the 26th of May, and addressed to Columbus,
simply by the title of admiral, is a mere letter of credence, ordering him
to give faith and obedience to whatever Bobadilla should impart.
The second and third of these letters were evidently provisional, and only
to be produced, if, on examination, there should appear such delinquency
on the part of Columbus and his brothers as to warrant their being
divested of command.
This heavy blow, as has been shown, remained suspended for a year; yet,
that it was whispered about, and triumphantly anticipated by the enemies
of Columbus, is evident from the assertions of Ojeda, who sailed from
Spain about the time of the signature of those letters, and had intimate
communications with Bishop Fonseca, who was considered instrumental in
producing this measure. The very license granted by the bishop to Ojeda to
sail on a voyage of discovery in contravention of the prerogatives of the
admiral, has the air of being given on a presumption of his speedy
downfall; and the same presumption, as has already been observed, must
have encouraged Ojeda in his turbulent conduct at Xaragua.
At length the long-projected measure was carried into effect. Bobadilla
set sail for San Domingo about the middle of July, 1500, with two
caravels, in which were twenty-five men, enlisted for a year, to serve as
a kind of guard. There were six friars likewise, who had charge of a
number of Indians sent back to their country. Besides the letters patent,
Bobadilla was authorized, by royal order, to ascertain and discharge all
arrears of pay due to persons in the service of the crown; and to oblige
the admiral to pay what was due on his part, "so that those people might
receive what was owing to them, and there might be no more complaints." In
addition to all these powers, Bobadilla was furnished with many blank
letters signed by the sovereigns, to be filled up by him in such manner,
and directed to such persons, as he might think advisable, in relation to
the mission with which he was intrusted. [70]
Chapter II.
Arrival of Bobadilla at San Domingo--His Violent Assumption of the Command.
[1500.]
Columbus was still at Fort Conception, regulating the affairs of the
Vega, after the catastrophe of the sedition of Moxica; his brother, the
Adelantado, accompanied by Roldan, was pursuing and arresting the fugitive
rebels in Xaragua; and Don Diego Columbus remained in temporary command at
San Domingo. Faction had worn itself out; the insurgents had brought down
ruin upon themselves; and the island appeared delivered from the
domination of violent and lawless men.
Such was the state of public affairs, when, on the morning of the 23d of
August, two caravels were descried off the harbor of San Domingo, about a
league at sea. They were standing off and on, waiting until the sea
breeze, which generally prevails about ten o'clock, should carry them into
port. Don Diego Columbus supposed them to be ships sent from Spain with
supplies, and hoped to find on board his nephew Diego, whom the admiral
had requested might be sent out to assist him in his various concerns. A
canoe was immediately dispatched to obtain information; which, approaching
the caravels, inquired what news they brought, and whether Diego, the son
of the admiral, was on board. Bobadilla himself replied from the principal
vessel, announcing himself as a commissioner sent out to investigate the
late rebellion. The master of the caravel then inquired about the news of
the island, and was informed of the recent transactions. Seven of the
rebels, he was told, had been hanged that week, and five more were in the
fortress of San Domingo, condemned to suffer the same fate. Among these
were Pedro Riquelme and Fernando de Guevara, the young cavalier whose
passion for the daughter of Anacaona had been the original cause of the
rebellion. Further, conversation passed, in the course of which Bobadilla
ascertained that the admiral and the Adelantado were absent, and Don Diego
Columbus in command.
When the canoe returned to the city, with the news that a commissioner had
arrived to make inquisition into the late troubles, there was a great stir
and agitation throughout the community. Knots of whisperers gathered at
every corner; those who were conscious of malpractices were filled with
consternation; while those who had grievances, real or imaginary, to
complain of, especially those whose pay was in arrear, appeared with joyful
countenances. [71]
As the vessels entered the river, Bobadilla beheld on either bank a gibbet
with the body of a Spaniard hanging on it, apparently but lately executed.
He considered these as conclusive proofs of the alleged cruelty of
Columbus. Many boats came off to the ship, every one being anxious to pay
early court to this public censor. Bobadilla remained on board all day, in
the course of which he collected much of the rumors of the place; and as
those who sought to secure his favor were those who had most to fear from
his investigations, it is evident that the nature of the rumors must
generally have been unfavorable to Columbus. In fact, before Bobadilla
landed, if not before he arrived, the culpability of the admiral was
decided in his mind.
The next morning he landed with all his followers, and went to the church
to attend mass, where he found Don Diego Columbus, Rodrigo Perez, the
lieutenant of the admiral, and other persons of note. Mass being ended,
and those persons, with a multitude of the populace, being assembled at
the door of the church, Bobadilla ordered his letters patent to be read,
authorizing him to investigate the rebellion, seize the persons, and
sequestrate the property of delinquents, and proceed against them with the
utmost rigor of the law; commanding also the admiral, and all others in
authority, to assist him in the discharge of his duties. The letter being
read, he demanded of Don Diego and the alcaldes, to surrender to him the
persons of Fernando Guevara, Pedro Riquelme, and the other prisoners, with
the depositions taken concerning them; and ordered that the parties by
whom they were accused, and those by whose command they had been taken,
should appear before him.
Don Diego replied, that the proceedings had emanated from the orders of
the admiral, who held superior powers to any Bobadilla could possess, and
without whose authority he could do nothing. He requested, at the same
time, a copy of the letter patent, that he might send it to his brother,
to whom alone the matter appertained. This Bobadilla refused, observing
that, if Don Diego had power to do nothing, it was useless to give him a
copy. He added, that since the office and authority he had proclaimed
appeared to have no weight, he would try what power and consequence there
was in the name of governor; and would show them that he had command, not
merely over them, but over the admiral himself.
The little community remained in breathless suspense, awaiting the
portentous movements of Bobadilla. The next morning he appeared at mass,
resolved on assuming those powers which were only to have been produced
after full investigation, and ample proof of the mal-conduct of Columbus.
When mass was over, and the eager populace had gathered round the door of
the church, Bobadilla, in presence of Don Diego and Rodrigo Perez, ordered
his other royal patent to be read, investing him with the government of
the islands, and of Terra Firma.
The patent being read, Bobadilla took the customary oath, and then claimed
the obedience of Don Diego, Rodrigo Perez, and all present, to this royal
instrument; on the authority of which he again demanded the prisoners
confined in the fortress. In reply, they professed the utmost deference to
the letter of the sovereigns, but again observed that they held the
prisoners in obedience to the admiral, to whom the sovereigns had granted
letters of a higher nature.
The self-importance of Bobadilla was incensed at this non-compliance,
especially as he saw it had some effect upon the populace, who appeared to
doubt his authority. He now produced the third mandate of the crown,
ordering Columbus and his brothers to deliver up all fortresses, ships,
and other royal property. To win the public completely to his side, he
read also the additional mandate issued on the 30th of May, of the same
year, ordering him to pay the arrears of wages due to all persons in the
royal service, and to compel the admiral to pay the arrears of those to
whom he was accountable.
This last document was received with shouts by the multitude, many having
long arrears due to them in consequence of the poverty of the treasury.
Flushed with his growing importance, Bobadilla again demanded the
prisoners; threatening, if refused, to take them by force. Meeting with
the same reply, he repaired to the fortress to execute his threats. This
post was commanded by Miguel Diaz, the same Arragonian cavalier who had
once taken refuge among the Indians on the banks of the Ozema, won the
affections of the female cacique Catalina, received from her information
of the neighboring gold mines, and induced his countrymen to remove to
those parts.
When Bobadilla came before the fortress, he found the gates closed, and
the alcayde, Miguel Diaz, upon the battlements. He ordered his letters
patent to be read with a loud voice, the signatures and seals to be held
up to view, and then demanded the surrender of the prisoners. Diaz
requested a copy of the letters; but this Bobadilla refused, alleging that
there was no time for delay, the prisoners being under sentence of death,
and liable at any moment to be executed. He threatened, at the same time,
that if they were not given up, he would proceed to extremities, and Diaz
should be answerable for the consequences. The wary alcayde again required
time to reply, and a copy of the letters; saying that he held the fortress
for the king, by the command of the admiral, his lord, who had gained
these territories and islands, and that when the latter arrived, he should
obey his orders. [72]
The whole spirit of Bobadilla was roused within him at the refusal of the
alcayde. Assembling all the people he had brought from Spain, together
with the sailors of the ships, and the rabble of the place, he exhorted
them to aid him in getting possession of the prisoners, but to harm no one
unless in case of resistance. The mob shouted assent, for Bobadilla was
already the idol of the multitude. About the hour of vespers he set out,
at the head of this motley army, to storm a fortress destitute of a
garrison, and formidable only in name, being calculated to withstand only
a naked and slightly-armed people. The accounts of this transaction have
something in them bordering on the ludicrous, and give it the air of
absurd rhodomontade. Bobadilla assailed the portal with great impetuosity,
the frail bolts and locks of which gave way at the first shock, and
allowed him easy admission. In the meantime, however, his zealous
myrmidons applied ladders to the walls, as if about to carry the place by
assault, and to experience a desperate defence. The alcayde, Miguel Diaz,
and Don Diego de Alvarado, alone appeared on the battlements; they had
drawn swords, but offered no resistance. Bobadilla entered the fortress in
triumph, and without molestation. The prisoners were found in a chamber in
irons. He ordered that they should be brought up to him to the top of the
fortress, where, having put a few questions to them, as a matter of form,
he gave them in charge to an alguazil named Juan de Espinosa. [73]
Such was the arrogant and precipitate entrance into office of Francisco de
Bobadilla. He had reversed the order of his written instructions; having
seized upon the government before he had investigated the conduct of
Columbus. He continued his career in the same spirit; acting as if the
case had been prejudged in Spain, and he had been sent out merely to
degrade the admiral from his employments, not to ascertain the manner in
which he had fulfilled them. He took up his residence in the house of
Columbus, seized upon his arms, gold, plate, jewels, horses, together with
his letters, and various manuscripts, both public and private, even to his
most secret papers. He gave no account of the property thus seized; and
which he no doubt considered already confiscated to the crown, excepting
that he paid out of it the wages of those to whom the admiral was in
arrears. [74] To increase his favor with the people, he proclaimed, on the
second day of his assumption of power, a general license for the term of
twenty years, to seek for gold, paying merely one eleventh to government,
instead of a third as heretofore. At the same time, he spoke in the most
disrespectful and unqualified terms of Columbus, saying that he was
empowered to send him home in chains, and that neither he nor any of his
lineage would ever again be permitted to govern in the island. [75]
Chapter III.
Columbus Summoned to Appear before Bobadilla.
[1500.]
When the tidings reached Columbus at Fort Conception of the high-handed
proceedings of Bobadilla, he considered them the unauthorized acts of some
rash adventurer like Ojeda. Since government had apparently thrown open
the door to private enterprise, he might expect to have his path
continually crossed, and his jurisdiction infringed by bold intermeddlers,
feigning or fancying themselves authorized to interfere in the affairs of
the colony. Since the departure of Ojeda another squadron had touched upon
the coast, and produced a transient alarm, being an expedition under one
of the Pinzons, licensed by the sovereigns to make discoveries. There had
also been a rumor of another squadron hovering about the island, which
proved, however, to be unfounded. [76]
The conduct of Bobadilla bore all the appearance of a lawless usurpation
of some intruder of the kind. He had possessed himself forcibly of the
fortress, and consequently of the town. He had issued extravagant licenses
injurious to the government, and apparently intended only to make
partisans among the people; and had threatened to throw Columbus himself
in irons. That this man could really be sanctioned by government, in such
intemperate measures, was repugnant to belief. The admiral's consciousness
of his own services, the repeated assurances he had received of high
consideration on the part of the sovereigns, and the perpetual
prerogatives granted to him under their hand and seal, with all the
solemnity that a compact could possess, all forbade him to consider the
transactions at San Domingo otherwise than as outrages on his authority by
some daring or misguided individual.
To be nearer to San Domingo, and obtain more correct information, he
proceeded to Bonao, which was now beginning to assume the appearance of a
settlement, several Spaniards having erected houses there, and cultivated
the adjacent country. He had scarcely reached the place, when an alcalde,
bearing a staff of office, arrived there from San Domingo, proclaiming the
appointment of Bobadilla to the government, and bearing copies of his
letters patent. There was no especial letter or message sent to the
admiral, nor were any of the common forms of courtesy and ceremony
observed in superseding him in the command; all the proceedings of
Bobadilla towards him were abrupt and insulting.
Columbus was exceedingly embarrassed how to act. It was evident that
Bobadilla was intrusted with extensive powers by the sovereigns, but that
they could have exercised such a sudden, unmerited, and apparently
capricious act of severity, as that of divesting him of all his commands,
he could not believe. He endeavored to persuade himself that Bobadilla was
some person sent out to exercise the functions of chief judge, according
to the request he had written home to the sovereigns, and that they had
intrusted him likewise with provisional powers to make an inquest into the
late troubles of the island. All beyond these powers he tried to believe
were mere assumptions and exaggerations of authority, as in the case of
Aguado. At all events, he was determined to act upon such presumption, and
to endeavor to gain time. If the monarchs had really taken any harsh
measures with respect to him, it must have been in consequence of
misrepresentations. The least delay might give them an opportunity of
ascertaining their error, and making the necessary amends.
He wrote to Bobadilla, therefore, in guarded terms, welcoming him to the
island; cautioning him against precipitate measures, especially in
granting licenses to collect gold; informing him that he was on the point
of going to Spain, and in a little time would leave him in command, with
every thing fully and clearly explained. He wrote at the same time to the
like purport to certain monks who had come out with Bobadilla, though he
observes that these letters were only written to gain time. [77] He
received no replies: but while an insulting silence was observed towards
him, Bobadilla filled up several of the blank letters, of which he had a
number signed by the sovereigns, and sent them to Roldan, and other of the
admiral's enemies, the very men whom he had been sent out to judge. These
letters were full of civilities and promises of favor. [78]
To prevent any mischief which might arise from the licenses and
indulgences so prodigally granted by Bobadilla, Columbus published by word
and letter, that the powers assumed by him could not be valid, nor his
licenses availing, as he himself held superior powers granted to him in
perpetuity by the crown, which could no more be superseded in this
instance, than they had been in that of Aguado.
For some time Columbus remained in this anxious and perplexed state of
mind, uncertain what line of conduct to pursue in so singular and
unlooked-for a conjuncture. He was soon brought to a decision. Francisco
Velasquez, deputy treasurer, and Juan de Trasierra, a Franciscan friar,
arrived at Bonao, and delivered to him the royal letter of credence,
signed by the sovereigns on the 26th of May, 1499, commanding him to give
implicit faith and obedience to Bobadilla; and they delivered, at the same
time, a summons from the latter to appear immediately before him.
This laconic letter from the sovereigns struck at once at the root of all
his dignity and power. He no longer made hesitation or demur, but,
complying with the peremptory summons of Bobadilla, departed, almost alone
and unattended, for San Domingo. [79]
Chapter IV.
Columbus and His Brothers Arrested and Sent to Spain in Chains.
[1500.]
The tidings that a new governor had arrived, and that Columbus was in
disgrace, and to be sent home in chains, circulated rapidly through the
Vega, and the colonists hastened from all parts to San Domingo to make
interest with Bobadilla. It was soon perceived that there was no surer way
than that of vilifying his predecessor. Bobadilla felt that he had taken a
rash step in seizing upon the government, and that his own safety required
the conviction of Columbus. He listened eagerly, therefore, to all
accusations, public or private; and welcome was he who could bring any
charge, however extravagant, against the admiral and his brothers.
Hearing that the admiral was on his way to the city, he made a bustle of
preparation, and armed the troops, affecting to believe a rumor that
Columbus had called upon the caciques of the Vega to aid him with their
subjects in a resistance to the commands of government. No grounds appear
for this absurd report, which was probably invented to give a coloring of
precaution to subsequent measures of violence and insult. The admiral's
brother, Don Diego, was seized, thrown in irons, and confined on board of
a caravel, without any reason being assigned for his imprisonment.
In the meantime Columbus pursued his journey to San Domingo, traveling in
a lonely manner, without guards or retinue. Most of his people were with
the Adelantado, and he had declined being attended by the remainder. He
had heard of the rumors of the hostile intentions of Bobadilla; and
although he knew that violence was threatened to his person, he came in
this unpretending manner, to manifest his pacific feelings, and to remove
all suspicion. [80]
No sooner did Bobadilla hear of his arrival, than he gave orders to put
him in irons, and confine him in the fortress. This outrage to a person of
such dignified and venerable appearance, and such eminent merit, seemed,
for the time, to shock even his enemies. When the irons were brought,
every one present shrank from the task of putting them on him, either from
a sentiment of compassion at so great a reverse of fortune, or out of
habitual reverence for his person. To fill the measure of ingratitude
meted out to him, it was one of his own domestics, "a graceless and
shameless cook," says Las Casas, "who, with unwashed front, riveted the
fetters with as much readiness and alacrity, as though he were serving him
with choice and savory viands. I knew the fellow," adds the venerable
historian, "and I think his name was Espinosa." [81]
Columbus conducted himself with characteristic magnanimity under the
injuries heaped upon him. There is a noble scorn which swells and supports
the heart, and silences the tongue of the truly great, when enduring the
insults of the unworthy. Columbus could not stoop to deprecate the
arrogance of a weak and violent man like Bobadilla. He looked beyond this
shallow agent, and all his petty tyranny, to the sovereigns who had
employed him. Their injustice or ingratitude alone could wound his spirit;
and he felt assured that when the truth came to be known, they would blush
to find how greatly they had wronged him. With this proud assurance, he
bore all present indignities in silence.
Bobadilla, although he had the admiral and Don Diego in his power, and had
secured the venal populace, felt anxious and ill at ease. The Adelantado,
with an armed force under his command, was still in the distant province
of Xaragua, in pursuit of the rebels. Knowing his soldier-like and
determined spirit, he feared he might take some violent measure when he
should hear of the ignominious treatment and imprisonment of his brothers.
He doubted whether any order from himself would have any effect, except to
exasperate the stern Don Bartholomew. He sent a demand, therefore, to
Columbus, to write to his brother, requesting him to repair peaceably to
San Domingo, and forbidding him to execute the persons he held in
confinement: Columbus readily complied. He exhorted his brother to submit
quietly to the authority of his sovereigns, and to endure all present
wrongs and indignities, under the confidence that when they arrived at
Castile, every thing would be explained and redressed. [82]
On receiving this letter, Don Bartholomew immediately complied.
Relinquishing his command, he hastened peacefully to San Domingo, and on
arriving experienced the same treatment with his brothers, being put in
irons and confined on board of a caravel. They were kept separate from
each other, and no communication permitted between them. Bobadilla did not
see them himself, nor did he allow others to visit them; but kept them in
ignorance of the cause of their imprisonment, the crimes with which they
were charged, and the process that was going on against them. [83]
It has been questioned whether Bobadilla really had authority for the
arrest and imprisonment of the admiral and his brothers; [84]
and whether such violence and indignity was in any case contemplated by
the sovereigns. He may have fancied himself empowered by the clause in the
letter of instructions, dated March 21st, 1499, in which, speaking of the
rebellion of Roldan, "he is authorized to _seize the persons and
sequestrate the property_ of those who appeared to be culpable, and
then to proceed against them and against the absent, with the highest
civil and criminal penalties." This evidently had reference to the persons
of Roldan and his followers, who were then in arms, and against whom
Columbus had sent home complaints; and this, by a violent construction,
Bobadilla seems to have wrested into an authority for seizing the person
of the admiral himself. In fact, in the whole course of his proceedings,
he reversed and confounded the order of his instructions. His first step
should have been to proceed against the rebels; this he made the last. His
last step should have been, in case of ample evidence against the admiral,
to have superseded him in office; and this he made the first, without
waiting for evidence. Having predetermined, from the very outset, that
Columbus was in the wrong, by the same rule he had to presume that all the
opposite parties were in the right. It became indispensable to his own
justification to inculpate the admiral and his brothers; and the rebels he
had been sent to judge became, by this, singular perversion of rule,
necessary and cherished evidences, to criminate those against whom they
had rebelled.
The intentions of the crown, however, are not to be vindicated at the
expense of its miserable agent. If proper respect had been felt for the
rights and dignities of Columbus, Bobadilla would never have been
intrusted with powers so extensive, undefined, and discretionary; nor
would he have dared to proceed to such lengths, with such rudeness and
precipitation, had he not felt assured that it would not be displeasing to
the jealous-minded Ferdinand.
The old scenes of the time of Aguado were now renewed with tenfold
virulence, and the old charges revived, with others still more
extravagant. From the early and never-to-be-forgotten outrage upon
Castilian pride, of compelling hidalgos, in time of emergency, to labor in
the construction of works necessary to the public safety, down to the
recent charge of levying war against the government, there was not a
hardship, abuse, nor sedition in the island, that was not imputed to the
misdeeds of Columbus and his brothers. Besides the usual accusations of
inflicting oppressive labor, unnecessary tasks, painful restrictions,
short allowances of food, and cruel punishments upon the Spaniards, and
waging unjust wars against the natives, they were now charged with
preventing the conversion of the latter, that they might send them slaves
to Spain, and profit by their sale. This last charge, so contrary to the
pious feelings of the admiral, was founded on his having objected to the
baptism of certain Indians of mature age, until they could be instructed
in the doctrines of Christianity; justly considering it an abuse of that
holy sacrament to administer it thus blindly. [85]
Columbus was charged, also, with having secreted pearls, and other
precious articles, collected in his voyage along the coast of Paria, and
with keeping the sovereigns in ignorance of the nature of his discoveries
there, in order to exact new privileges from them; yet it was notorious
that he had sent home specimens of the pearls, and journals and charts of
his voyage, by which others had been enabled to pursue his track.
Even the late tumults, now that the rebels were admitted as evidence, were
all turned into matters of accusation. They were represented as spirited
and loyal resistances to tyranny exercised upon the colonists and the
natives. The well-merited punishments inflicted upon certain of the
ring-leaders were cited as proofs of a cruel and revengeful disposition,
and a secret hatred of Spaniards. Bobadilla believed, or affected to
believe, all these charges. He had, in a manner, made the rebels his
confederates in the ruin of Columbus. It was become a common cause with
them. He could no longer, therefore, conduct himself towards them as a
judge. Guevara, Riquelme, and their fellow-convicts, were discharged
almost without the form of a trial, and it is even said were received
into favor and countenance. Roldan, from the very first, had been
treated with confidence by Bobadilla, and honored with his
correspondence. All the others, whose conduct had rendered them liable
to justice, received either a special acquittal or a general pardon. It
was enough to have been opposed in any way to Columbus, to obtain full
justification in the eyes of Bobadilla.
The latter had now collected a weight of testimony, and produced a crowd
of witnesses, sufficient, as he conceived, to insure the condemnation of
the prisoners, and his own continuance in command. He determined,
therefore, to send the admiral and his brothers home in chains, in the
vessels ready for sea, transmitting at the same time the inquest taken in
their case, and writing private letters, enforcing the charges made
against them, and advising that Columbus should on no account be restored
to the command, which he had so shamefully abused.
San Domingo now swarmed with miscreants just delivered from the dungeon
and the gibbet. It was a perfect jubilee of triumphant villany and dastard
malice. Every base spirit, which had been awed into obsequiousness by
Columbus and his brothers when in power, now started up to revenge itself
upon them when in chains. The most injurious slanders were loudly
proclaimed in the streets; insulting pasquinades and inflammatory libels
were posted up at every corner; and horns were blown in the neighborhood
of their prisons, to taunt them with the exultings of the rabble. [86]
When these rejoicings of his enemies reached him in his dungeon, and
Columbus reflected on the inconsiderate violence already exhibited by
Bobadilla, he knew not how far his rashness and confidence might carry
him, and began to entertain apprehensions for his life.
The vessels being ready to make sail, Alonzo de Villejo was appointed to
take charge of the prisoners, and carry them to Spain. This officer had
been brought up by an uncle of Fonseca, was in the employ of that bishop,
and had come out with Bobadilla. The latter instructed him, on arriving at
Cadiz, to deliver his prisoners into the hands of Fonseca, or of his
uncle, thinking thereby to give the malignant prelate a triumphant
gratification. This circumstance gave weight with many to a report that
Bobadilla was secretly instigated and encouraged in his violent measures
by Fonseca, and was promised his protection and influence at court, in
case of any complaints of his conduct. [87]
Villejo undertook the office assigned him, but he discharged it in a more
generous manner than was intended. "This Alonzo de Villejo," says the
worthy Las Casas, "was a hidalgo of honorable character, and my particular
friend." He certainly showed himself superior to the low malignity of his
patrons. When he arrived with a guard to conduct the admiral from the
prison to the ship, he found him in chains in a state of silent
despondency. So violently had he been treated, and so savage were the
passions let loose against him, that he feared he should be sacrificed
without an opportunity of being heard, and his name go down sullied and
dishonored to posterity. When he beheld the officer enter with the guard,
he thought it was to conduct him to the scaffold. "Villejo," said he,
mournfully, "whither are you taking me?" "To the ship, your Excellency, to
embark," replied the other. "To embark!" repeated the admiral, earnestly;
"Villejo! do you speak the truth?" "By the life of your Excellency,"
replied the honest officer, "it is true!" With these words the admiral was
comforted, and felt as one restored from death to life. Nothing can be
more touching and expressive than this little colloquy, recorded by the
venerable Las Casas, who doubtless had it from the lips of his friend
Villejo.
The caravels set sail early in October, bearing off Columbus shackled like
the vilest of culprits, amidst the scoffs and shouts of a miscreant
rabble, who took a brutal joy in heaping insults on his venerable head,
and sent curses after him from the shores of the island he had so recently
added to the civilized world. Fortunately the voyage was favorable, and of
but moderate duration, and was rendered less disagreeable by the conduct
of those to whom he was given in custody. The worthy Villejo, though in
the service of Fonseca, felt deeply moved at the treatment of Columbus.
The master of the caravel, Andreas Martin, was equally grieved: they both
treated the admiral with profound respect and assiduous attention. They
would have taken off his irons, but to this he would not consent. "No,"
said he proudly, "their majesties commanded me by letter to submit to
whatever Bobadilla should order in their name; by their authority he has
put upon me these chains; I will wear them until they shall order them to
be taken off, and I will preserve them afterwards as relics and memorials
of the reward of my services." [88]
"He did so," adds his son Fernando; "I saw them always hanging in his
cabinet, and he requested that when he died they might be buried with
him." [89]
Book XIV.
Chapter I.
Sensation in Spain on the Arrival of Columbus in Irons.--His Appearance at
Court.
[1500.]
The arrival of Columbus at Cadiz, a prisoner and in chains, produced
almost as great a sensation as his triumphant return from his first
voyage. It was one of those striking and obvious facts, which speak to the
feelings of the multitude, and preclude the necessity of reflection. No
one stopped to inquire into the case. It was sufficient to be told that
Columbus was brought home in irons from the world he had discovered. There
was a general burst of indignation in Cadiz, and in the powerful and
opulent Seville, which was echoed throughout all Spain. If the ruin of
Columbus had been the intention of his enemies, they had defeated their
object by their own violence. One of those reactions took place, so
frequent in the public mind, when persecution is pushed to an unguarded
length. Those of the populace who had recently been loud in their clamor
against Columbus, were now as loud in their reprobation of his treatment,
and a strong sympathy was expressed, against which it would have been
odious for the government to contend.
The tidings of his arrival, and of the ignominious manner in which he had
been brought, reached the court at Granada, and filled the halls of the
Alhambra with murmurs of astonishment. Columbus, full of his wrongs, but
ignorant how far they had been authorized by the sovereigns, had forborne
to write to them. In the course of his voyage, however, he had penned a
long letter to Doña Juana de la Torre, the aya of Prince Juan, a lady high
in favor with Queen Isabella. This letter, on his arrival at Cadiz,
Andreas Martin, the captain of the caravel, permitted him to send off
privately by express. It arrived, therefore, before the protocol of the
proceedings instituted by Bobadilla, and from this document the sovereigns
derived their first intimation of his treatment. [90] It contained a
statement of the late transactions of the island, and of the wrongs he had
suffered, written with his usual artlessness and energy. To specify the
contents would be but to recapitulate circumstances already recorded. Some
expressions, however, which burst from him in the warmth of his feelings,
are worthy of being noted. "The slanders of worthless men," says he, "have
done me more injury than all my services have profited me." Speaking of
the misrepresentations to which he was subjected, he observes: "Such is
the evil name which I have acquired, that if I were to build hospitals and
churches, they would be called dens of robbers." After relating in
indignant terms the conduct of Bobadilla, in seeking testimony respecting
his administration from the very men who had rebelled against him, and
throwing himself and his brothers in irons, without letting them know the
offences with which they were charged, "I have been much aggrieved," he
adds, "in that a person should be sent out to investigate my conduct, who
knew that if the evidence which he could send home should appear to be of
a serious nature, he would remain in the government." He complains that,
in forming an opinion of his administration, allowances had not been made
for the extraordinary difficulties with which he had to contend, and the
wild state of the country over which he had to rule. "I was judged," he
observes, "as a governor who had been sent to take charge of a
well-regulated city, under the dominion of well-established laws, where
there was no danger of every thing running to disorder and ruin; but I
ought to be judged as a captain, sent to subdue a numerous and hostile
people, of manners and religion opposite to ours, living not in regular
towns, but in forests and mountains. It ought to be considered that I have
brought all these under subjection to their majesties, giving them
dominion over another world, by which Spain, heretofore poor, has suddenly
become rich. Whatever errors I may have fallen into, they were not with an
evil intention; and I believe their majesties will credit what I say. I
have known them to be merciful to those who have willfully done them
disservice; I am convinced that they will have still more indulgence for
me, who have erred innocently, or by compulsion, as they will hereafter be
more fully informed; and I trust they will consider my great services, the
advantages of which are every day more and more apparent."
When this letter was read to the noble-minded Isabella, and she found how
grossly Columbus had been wronged and the royal authority abused, her
heart was filled with mingled sympathy and indignation. The tidings were
confirmed by a letter from the alcalde or corregidor of Cadiz, into whose
hands Columbus and his brothers had been delivered, until the pleasure of
the sovereigns should be known; [91] and by another letter from Alonzo de
Villejo, expressed in terms accordant with his humane and honorable
conduct towards his illustrious prisoner.
However Ferdinand might have secretly felt disposed against Columbus, the
momentary tide of public feeling was not to be resisted. He joined with
his generous queen in her reprobation of the treatment of the admiral, and
both sovereigns hastened to give evidence to the world, that his
imprisonment had been without their authority, and contrary to their
wishes. Without waiting to receive any documents that might arrive from
Bobadilla, they sent orders to Cadiz that the prisoners should be
instantly set at liberty, and treated with all distinction. They wrote a
letter to Columbus, couched in terms of gratitude and affection,
expressing their grief at all that he had suffered, and inviting him to
court. They ordered, at the same time, that two thousand ducats should be
advanced to defray his expenses. [92]
The loyal heart of Columbus was again cheered by this declaration of his
sovereigns. He felt conscious of his integrity, and anticipated an
immediate restitution of all his rights and dignities. He appeared at
court in Granada on the 17th of December, not as a man ruined and
disgraced, but richly dressed, and attended by an honorable retinue. He
was received by the sovereigns with unqualified favor and distinction.
When the queen beheld this venerable man approach, and thought on all he
had deserved and all he had suffered, she was moved to tears. Columbus had
borne up firmly against the rude conflicts of the world,-he had endured
with lofty scorn the injuries and insults of ignoble men; but he possessed
strong and quick sensibility. When he found himself thus kindly received
by his sovereigns, and beheld tears in the benign eyes of Isabella, his
long-suppressed feelings burst forth: he threw himself on his knees, and
for some time could not utter a word for the violence of his tears and
sobbings. [93]
Ferdinand and Isabella raised him from the ground, and endeavored to
encourage him by the most gracious expressions. As soon as he regained
self-possession, he entered into an eloquent and high-minded vindication
of his loyalty, and the zeal he had ever felt for the glory and advantage
of the Spanish crown, declaring that if at any time he had erred, it had
been through inexperience in government, and the extraordinary
difficulties by which he had been surrounded.
There needed no vindication on his part. The intemperance of his enemies
had been his best advocate. He stood in presence of his sovereigns a
deeply-injured man, and it remained for them to vindicate themselves to
the world from the charge of ingratitude towards their most deserving
subject. They expressed their indignation at the proceedings of Bobadilla,
which they disavowed, as contrary to their instructions, and declared that
he should be immediately dismissed from his command.
In fact, no public notice was taken of the charges sent home by Bobadilla,
nor of the letters written in support of them. The sovereigns took every
occasion to treat Columbus with favor and distinction, assuring him that
his grievances should be redressed, his property restored, and he
reinstated in all his privileges and dignities.
It was on the latter point that Columbus was chiefly solicitous. Mercenary
considerations had scarcely any weight in his mind. Glory had been the
great object of his ambition, and he felt that, as long as he remained
suspended from his employments, a tacit censure rested on his name. He
expected, therefore, that the moment the sovereigns should be satisfied of
the rectitude of his conduct, they would be eager to make him amends; that
a restitution of his viceroyalty would immediately take place, and he
should return in triumph to San Domingo. Here, however, he was doomed to
experience a disappointment which threw a gloom over the remainder of his
days. To account for this flagrant want of justice and gratitude in the
crown, it is expedient to notice a variety of events which had materially
affected the interests of Columbus in the eyes of the politic Ferdinand.
Chapter II.
Contemporary Voyages of Discovery.
The general license granted by the Spanish sovereigns in 1495, to
undertake voyages of discovery, had given rise to various expeditions by
enterprising individuals, chiefly persons who had sailed with Columbus in
his first voyages. The government, unable to fit out many armaments
itself, was pleased to have its territories thus extended, free of cost,
and its treasury at the same time benefited by the share of the proceeds
of these voyages, reserved as a kind of duty to the crown. These
expeditions had chiefly taken place while Columbus was in partial disgrace
with the sovereigns. His own charts and journal served as guides to the
adventurers; and his magnificent accounts of Paria and the adjacent coasts
had chiefly excited their cupidity.
Beside the expedition of Ojeda, already noticed, in the course of which he
touched at Xaragua, one had been undertaken at the same time by Pedro
Alonzo Niño, native of Moguer, an able pilot, who had been with Columbus
in the voyages to Cuba and Paria. Having obtained a license, he interested
a rich merchant of Seville in the undertaking, who fitted out a caravel of
fifty tons burden, under condition that his brother Christoval Guevra
should have the command. They sailed from the bar of Saltes, a few days
after Ojeda had sailed from Cadiz, in the spring of 1499, and arriving on
the coast of Terra Firma, to the south of Paria, ran along it for some
distance, passed through the Gulf, and thence went one hundred and thirty
leagues along the shore of the present republic of Columbia, visiting what
was afterwards called the Pearl Coast. They landed in various places;
disposed of their European trifles to immense profit, and returned with a
large store of gold and pearls; having made, in their diminutive bark, one
of the most extensive and lucrative voyages yet accomplished.
About the same time, the Pinzons, that family of bold and opulent
navigators, fitted out an armament of four caravels at Palos, manned in a
great measure by their own relations and friends. Several experienced
pilots embarked in it who had been with Columbus to Paria, and it was
commanded by Vicente Yañez Pinzon, who had been captain of a caravel in
the squadron of the admiral on his first voyage.
Pinzon was a hardy and experienced seaman, and did not, like the others,
follow closely in the track of Columbus. Sailing in December, 1499, he
passed the Canary and Cape Verde Islands, standing southwest until he lost
sight of the polar star. Here he encountered a terrible storm, and was
exceedingly perplexed and confounded by the new aspect of the heavens.
Nothing was yet known of the southern hemisphere, nor of the beautiful
constellation of the cross, which in those regions has since supplied to
mariners the place of the north star. The voyagers had expected to find at
the south pole a star correspondent to that of the north. They were
dismayed at beholding no guide of the kind, and thought there must be some
prominent swelling of the earth, which hid the pole from their view.
[94]
Pinzon continued on, however, with great intrepidity. On the 26th of
January, 1500, he saw, at a distance, a great headland, which he called
Cape Santa Maria de la Consolacion, but which has since been named Cape
St. Augustine. He landed and took possession of the country in the name of
their catholic majesties; being a part of the territories since called the
Brazils. Standing thence westward, he discovered the Maragnon, since
called the River of the Amazons; traversed the Gulf of Paria, and
continued across the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico, until he found
himself among the Bahamas, where he lost two of his vessels on the rocks,
near the island of Jumeto. He returned to Palos in September, having added
to his former glory that of being the first European who had crossed the
equinoctial line in the western ocean, and of having discovered the famous
kingdom of Brazil, from its commencement at the River Maragnon to its most
eastern point. As a reward for his achievements, power was granted to him
to colonize and govern the lands which he had discovered, and which
extended southward from a little beyond the River of Maragnon to Cape St.
Augustine. [95]
The little port of Palos, which had been so slow in furnishing the first
squadron for Columbus, was now continually agitated by the passion for
discovery. Shortly after the sailing of Pinzon, another expedition was
fitted out there, by Diego Lepe, a native of the place, and manned by his
adventurous townsmen. He sailed in the same direction with Pinzon; but
discovered more of the southern continent than any other voyager of the
day, or for twelve years afterwards. He doubled Cape St. Augustine, and
ascertained that the coast beyond ran to the southwest. He landed and
performed the usual ceremonies of taking possession in the name of the
Spanish sovereigns, and in one place carved their names on a magnificent
tree, of such enormous magnitude, that seventeen men with their hands
joined could not embrace the trunk. What enhanced the merit of his
discoveries was, that he had never sailed with Columbus. He had with him,
however, several skillful pilots, who had accompanied the admiral in his
voyage. [96]
Another expedition of two vessels sailed from Cadiz, in October, 1500,
under the command of Rodrigo Bastides of Seville. He explored the coast of
Terra Firma, passing Cape de la Vela, the western limits of the previous
discoveries on the main-land, continuing on to a port since called The
Retreat, where afterwards was founded the seaport of Nombre de Dios. His
vessels being nearly destroyed by the teredo, or worm which abounds in
those seas, he had great difficulty in reaching Xaragua in Hispaniola,
where he lost his two caravels, and proceeded with his crew by land to San
Domingo. Here he was seized and imprisoned by Bobadilla, under pretext
that he had treated for gold with the natives of Xaragua. [97]
Such was the swarm of Spanish expeditions immediately resulting from the
enterprises of Columbus; but others were also undertaken by foreign
nations. In the year 1497, Sebastian Cabot, son of a Venetian merchant
resident in Bristol, sailing in the service of Henry VII of England,
navigated to the northern seas of the New World. Adopting the idea of
Columbus, he sailed in quest of the shores of Cathay, and hoped to find a
northwest passage to India. In this voyage he discovered Newfoundland,
coasted Labrador to the fifty-sixth degree of north latitude, and then
returning, ran down southwest to the Floridas, when, his provisions
beginning to fail, he returned to England. [98] But vague and scanty
accounts of this voyage exist, which was important as including the first
discovery of the northern continent of the New World.
The discoveries of rival nations, however, which most excited the
attention and jealousy of the Spanish crown, were those of the Portuguese.
Vasco de Gama, a man of rank and consummate talent and intrepidity, had,
at length, accomplished the great design of the late Prince Henry of
Portugal, and by doubling the Cape of Good Hope, in the year 1497, had
opened the long-sought-for route to India.
Immediately after Gama's return, a fleet of thirteen sail was fitted out
to visit the magnificent countries of which he brought accounts. This
expedition sailed on the 9th of March, 1500, for Calicut, under the
command of Pedro Alvarez de Cabral. Having passed the Cape de Verde
Islands, he sought to avoid the calms prevalent on the coast of Guinea, by
stretching far to the west. Suddenly, on the 25th of April, he came in
sight of land unknown to any one in his squadron; for, as yet, they had
not heard of the discoveries of Pinzon and Lepe. He at first supposed it
to be some great island; but after coasting it for some time, he became
persuaded that it must be part of a continent. Having ranged along it
somewhat beyond the fifteenth degree of southern latitude, he landed at a
harbor which he called Porto Securo, and taking possession of the country
for the crown of Portugal, dispatched a ship to Lisbon with the important
tidings. [99] In this way did the Brazils come into the possession of
Portugal, being to the eastward of the conventional line settled with
Spain as the boundaries of their respective territories. Dr. Robertson,
in recording this voyage of Cabral, concludes with one of his just and
elegant remarks.
"Columbus's discovery of the New World was," he observes, "the effort of
an active genius, guided by experience, and acting upon a regular plan,
executed with no less courage than perseverance. But from this adventure
of the Portuguese, it appears that chance might have accomplished that
great design, which it is now the pride of human reason to have formed and
perfected. If the sagacity of Columbus had not conducted mankind to
America, Cabral, by a fortunate accident, might have led them, a few years
later, to the knowledge of that extensive continent." [100]
Chapter III.
Nicholas de Ovando Appointed to Supersede Bobadilla.
[1501.]
The numerous discoveries briefly noticed in the preceding chapter had
produced a powerful effect upon the mind of Ferdinand. His ambition, his
avarice, and his jealousy were equally inflamed. He beheld boundless
regions, teeming with all kinds of riches, daily opening before the
enterprises of his subjects; but he beheld at the same time other nations
launching forth into competition, emulous for a share of the golden world
which he was eager to monopolize. The expeditions of the English, and the
accidental discovery of the Brazils by the Portuguese, caused him much
uneasiness. To secure his possession of the continent, he determined to
establish local governments or commands, in the most important places, all
to be subject to a general government, established at San Domingo, which
was to be the metropolis.
With these considerations, the government, heretofore granted to Columbus,
had risen vastly in importance; and while the restitution of it was the
more desirable in his eyes, it became more and more a matter of repugnance
to the selfish and jealous monarch. He had long repented having vested
such great powers and prerogatives in any subject, particularly in a
foreigner. At the time of granting them, he had no anticipation of such
boundless countries to be placed under his command. He appeared almost to
consider himself outwitted by Columbus in the arrangement; and every
succeeding discovery, instead of increasing his grateful sense of the
obligation, only made him repine the more at the growing magnitude of the
reward. At length, however, the affair of Bobadilla had effected a
temporary exclusion of Columbus from his--high office, and that without
any odium to the crown, and the wary monarch, secretly determined that the
door thus closed between him and his dignities should never again be
opened.
Perhaps Ferdinand may really have entertained doubts as to the innocence
of Columbus, with respect to the various charges made against him. He may
have doubted also the sincerity of his loyalty, being a stranger, when he
should find himself strong in his command, at a great distance from the
parent country, with immense and opulent regions under his control.
Columbus, himself, in his letters, alludes to reports circulated by his
enemies, that he intended either to set up an independent sovereignty, or
to deliver his discoveries into the hands of other potentates; and he
appears to fear that these slanders might have made some impression on the
mind of Ferdinand. But there was one other consideration which had no less
force with the monarch in withholding this great act of justice--Columbus
was no longer indispensable to him. He had made his great discovery; he
had struck out the route to the New World, and now any one could follow
it. A number of able navigators had sprung up under his auspices, and
acquired experience in his voyages. They were daily besieging the throne
with offers to fit out expeditions at their own cost, and to yield a share
of the profits to the crown. Why should he, therefore, confer princely
dignities and prerogatives for that which men were daily offering to
perform gratuitously?
Such, from his after conduct, appears to have been the jealous and selfish
policy which actuated Ferdinand in forbearing to reinstate Columbus in
those dignities and privileges so solemnly granted to him by treaty, and
which it was acknowledged he had never forfeited by misconduct.
This deprivation, however, was declared to be but temporary; and plausible
reasons were given for the delay in his reappointment. It was observed
that the elements of those violent factions, recently in arms against him,
yet existed in the island; his immediate return might produce fresh
exasperation; his personal safety might be endangered, and the island
again thrown into confusion. Though Bobadilla, therefore, was to be
immediately dismissed from command, it was deemed advisable to send out
some officer of talent and discretion to supersede him, who might
dispassionately investigate the recent disorders, remedy the abuses which
had arisen, and expel all dissolute and factious persons from the colony.
He should hold the government for two years, by which time it was trusted
that all angry passions would be allayed, and turbulent individuals
removed: Columbus might then resume the command with comfort to himself
and advantage to the crown. With these reasons, and the promise which
accompanied them, Columbus was obliged to content himself. There can be no
doubt that they were sincere on the part of Isabella, and that it was her
intention to reinstate him in the full enjoyment of his rights and
dignities, after his apparently necessary suspension. Ferdinand, however,
by his subsequent conduct, has forfeited all claim to any favorable
opinion of the kind.
The person chosen to supersede Bobadilla was Don Nicholas de Ovando,
commander of Lares, of the order of Alcantara. He is described as of the
middle size, fair complexioned, with a red beard, and a modest look, yet a
tone of authority. He was fluent in speech, and gracious and courteous in
his manners. A man of great prudence, says Las Casas, and capable of
governing many people, but not of governing the Indians, on whom he
inflicted incalculable injuries. He possessed great veneration for
justice, was an enemy to avarice, sober in his mode of living, and of such
humility, that when he rose afterwards to be grand commander of the order
of Alcantara, he would never allow himself to be addressed by the title of
respect attached to it. [101] Such is the picture drawn of him by
historians; but his conduct in several important instances is in direct
contradiction to it. He appears to have been plausible and subtle, as well
as fluent and courteous; his humility concealed a great love of command,
and in his transactions with Columbus he was certainly both ungenerous and
unjust.
The various arrangements to be made, according to the new plan of colonial
government, delayed for some time the departure of Ovando. In the
meantime, every arrival brought intelligence of the disastrous state of
the island, under the mal-administration of Bobadilla. He had commenced
his career by an opposite policy to that of Columbus. Imagining that
rigorous rule had been the rock on which his predecessors had split, he
sought to conciliate the public by all kinds of indulgence. Having at the
very outset relaxed the reins of justice and morality, he lost all command
over the community; and such disorder and licentiousness ensued, that
many, even of the opponents of Columbus, looked back with regret upon the
strict but wholesome rule of himself and the Adelantado.
Bobadilla was not so much a bad as an imprudent and a weak man. He had not
considered the dangerous excesses to which his policy would lead. Rash in
grasping authority, he was feeble and temporizing in the exercise of it:
he could not look beyond the present exigency. One dangerous indulgence
granted to the colonists called for another; each was ceded in its turn,
and thus he went on from error to error,--showing that in government there
is as much danger to be apprehended from a weak as from a bad man.
He had sold the farms and estates of the crown at low prices, observing
that it was not the wish of the monarchs to enrich themselves by them, but
that they should redound to the profit of their subjects. He granted
universal permission to work the mines, exacting only an eleventh of the
produce for the crown. To prevent any diminution in the revenue, it became
necessary, of course, to increase the quantity of gold collected. He
obliged the caciques, therefore, to furnish each Spaniard with Indians, to
assist him both in the labors of the field and of the mine. To carry this
into more complete effect, he made an enumeration of the natives of the
island, reduced them into classes, and distributed them, according to his
favor or caprice, among the colonists. The latter, at his suggestion,
associated themselves in partnerships of two persons each, who were to
assist one another with their respective capitals and Indians, one
superintending the labors of the field, and the other the search for gold.
The only injunction of Bobadilla was, to produce large quantities of ore.
He had one saying continually in his mouth, which shows the pernicious and
temporizing principle upon which he acted: "Make the most of your time,"
he would say, "there is no knowing how long it will last," alluding to the
possibility of his being speedily recalled. The colonists acted up to his
advice, and so hard did they drive the poor natives, that the eleventh
yielded more revenue to the crown than had ever been produced by the third
under the government of Columbus. In the meantime, the unhappy natives
suffered under all kinds of cruelties from their inhuman taskmasters.
Little used to labor, feeble of constitution, and accustomed in their
beautiful and luxuriant island to a life of ease and freedom, they sank
under the toils imposed upon them, and the severities by which they were
enforced. Las Casas gives an indignant picture of the capricious tyranny
exercised over the Indians by worthless Spaniards, many of whom had been
transported convicts from the dungeons of Castile. These wretches, who in
their own countries had been the vilest among the vile, here assumed the
tone of grand cavaliers. They insisted upon being attended by trains of
servants. They took the daughters and female relations of caciques for
their domestics, or rather for their concubines, nor did they limit
themselves in number. When they traveled, instead of using the horses and
mules with which they were provided, they obliged the natives to transport
them upon their shoulders in litters, or hammocks, with others attending
to hold umbrellas of palm-leaves over their heads to keep off the sun, and
fans of feathers to cool them; and Las Casas affirms that he has seen the
backs and shoulders of the unfortunate Indians who bore these litters raw
and bleeding from the task. When these arrogant upstarts arrived at an
Indian village, they consumed and lavished away the provisions of the
inhabitants, seizing upon whatever pleased their caprice, and obliging the
cacique and his subjects to dance before them for their amusement. Their
very pleasures were attended with cruelty. They never addressed the
natives but in the most degrading terms, and on the least offence, or the
least freak of ill-humor, inflicted blows and lashes, and even death
itself. [102]
Such is but a faint picture of the evils which sprang up under the feeble
rule of Bobadilla; and are sorrowfully described by Las Casas, from actual
observation, as he visited the island just at the close of his
administration. Bobadilla had trusted to the immense amount of gold, wrung
from the miseries of the natives, to atone for all errors, and secure
favor with the sovereigns; but he had totally mistaken his course. The
abuses of his government soon reached the royal ear, and above all, the
wrongs of the natives reached the benevolent heart of Isabella. Nothing
was more calculated to arouse her indignation, and she urged the speedy
departure of Ovando, to put a stop to these enormities.
In conformity to the plan already mentioned, the government of Ovando
extended over the islands and Terra Firma, of which Hispaniola was to be
the metropolis. He was to enter upon the exercise of his powers
immediately upon his arrival, by procuration, sending home Bobadilla by
the return of the fleet. He was instructed to inquire diligently into the
late abuses, punishing the delinquents without favor or partiality, and
removing all worthless persons from the island. He was to revoke
immediately the license granted by Bobadilla for the general search after
gold, it having been given without royal authority. He was to require, for
the crown, a third of what was already collected, and one half of all that
should be collected in future. He was empowered to build towns, granting
them the privileges enjoyed by municipal corporations of Spain, and
obliging the Spaniards, and particularly the soldiers, to reside in them,
instead of scattering themselves over the island. Among many sage
provisions, there were others injurious and illiberal, characteristic of
an age when the principles of commerce were but little understood; but
which were continued by Spain long after the rest of the world had
discarded them as the errors of dark and unenlightened times. The crown
monopolized the trade of the colonies. No one could carry merchandises
there on his own account. A royal factor was appointed, through whom alone
were to be obtained supplies of European articles. The crown reserved to
itself not only exclusive property in the mines, but in precious stones,
and like objects of extraordinary value, and also in dyewoods. No
strangers, and above all, no Moors nor Jews, were permitted to establish
themselves in the island, nor to go upon voyages of discovery. Such were
some of the restrictions upon trade which Spain imposed upon her colonies,
and which were followed up by others equally illiberal. Her commercial
policy has been the scoff of modern times; but may not the present
restrictions on trade, imposed by the most intelligent nations, be equally
the wonder and the jest of future ages?
Isabella was particularly careful in providing for the kind treatment of
the Indians. Ovando was ordered to assemble the caciques, and declare to
them, that the sovereigns took them and their people under their especial
protection. They were merely to pay tribute like other subjects of the
crown, and it was to be collected with the utmost mildness and gentleness.
Great pains were to be taken in their religious instruction; for which
purpose twelve Franciscan friars were sent out, with a prelate named
Antonio de Espinal, a venerable and pious man. This was the first formal
introduction of the Franciscan order into the New World. [103]
All these precautions with respect to the natives were defeated by one
unwary provision. It was permitted that the Indians might be compelled to
work in the mines, and in other employments; but this was limited to the
royal service. They were to be engaged as hired laborers, and punctually
paid. This provision led to great abuses and oppressions, and was
ultimately as fatal to the natives as could have been the most absolute
slavery.
But, with that inconsistency frequent in human conduct, while the
sovereigns were making regulations for the relief of the Indians, they
encouraged a gross invasion of the rights and welfare of another race of
human beings. Among their various decrees on this occasion, we find the
first trace of negro slavery in the New World. It was permitted to carry
to the colony negro slaves born among Christians; [104] that is to say,
slaves born in Seville and other parts of Spain, the children and
descendants of natives brought from the Atlantic coast of Africa, where
such traffic had for some time been carried on by the Spaniards and
Portuguese. There are signal events in the course of history, which
sometimes bear the appearance of temporal judgments. It is a fact worthy
of observation, that Hispaniola, the place where this flagrant sin against
nature and humanity was first introduced into the New World, has been the
first to exhibit an awful retribution.
Amidst the various concerns which claimed the attention of the sovereigns,
the interests of Columbus were not forgotten. Ovando was ordered to
examine into all his accounts, without undertaking to pay them off. He was
to ascertain the damages he had sustained by his imprisonment, the
interruption of his privileges, and the confiscation of his effects. All
the property confiscated by Bobadilla was to be restored; or if it had
been sold, to be made good. If it had been employed in the royal service,
Columbus was to be indemnified out of the treasury; if Bobadilla had
appropriated it to his own use, he was to account for it out of his
private purse. Equal care was to be taken to indemnify the brothers of the
admiral for the losses they had wrongfully suffered by their arrest.
Columbus was likewise to receive the arrears of his revenues; and the same
were to be punctually paid to him in future. He was permitted to have a
factor resident in the island, to be present at the melting and marking of
the gold, to collect his dues, and in short to attend to all his affairs.
To this office he appointed Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal; and the sovereigns
commanded that his agent should be treated with great respect.
The fleet appointed to convey Ovando to his government was the largest
that had yet sailed to the New World. It consisted of thirty sail, five of
them from ninety to one hundred and fifty tons burden, twenty-four
caravels from thirty to ninety, and one bark of twenty-five tons. [105]
The number of souls embarked in this fleet was about twenty-five hundred;
many of them persons of rank and distinction, with their families.
That Ovando might appear with dignity in his new office, he was allowed to
use silks, brocades, precious stones, and other articles of sumptuous
attire, prohibited at that time in Spain, in consequence of the ruinous
ostentation of the nobility. He was permitted to have seventy-two
esquires, as his body-guard, ten of whom were horsemen. With this
expedition sailed Don Alonzo Maldonado, appointed as alguazil mayor, or
chief justice, in place of Roldan, who was to be sent to Spain. There were
artisans of various kinds: to these were added a physician, surgeon, and
apothecary; and seventy-three married men [106] with their families, all
of respectable character, destined to be distributed in four towns, and to
enjoy peculiar privileges, that they might form the basis of a sound and
useful population. They were to displace an equal number of the idle and
dissolute who were to be sent from the island: this excellent measure had
been especially urged and entreated by Columbus. There was also
live-stock, artillery, arms, munitions of all kinds; every thing, in
short, that was required for the supply of the island.
Such was the style in which Ovando, a favorite of Ferdinand, and a native
subject of rank, was fitted out to enter upon the government withheld from
Columbus. The fleet put to sea on the thirteenth of February, 1502. In the
early part of the voyage it was encountered by a terrible storm; one of
the ships foundered, with one hundred and twenty passengers; the others
were obliged to throw overboard every thing on deck, and were completely
scattered. The shores of Spain were strewed with articles from the fleet,
and a rumor spread that all the ships had perished. When this reached the
sovereigns, they were so overcome with grief that they shut themselves up
for eight days, and admitted no one to their presence. The rumor proved to
be incorrect: but one ship was lost. The others assembled again at the
island of Gomera in the Canaries, and, pursuing their voyage, arrived at
San Domingo on the 15th of April. [107]
Chapter IV.
Proposition of Columbus Relative to the Recovery of the Holy Sepulchre.
[1500-1501.]
Columbus remained in the city of Granada upwards of nine months,
endeavoring to extricate his affairs from the confusion into which they
had been thrown by the rash conduct of Bobadilla, and soliciting the
restoration of his offices and dignities. During this time he constantly
experienced the smiles and attentions of the sovereigns, and promises were
repeatedly made him that he should ultimately be reinstated in all his
honors. He had long since, however, ascertained the great interval that
may exist between promise and performance in a court. Had he been of a
morbid and repining spirit, he had ample food for misanthropy. He beheld
the career of glory which he had opened, thronged by favored adventurers;
he witnessed preparations making to convey with unusual pomp a successor
to that government from which he had been so wrongfully and rudely
ejected; in the meanwhile his own career was interrupted, and as far as
public employ is a gauge of royal favor, he remained apparently in
disgrace.
His sanguine temperament was not long to be depressed; if checked in one
direction it broke forth in another. His visionary imagination was an
internal light, which, in the darkest times, repelled all outward gloom,
and filled his mind with splendid images and glorious speculations. In
this time of evil, his vow to furnish, within seven years from the time of
his discovery, fifty thousand foot-soldiers, and five thousand horse, for
the recovery of the holy sepulchre, recurred to his memory with peculiar
force. The time had elapsed, but the vow remained unfulfilled, and the
means to perform it had failed him. The New World, with all its treasures,
had as yet produced expense instead of profit; and so far from being in a
situation to set armies on foot by his own contributions, he found himself
without property, without power, and without employ.
Destitute of the means of accomplishing his pious intentions, he
considered it his duty to incite the sovereigns to the enterprise; and he
felt emboldened to do so, from having originally proposed it as the great
object to which the profits of his discoveries should be dedicated. He set
to work, therefore, with his accustomed zeal, to prepare arguments for the
purpose. During the intervals of business, he sought into the prophecies
of the holy Scriptures, the writings of the fathers, and all kinds of
sacred and speculative sources, for mystic portents and revelations which
might be construed to bear upon the discovery of the New World, the
conversion of the Gentiles, and the recovery of the holy sepulchre: three
great events which he supposed to be predestined to succeed each other.
These passages, with the assistance of a Carthusian friar, he arranged in
order, illustrated by poetry, and collected into a manuscript volume, to
be delivered to the sovereigns. He prepared, at the same time, a long
letter, written with his usual fervor of spirit and simplicity of heart.
It is one of those singular compositions which lay open the visionary part
of his character, and show the mystic and speculative reading with which
he was accustomed to nurture his solemn and soaring imagination.
In this letter he urged the sovereigns to set on foot a crusade for the
deliverance of Jerusalem from the power of the unbelievers. He entreated
them not to reject his present advice as extravagant and impracticable,
nor to heed the discredit that might be cast upon it by others; reminding
them that his great scheme of discovery had originally been treated with
similar contempt. He avowed in the fullest manner his persuasion, that,
from his earliest infancy, he had been chosen by Heaven for the
accomplishment of those two great designs, the discovery of the New World,
and the rescue of the holy sepulchre. For this purpose, in his tender
years, he had been guided by a divine impulse to embrace the profession of
the sea, a mode of life, he observes, which produces an inclination to
inquire into the mysteries of nature; and he had been gifted with a
curious spirit, to read all kinds of chronicles, geographical treatises,
and works of philosophy. In meditating upon these, his understanding had
been opened by the Deity, "as with a palpable hand," so as to discover the
navigation to the Indies, and he had been inflamed with ardor to undertake
the enterprise. "Animated as by a heavenly fire," he adds, "I came to your
highnesses: all who heard of my enterprise mocked at it; all the sciences
I had acquired profited me nothing; seven years did I pass in your royal
court, disputing the case with persons of great authority and learned in
all the arts, and in the end they decided that all was vain. In your
highnesses alone remained faith and constancy. Who will doubt that this
light was from the holy Scriptures, illumining you as well as myself with
rays of marvelous brightness?"
These ideas, so repeatedly, and solemnly, and artlessly expressed, by a
man of the fervent piety of Columbus, show how truly his discovery arose
from the working of his own mind, and not from information furnished by
others. He considered it a divine intimation, a light from Heaven, and the
fulfillment of what had been fortold by our Saviour and the prophets.
Still he regarded it but as a minor event, preparatory to the great
enterprise, the recovery of the holy sepulchre. He pronounced it a miracle
effected by Heaven, to animate himself and others to that holy
undertaking; and he assured the sovereigns that, if they had faith in his
present as in his former proposition, they would assuredly be rewarded
with equally triumphant success. He conjured them not to heed the sneers
of such as might scoff at him as one unlearned, as an ignorant mariner, a
worldly man; reminding them that the Holy Spirit works not merely in the
learned, but also in the ignorant; nay, that it reveals things to come,
not merely by rational beings, but by prodigies in animals, and by mystic
signs in the air and in the heavens.
The enterprise here suggested by Columbus, however idle and extravagant it
may appear in the present day, was in unison with the temper of the times,
and of the court to which it was proposed. The vein of mystic erudition by
which it was enforced, likewise, was suited to an age when the reveries of
the cloister still controlled the operations of the cabinet and the camp.
The spirit of the crusades had not yet passed away. In the cause of the
church, and at the instigation of its dignitaries, every cavalier was
ready to draw his sword; and religion mingled a glowing and devoted
enthusiasm with the ordinary excitement of warfare. Ferdinand was a
religious bigot; and the devotion of Isabella went as near to bigotry as
her liberal mind and magnanimous spirit would permit. Both the sovereigns
were under the influence of ecclesiastical politicians, constantly guiding
their enterprises in a direction to redound to the temporal power and
glory of the church. The recent conquest of Granada had been considered a
European crusade, and had gained to the sovereigns the epithet of
Catholic. It was natural to think of extending their sacred victories
still further, and retaliating upon the infidels their domination of Spain
and their long triumphs over the cross. In fact, the Duke of Medina
Sidonia had made a recent inroad into Barbary, in the course of which he
had taken the city of Melilla, and his expedition had been pronounced a
renewal of the holy wars against the infidels in Africa. [108]
There was nothing, therefore, in the proposition of Columbus that could be
regarded as preposterous, considering the period and circumstances in
which it was made, though it strongly illustrates his own enthusiastic and
visionary character. It must be recollected that it was meditated in the
courts of the Alhambra, among the splendid remains of Moorish grandeur,
where, but a few years before, he had beheld the standard of the faith
elevated in triumph above the symbols of infidelity. It appears to have
been the offspring of one of those moods of high excitement, when, as has
been observed, his soul was elevated by the contemplation of his great and
glorious office; when he considered himself under divine inspiration,
imparting the will of Heaven, and fulfilling the high and holy purposes
for which he had been predestined. [109]
Chapter V.
Preparations of Columbus for a Fourth Voyage of Discovery.
[1501-1502.]
The speculation relative to the recovery of the holy sepulchre held but a
temporary sway over the mind of Columbus. His thoughts soon returned, with
renewed ardor, to their wonted channel. He became impatient of inaction,
and soon conceived a leading object for another enterprise of discovery.
The achievement of Vasco de Gama, of the long-attempted navigation to
India by the Cape of Good Hope, was one of the signal events of the day.
Pedro Alvarez Cabral, following in his track, had made a most successful
voyage, and returned with his vessels laden with the precious commodities
of the East. The riches of Calicut were now the theme of every tongue, and
the splendid trade now opened in diamonds and precious stones from the
mines of Hindostan; in pearls, gold, silver, amber, ivory, and porcelain;
in silken stuffs, costly woods, gums, aromatics, and spices of all kinds.
The discoveries of the savage regions of the New World, as yet, brought
little revenue to Spain; but this route, suddenly opened to the luxurious
countries of the East, was pouring immediate wealth into Portugal.
Columbus was roused to emulation by these accounts. He now conceived the
idea of a voyage, in which, with his usual enthusiasm, he hoped to surpass
not merely the discovery of Vasco de Gama, but even those of his own
previous expeditions. According to his own observations in his voyage to
Paria, and the reports of other navigators, who had pursued the same route
to a greater distance, it appeared that the coast of Terra Firma stretched
far to the west. The southern coast of Cuba, which he considered a part of
the Asiatic continent, stretched onwards towards the same point. The
currents of the Caribbean sea must pass between those lands. He was
persuaded, therefore, that there must be a strait existing somewhere
thereabout, opening into the Indian sea. The situation in which he placed
his conjectural strait, was somewhere about what at present is called the
Isthmus of Darien. [110] Could he but discover such a passage, and thus
link the New world he had discovered with the opulent oriental regions of
the old, he felt that he should make a magnificent close to his labors,
and consummate this great object of his existence.
When he unfolded his plan to the sovereigns, it was listened to with great
attention. Certain of the royal council, it is said, endeavored to throw
difficulties in the way; observing that the various exigencies of the
times, and the low state of the royal treasury, rendered any new
expedition highly inexpedient. They intimated also that Columbus ought not
to be employed, until his good conduct in Hispaniola was satisfactorily
established by letters from Ovando. These narrow-minded suggestions failed
in their aim: Isabella had implicit confidence in the integrity of
Columbus. As to the expense, she felt that while furnishing so powerful a
fleet and splendid retinue to Ovando, to take possession of his
government, it would be ungenerous and ungrateful to refuse a few ships to
the discoverer of the New World, to enable him to prosecute his
illustrious enterprises. As to Ferdinand, his cupidity was roused at the
idea of being soon put in possession of a more direct and safe route to
those countries with which the crown of Portugal was opening so lucrative
a trade. The project also would occupy the admiral for a considerable
time, and, while it diverted him from claims of an inconvenient nature,
would employ his talents in a way most beneficial to the crown. However
the king might doubt his abilities as a legislator, he had the highest
opinion of his skill and judgment as a navigator. If such a strait as the
one supposed were really in existence, Columbus vas, of all men in the
world, the one to discover it. His proposition, therefore, was promptly
acceded to; he was authorized to fit out an armament immediately; and
repaired to Seville in the autumn of 1501, to make the necessary
preparations.
Though this substantial enterprise diverted his attention from his
romantic expedition for the recovery of the holy sepulchre, it still
continued to haunt his mind. He left his manuscript collection of
researches among the prophecies in the hands of a devout friar of the name
of Gaspar Gorricio, who assisted to complete it. In February, also, he
wrote a letter to Pope Alexander VII, in which he apologizes, on account
of indispensable occupations, for not having repaired to Rome, according
to his original intention, to give an account of his grand discoveries.
After briefly relating them, he adds that his enterprises had been
undertaken with intent of dedicating the gains to the recovery of the holy
sepulchre. He mentions his vow to furnish, within seven years, fifty
thousand foot and five thousand horse for the purpose, and another of like
force within five succeeding years. This pious intention, he laments, had
been impeded by the arts of the devil, and he feared, without divine aid,
would be entirely frustrated, as the government which had been granted to
him in perpetuity had been taken from him. He informs his Holiness of his
being about to embark on another voyage, and promises solemnly, on his
return, to repair to Rome without delay, to relate everything by word of
mouth, as well as to present him with an account of his voyages, which he
had kept from the commencement to the present time, in the style of the
Commentaries of Caesar. [111]
It was about this time, also, that he sent his letter on the subject of
the sepulchre to the sovereigns, together with the collection of
prophecies. [112] We have no account of the manner in which the
proposition was received. Ferdinand, with all his bigotry, was a shrewd
and worldly prince. Instead of a chivalrous crusade against Jerusalem,
he preferred making a pacific arrangement with the Grand Soldan of Egypt,
who had menaced the destruction of the sacred edifice. He dispatched,
therefore, the learned Peter Martyr, so distinguished for his historical
writings, as ambassador to the Soldan, by whom all ancient grievances
between the two powers were satisfactorily adjusted, and arrangements
made for the conservation of the holy sepulchre, and the protection of
all Christian pilgrims resorting to it.
In the meantime Columbus went on with the preparations for his
contemplated voyage, though but slowly, owing, as Charlevoix intimates, to
the artifices and delays of Fonseca and his agents. He craved permission
to touch at the island of Hispaniola for supplies on his outward voyage.
This, however, the sovereigns forbade, knowing that he had many enemies in
the island, and that the place would be in great agitation from the
arrival of Ovando, and the removal of Bobadilla. They consented, however,
that he should touch there briefly on his return, by which time they hoped
the island would be restored to tranquillity. He was permitted to take
with him, in this expedition, his brother the Adelantado, and his son
Fernando, then in his fourteenth year; also two or three persons learned
in Arabic, to serve as interpreters, in case he should arrive at the
dominions of the Grand Khan, or of any other Eastern prince where that
language might be spoken, or partially known. In reply to letters relative
to the ultimate restoration of his rights, and to matters concerning his
family, the sovereigns wrote him a letter, dated March 14, 1502, from
Valencia de Torre, in which they again solemnly assured him that their
capitulations with him should be fulfilled to the letter, and the
dignities therein ceded enjoyed by him, and his children after him; and if
it should be necessary to confirm them anew, they would do so, and secure
them to his son. Beside which, they expressed their disposition to bestow
further honors and rewards upon himself, his brothers, and his children.
They entreated him, therefore, to depart in peace and confidence, and to
leave all his concerns in Spain to the management of his son Diego.
[113]
This was the last letter that Columbus received from the sovereigns, and
the assurances it contained were as ample and absolute as he could desire.
Recent circumstances, however, had apparently rendered him dubious of the
future. During the time that he passed in Seville, previous to his
departure, he took measures to secure his fame, and preserve the claims of
his family, by placing them under the guardianship of his native country.
He had copies of all the letters, grants, and privileges from the
sovereigns, appointing him admiral, viceroy, and governor of the Indies,
copied and authenticated before the alcaldes of Seville. Two sets of these
were transcribed, together with his letter to the nurse of Prince Juan,
containing a circumstantial and eloquent vindication of his rights; and
two letters to the Bank of St. George, at Genoa, assigning to it the tenth
of his revenues, to be employed in diminishing the duties on corn and
other provisions;--a truly benevolent and patriotic donation, intended for
the relief of the poor of his native city. These two sets of documents he
sent by different individuals to his friend, Doctor Nicolo Oderigo,
formerly ambassador from Genoa to the court of Spain, requesting him to
preserve them in some safe deposit, and to apprise his son Diego of the
same. His dissatisfaction at the conduct of the Spanish court may have
been the cause of this precautionary measure, that an appeal to the world,
or to posterity, might be in the power of his descendants, in case he
should perish in the course of his voyage. [114]
Book XV.
Chapter I.
Departure of Columbus on His Fourth Voyage.--Refused Admission to the
Harbor of San Domingo.--Exposed to a Violent Tempest.
[1502.]
Age was rapidly making its advances upon Columbus when he undertook his
fourth and last voyage of discovery. He had already numbered sixty-six
years, and they were years filled with care and trouble, in which age
outstrips the march of time. His constitution, originally vigorous in the
extreme, had been impaired by hardships and exposures in every clime, and
silently preyed upon by the sufferings of the mind. His frame, once
powerful and commanding, and retaining a semblance of strength and majesty
even in its decay, was yet crazed by infirmities and subject to paroxysms
of excruciating pain. His intellectual forces alone retained their wonted
health and energy, prompting him, at a period of life when most men seek
repose, to sally forth with youthful ardor, on the most toilsome and
adventurous of expeditions.
His squadron for the present voyage consisted of four caravels, the
smallest of fifty tons burden, the largest not exceeding seventy, and the
crews amounting in all to one hundred and fifty men. With this little
armament and these slender barks did the venerable discoverer undertake
the search after a strait, which, if found, must conduct him into the most
remote seas, and lead to a complete circumnavigation of the globe.
In this arduous voyage, however, he had a faithful counselor, and an
intrepid and vigorous coadjutor, in his brother Don Bartholomew, while his
younger son Fernando cheered him with his affectionate sympathy. He had
learnt to appreciate such comforts, from being too often an isolated
stranger, surrounded by false friends and perfidious enemies.
The squadron sailed from Cadiz on the 9th of May, and passed over to
Ercilla, on the coast of Morocco, where it anchored on the 13th.
Understanding that the Portuguese garrison was closely besieged in the
fortress by the Moors, and exposed to great peril, Columbus was ordered to
touch there, and render all the assistance in his power. Before his
arrival the siege had been raised, but the governor lay ill, having been
wounded in an assault. Columbus sent his brother, the Adelantado, his son
Fernando, and the captains of the caravels on shore, to wait upon the
governor, with expressions of friendship and civility, and offers of the
services of his squadron. Their visit and message gave high satisfaction,
and several cavaliers were sent to wait upon the admiral in return, some
of whom were relatives of his deceased wife, Doña Felippa Muñoz. After
this exchange of civilities, the admiral made sail on the same day, and
continued his voyage. [115] On the 25th of May, he arrived at the Grand
Canary, and remained at that and the adjacent islands for a few days,
taking in wood and water. On the evening of the 25th, he took his
departure for the New World. The trade winds were so favorable, that the
little squadron swept gently on its course, without shifting a sail, and
arrived on the 15th of June at one of the Caribbee Islands, called by the
natives Mantinino. [116] After stopping here for three days, to take in
wood and water, and allow the seamen time to wash their clothes, the
squadron passed to the west of the island, and sailed to Dominica, about
ten leagues distant. [117] Columbus continued hence along the inside of
the Antilles, to Santa Cruz, then along the south side of Porto Rico, and
steered for San Domingo. This was contrary to the original plan of the
admiral, who had intended to steer to Jamaica, [118] and thence to take a
departure for the continent, and explore its coasts in search of the
supposed strait. It was contrary to the orders of the sovereigns also,
prohibiting him on his outward voyage to touch at Hispaniola. His excuse
was, that his principal vessel sailed extremely ill, could not carry any
canvas, and continually embarrassed and delayed the rest of the
squadron. [119] He wished, therefore, to exchange it for one of the
fleet which had recently conveyed Ovando to his government, or to
purchase some other vessel at San Domingo; and he was persuaded that he
would not be blamed for departing from his orders, in a case of such
importance to the safety and success of his expedition.
It is necessary to state the situation of the island at this moment.
Ovando had reached San Domingo on the 15th of April. He had been received
with the accustomed ceremony on the shore, by Bobadilla, accompanied by
the principal inhabitants of the town. He was escorted to the fortress,
where his commission was read in form, in presence of all the authorities.
The usual oaths were taken, and ceremonials observed; and the new governor
was hailed with great demonstrations of obedience and satisfaction. Ovando
entered upon the duties of his office with coolness and prudence; and
treated Bobadilla with a courtesy totally opposite to the rudeness with
which the latter had superseded Columbus. The emptiness of mere official
rank, when unsustained by merit, was shown in the case of Bobadilla. The
moment his authority was at an end, all his importance vanished. He found
himself a solitary and neglected man, deserted by those whom he had most
favored, and he experienced the worthlessness of the popularity gained by
courting the prejudices and passions of the multitude. Still there is no
record of any suit having been instituted against him; and Las Casas, who
was on the spot, declares that he never heard any harsh thing spoken of
him by the colonists. [120]
The conduct of Roldan and his accomplices, however, underwent a strict
investigation, and many were arrested to be sent to Spain for trial. They
appeared undismayed, trusting to the influence of their friends in Spain
to protect them, and many relying on the well-known disposition of the
Bishop of Fonseca to favor all who had been opposed to Columbus.
The fleet which had brought out Ovando was now ready for sea; and was to
take out a number of the principal delinquents, and many of the idlers and
profligates of the island. Bobadilla was to embark in the principal ship,
on board of which he put an immense amount of gold, the revenue collected
for the crown during his government, and which he confidently expected
would atone for all his faults. There was one solid mass of virgin gold on
board of this ship, which is famous in the old Spanish chronicles. It had
been found by a female Indian in a brook, on the estate of Francisco de
Garay and Miguel Diaz, and had been taken by Bobadilla to send to the
king, making the owners a suitable compensation. It was said to weigh
three thousand six hundred castellanos. [121]
Large quantities of gold were likewise shipped in the fleet, by the
followers of Roldan, and other adventurers; the wealth gained by the
sufferings of the unhappy natives. Among the various persons who were to
sail in the principal ship, was the unfortunate Guarionex, the once
powerful cacique of the Vega. He had been confined in Fort Conception,
ever since his capture after the war of Higuey, and was now to be sent a
captive in chains to Spain. In one of the ships, Alonzo Sanchez de
Carvajal, the agent of Columbus, had put four thousand pieces of gold, to
be remitted to him; being part of his property, either recently collected,
or recovered from the hands of Bobadilla. [122]
The preparations were all made, and the fleet was ready to put to sea,
when, on the 29th of June, the squadron of Columbus arrived at the mouth
of the river. He immediately sent Pedro de Terreros, captain of one of the
caravels, on shore, to wait on Ovando, and explain to him that the purpose
of his coming was to procure a vessel in exchange for one of his caravels,
which was extremely defective. He requested permission also to shelter his
squadron in the harbor; as he apprehended, from various indications, an
approaching storm. This request was refused by Ovando. Las Casas thinks it
probable that he had instructions from the sovereigns not to admit
Columbus, and that he was further swayed by prudent considerations, as San
Domingo was at that moment crowded with the most virulent enemies of the
admiral, many of them in a high state of exasperation, from recent
proceedings which had taken place against them. [123]
When the ungracious refusal of Ovando was brought to Columbus, and he
found all shelter denied him, he sought at least to avert the danger of
the fleet, which was about to sail. He sent back the officer therefore to
the governor, entreating him not to permit the fleet to put to sea for
several days; assuring him that there were indubitable signs of an
impending tempest. This second request was equally fruitless with the
first. The weather, to an inexperienced eye, was fair and tranquil; the
pilots and seamen were impatient to depart. They scoffed at the prediction
of the admiral, ridiculing him as a false prophet, and they persuaded
Ovando not to detain the fleet on so unsubstantial a pretext.
It was hard treatment of Columbus, thus to be denied the relief which the
state of his ships required, and to be excluded in time of distress from
the very harbor he had discovered. He retired from the river full of grief
and indignation. His crew murmured loudly at being shut out from a port of
their own nation, where even strangers, tinder similar circumstances,
would be admitted. They repined at having embarked with a commander liable
to such treatment; and anticipated nothing but evil from a voyage, in
which they were exposed to the dangers of the sea, and repulsed from the
protection of the land.
Being confident, from his observations of those natural phenomena in which
he was deeply skilled, that the anticipated storm could not be distant,
and expecting it from the land side, Columbus kept his feeble squadron
close to the shore, and sought for secure anchorage in some wild bay or
river of the island.
In the meantime, the fleet of Bobadilla set sail from San Domingo, and
stood out confidently to sea. Within two days, the predictions of Columbus
were verified. One of those tremendous hurricanes, which sometimes sweep
those latitudes, had gradually gathered up. The baleful appearance of the
heavens, the wild look of the ocean, the rising murmur of the winds, all
gave notice of its approach. The fleet had scarcely reached the eastern
point of Hispaniola, when the tempest burst over it with awful fury,
involving every thing in wreck and ruin. The ship on board of which were
Bobadilla, Roldan, and a number of the most inveterate enemies of
Columbus, was swallowed up with all its crew, and with the celebrated mass
of gold, and the principal part of the ill-gotten treasure, gained by the
miseries of the Indians. Many of the ships were entirely lost, some
returned to San Domingo, in shattered condition, and only one was enabled
to continue her voyage to Spain. That one, according to Fernando Columbus,
was the weakest of the fleet, and had on board the four thousand pieces of
gold, the property of the admiral.
During the early part of this storm, the little squadron of Columbus
remained tolerably well sheltered by the land. On the second day the
tempest increased in violence, and the night coming on with unusual
darkness, the ships lost sight of each other and were separated. The
admiral still kept close to the shore, and sustained no damage. The
others, fearful of the land in such a dark and boisterous night, ran out
for sea-room, and encountered the whole fury of the elements. For several
days they were driven about at the mercy of wind and wave, fearful each
moment of shipwreck, and giving up each other as lost. The Adelantado, who
commanded the ship already mentioned as being scarcely seaworthy, ran the
most imminent hazard, and nothing but his consummate seamanship enabled
him to keep her afloat. At length, after various vicissitudes, they all
arrived safe at Port Hermoso, to the west of San Domingo. The Adelantado
had lost his long boat; and all the vessels, with the exception of that of
the admiral, had sustained more or less injury.
When Columbus learnt the signal destruction that had overwhelmed his
enemies, almost before his eyes, he was deeply impressed with awe, and
considered his own preservation as little less than miraculous. Both his
son Fernando, and the venerable historian Las Casas, looked upon the event
as one of those awful judgments, which seem at times to deal forth
temporal retribution. They notice the circumstance, that while the enemies
of the admiral were swallowed up by the raging sea, the only ship of the
fleet which was enabled to pursue her voyage, and reach her port of
destination, was the frail bark freighted with the property of Columbus.
The evil, however, in this, as in most circumstances, overwhelmed the
innocent as well as the guilty. In the ship with Bobadilla and Roldan
perished the captive Guarionex, the unfortunate cacique of the Vega.
[124]