Various references have been made of late to a mysterious sheikh who
from his lodgings in Paris is believed to hold the strings of the
Nationalist movement in Egypt and the religious revolt in the Soudan.
We have received the following account of this interesting personage
from a correspondent who called on him the other day in Paris:—
Sheikh Djamal-ud-dîn Al-Hûsseiny, for such is his full name and title,
was born in Cabul in the year 1837, of a noble and renowned family
in Afghanistan called the Seiyidists de Connoire (descendant of the
prophet Mahommed). He began the study of Arabic when eight years old,
and afterwards he devoted himself to the study of Mahommedan theology
and philosophy. When the Mutiny broke out in India he left Cabul and
went to that country, travelling through all parts of India, after
which he visited Mecca, returning to Afghanistan by Baghdâd and
Persia. Sheikh Djamal-ud-dîn joined Abd-ur-rahman Khan, the present
ruler of Afghanistan, when civil war broke out between them and Sher
Ali Khan. Abd-ur-rahman having been defeated by Sher Ali, Sheikh
Djamal-ud-dîn fled to Constantinople, and at this place he was courted
by the leading savants and learned men of that city, his literary
fame already having attained considerable renown throughout the East.
Soon after his arrival in Constantinople he was unanimously elected
a member of the Court of Public Instruction. While at Constantinople
his spirit blazed into fury at the spectacle of the bad and corrupt
administration of the Turks. He delivered lectures and wrote against it
in vehement terms, which resulted in his expulsion from Turkey in the
year 1871. He thereupon went to Egypt, where he had long been famous
for his remarkable knowledge of Arabic, Islamic law, and all branches
of philosophy. Hence many of the best men in Egypt and the Soudan
flocked around him, and he had several pupils whom he instructed in all
branches of Oriental learning. Amongst these pupils of his by far the
most notable was Mahammed Ahmad, the Mahdi. At Cairo he attacked Ismail
Pasha, denouncing him as the cause of the ruin of Egypt. In short he
was one of the principal instruments that caused Ismail’s downfall.
When the present Khedive came to the throne he likewise preached in
public assemblies against him as the agent of foreign intervention, and
consequently in 1880 he was exiled from Egypt. All his possessions,
such as his library and papers, were seized at Tewfik’s command by the
Egyptian Government. From Egypt he again visited India, remaining there
three years, and then two years ago he came over to Paris, in which
city he still resides.
His abode is a modest hotel near the Boulevards, where he has
apartments modestly furnished. In his habits Sheikh Djamal-ud-dîn is
very regular. Rising early in the morning, he enters his sitting room,
and peruses the newspapers, smoking his Turkish tobacco in an English
pipe. Close by him he generally keeps his Koran, and several Arabic,
Persian, Turkish books and pamphlets are scattered about his room, as
well as a number of the leading French and English newspapers. Here
we may mention that he published for a time an Arabic paper called
_Al-Urwat-ul-Wuthka, Le Lien Indissoluble_, which had an enormous
circulation in the East. Sheikh Djamal-ud-dîn has a majestic and
commanding presence (as may be seen from the accompanying portrait),
and a face of remarkable intelligence. He keeps his head uncovered
indoors, contrary to Oriental custom. It has already been mentioned
in the papers that Sheikh Djamal-ud-dîn has had and has a sort of
communication with the Mahdi. He describes him to be a very intelligent
person, well versed in Moslem theology and history. In stature he is
of moderate size, rather thin, but muscular and wiry. He grows a small
beard, and his color is bronze but by no means black, and he possesses
a sedate, pious look. In his early age the Mahdi was remarkable for
great religious principle, and was always very abstemious and kindly
disposed to the weak and poor. Before he acquired his present position
as Mahdi he believed that he felt some sort of inspiration, and
certainly now believes himself to be the Mahdi expected by all Islam,
nor, in his old master’s opinion, does he do this as a mere political
pretext.
The following is a transcript of the notes of the interview between our
representative and the Sheikh:—
What does the word Mahdi convey to Mahommedans; in what position does
it place them, and what is the effect produced on them?—Mahommedans
believe, according to Islamic tradition, that at the end of time there
will appear a Mahdi, who will be recognized by certain indications,
and his mission is to exalt Islam throughout the world. Consequently
the Mahdi’s mission is one of great importance, and its effect on
Mahommedans is very great. He who studies the history of Islam will
find that many Moslem empires were formed through a Mahdi’s mission.
Is it possible for the present Mahdi to be successful in his enterprise
and to be followed by all or a large portion of the Mahommedans?—This
matter is but like all others of the sort, and considering the present
bad condition of the Moslems, should the Mahdi gain two or three more
successes, he would certainly be followed by nearly all the Mahommedans.
Do you think it possible to crush his influence?—Yes, if they do not
fight him in his own country, thus forcing him, so to speak, to fight
and defend it; and also if they leave the defence of other countries
to the Mahommedans themselves. The best method of crushing a religious
rising, to my mind, is to allow co-religionists to do it.
As the Sheikh is not merely the tutor of the Mahdi, but also a Cabulee
savant and old partisan of Abd-ur-rahman, the conversation turned on
the Afghan question.
What is your opinion of the Russian advance?—This is a matter of great
complication, requiring for its solution the greatest consideration,
for there is no doubt that on the one hand a war between two such
great Powers as England and Russia must, besides the enormous loss
of life, cause great losses to all the world, and cause great future
complications. Further, it would not end in a short time. On the
other hand, should Russia come to amicable terms at present with
England through the mediation of Germany, or by the means of friendly
relations between the present British Cabinet and that of Russia,
the result would be more disadvantageous to England, inasmuch as
the Russian policy and intentions respecting their advance in India
cannot be doubted or misunderstood by politicians. Therefore, should
an amicable arrangement and understanding be arrived at at present,
Russia will have more time and be better able to arrange her affairs
and complete her preparations. They could cause a railway to be made
from Exeus to the frontier of Afghanistan. Further, they would be
enabled to remove any ill-feeling that may exist between them and the
tribes of Turcomans, and try to gain the friendship of the tribes of
Djamshîdé and Hûzarah, who are situated near Herat, as well as the
Uzbaks, who dwell in Balkh, who are all different in race, particularly
the Hûzarah, who differ in religion, they being Shîhists. It would
not be difficult for Russia to gain these tribes, as they are not on
very friendly terms with the Afghans. After this Russia would try and
gain the Afghans to their side by promising them the Punjaub. Russian
promises would have greater effect than all the means England can bring
to bear, inasmuch as Russian character is more akin to the Oriental
than any other. Further, the Russians would by intrigue try to incite
Indian hostility towards English, promising them self-government should
Russia succeed.
All this, however, requires time, so that if Russia should hurry
herself into war at present she would be acting against her interests,
which would show the greatest ignorance; but I do not think she
would be so foolish seeing what she would risk in a war just now. In
short, unless Russia retreats back to the Caspian Sea leaving Turcoman
and Buckharah, there cannot be perfect safety for England in India.
Although the retreat of Russia so far is difficult, yet in the future
it would be more so. It is, however, possible, and this by weakening
her power in Europe; or by England uniting with the Afghans, Persia,
and Turkey, and forcing Russia to withdraw as above stated; and for
England to withdraw from the Soudan leaving it to Mahommedans to
arrange their internal affairs. Egypt can undoubtedly improve herself
and repair, slowly but surely, the damages done. This, however, I
fear the present Government will not do, inasmuch as they slight the
Mahommedans, and that Russia will supersede them in the matter and in
gaining Moslem sympathy, time will show and prove.—_Pall Mall Gazette._