KING JOHN OF ABYSSINIA KILLED IN BATTLE.
Destruction of the Kababish tribe and death of Saleh Bey--Events in
Darfur--Revolt of Abu Gamaizeh--His death and destruction of his
army--Rabeh Zubeir--King Theodore's son visits Omdurman--The
conspiracy of "Sayidna Isa"--Death of Abu Anga--King John of
Abyssinia attacks Galabat--Success of Abyssinians, but the king
killed--Victory turned to defeat--The king's head sent to Omdurman.
Let us now leave Abyssinia for a moment, and turn to the course of
events in other parts of the country. The most powerful and determined
opponent to Mahdiism was Saleh Bey Fadlallah Wad Salem, the brother of
Sheikh Tome of the Kababish, who had been executed in El Obeid. This
tribe has enormous quantities of camels and sheep, and occupied the
desert between Dongola and Kordofan; they formerly paid taxes to the
extent of 100,000 dollars a year to Government. They did all the
carrying trade between Dongola and Kordofan. It will be remembered that,
during the siege of El Obeid, Saleh Bey had come to the Mahdi's camp;
but had left it quite suddenly, and thenceforth had become one of the
Mahdi's bitterest enemies.
In 1884 he had given considerable assistance in camels to the English
expedition, and had been in constant conflict himself with the
Dervishes.
When Khalifa Abdullah had consolidated his authority he determined to
rid himself of this rebel. Saleh Bey was at that time weak, for many of
his tribe had joined the Mahdiist ranks, and had fought against him. He
learnt that Abdullah intended to strike a serious blow to his power, he
therefore appealed to the Egyptian Government for help, and sent fifty
of his slaves to Wadi Halfa; the Government granted them two hundred
Remington rifles, forty boxes of ammunition, and £200 in cash.
Neufeld, a German merchant, joined Saleh's men on their return to
Kordofan, intending, if possible, to re-open a trade with the Arab
sheikhs in gum and ostrich feathers.
Nejumi, who was then at Dongola, having learnt through spies of their
departure, occupied the wells of Selima on the Arbain road, through
which the Kababish would probably pass. Fifteen days after leaving Halfa
the little caravan arrived at the oasis, only to be received by Dervish
bullets. Most of them were killed, and a few, including Neufeld, were
taken captive to Dongola; there they were beheaded, with the exception
of Neufeld, who was sent on to Omdurman, where he arrived on the 1st of
March, 1887.
The capture of the caravan and arms was a great blow to Saleh, and now
Abdullah no longer delayed to carry out his intentions. He despatched
the Emirs Greger Hamed and Wad Nubawi, of the Beni Jerrar, against him.
In the first fight Saleh was successful; but lost his brother and a
number of men. After this, a number of Dar Homr Arabs, who had formerly
been allied to him, now deserted to the other side, and with the
Dervishes occupied the wells of Mahbas. This being the only water in the
neighbourhood, there was now nothing left but to fight, and Saleh and
his men performed prodigies of valour, killing great numbers of the
Dervishes; but he was hampered by numerous camp-followers, women and
children, whom it was impossible to defend; and at length, seeing his
third brother fall before his eyes, he dismounted from his horse, sat on
his "fur" (sheep's skin), and waited to receive his death-blow, which
was dealt by one of Greger's relatives, between whom and Saleh a blood
feud existed; the latter having killed both Greger's father and uncle.
Another account relates, that Greger had severely wounded Saleh in the
head with his axe, but Saleh plunging his sword through Greger's body,
they both fell from their horses, and died together. This fight took
place on the 17th of May, 1887, and by Saleh's death Abdullah succeeded
in ridding himself of the enemy he most feared. Wad Adam was despatched
with Saleh's head to Omdurman, where it hung on the gallows for a month,
and where I myself saw it.
After Saleh's death the Kababish were dealt with in the most cruel
manner; several of them were brought to El Obeid as prisoners, where
they were executed. On one occasion Wad Adam had one hundred of them
hanged together, and then threw their bodies into a well. The same
evening groans were heard from the well, and it was found that one of
the victims was still alive; he was taken out and allowed to live. The
camels and sheep of this wealthy tribe were all brought to the beit el
mal at Omdurman. Most of the she-camels were killed and sold for about
two dollars apiece. In this way the Dervishes ruined the possibility of
breeding, and destroyed the prosperity and well-being of the country.
The once powerful Kababish tribe has now almost disappeared, and is
seldom even mentioned. Abdullah having thus vanquished his last enemy,
now seriously set to work to mature his plans for the conquest of Egypt.
But before entering on this part of my story, it may be as well to give
a brief historical sketch of Darfur, and the recent events which had
occurred there.
Darfur had, for the last four centuries, been governed by its native
sultans, who had gradually extended their authority into Kordofan, and
it was here that they first came into contact with the Egyptian
Government. Mohammed Ali had sent his son Ismail Pasha to take
possession of the Sudan, and whilst he was engaged in subduing the petty
kings of Shendi and Halfaya, his general, Ahmed Bey Defterdar, had
advanced from Dongola into Kordofan. This province was then administered
by a Magdum appointed by Sultan Musallem, of Darfur, who, hearing of the
advance of the "Turks," collected a large force, and awaited the
invaders at Bara. Spies had told him that it would be impossible to
fight the Turks, as they used fire; but the Magdum laughed at the idea,
and said he had no fear of fire. Moreover, to prove his word, he had an
immense quantity of thorns and brushwood collected, which he set fire
to, and then ordered his cavalry to dash through it; these bold and
fearless riders did so, and received no great harm. Thus did he impress
his followers that they need have no fear of the Turks; but the good man
had no notion of firearms and what they were. He met the attack of the
Turks in the most heroic manner; but he and most of his followers fell,
and the province became an Egyptian possession, though no steps were
taken to establish a government there.
It was not until August 1874, that the bold slave-hunter Zubeir Pasha
attacked and took the ancient kingdom of Shakka, and thus did Ismail
Pasha extend the Egyptian authority over Darfur.
From that date the country knew no peace; there was a constant series of
little wars. Slatin had fought no less than twenty-seven battles. Then
after the defeat of Hicks Pasha came the Dervishes, and Zogal became
Emir of Darfur, residing at El Fasher; but his rule was not peaceful.
The Sultan Dudbenga was fought, overcome, and sent to Omdurman a
prisoner in 1884; thence he was sent to Galabat, where he died. After
this, Zogal was left undisturbed, and succeeded in accumulating a
considerable amount of riches; but when the Mahdi died, Zogal, as we
have seen, was summoned to Omdurman, and left Darfur in the hands of
Sultan Yusef, Dudbenga's son; this sultan was entirely submissive to the
Khalifa; and when Sheikh Madibbo, of the Rizighat tribe, revolted
against Karamallah, the Dervish Emir of Bahr el Ghazal, and fled to
Jebel Marra, Sultan Yusef took him prisoner, and sent him back to
Karamallah, who passed him on to Abu Anga, by whom he was decapitated in
El Obeid.
But Abdullah did not wish Darfur to continue in this semi-independent
state; he therefore instructed Karamallah to raid the country from
Dara. Yusef sent word, begging that their respective boundaries might be
adhered to, but Karamallah only raided the more. In self-defence Yusef
sent out his army, and thus a war broke out, which was just what
Abdullah wanted. Yusef allied himself with Sultan Said, of Jebel Marra,
and their combined forces defeated Ketenbur, who had been sent by
Karamallah in command of a force.
In consequence of this disaster, Abdullah despatched his uncle, Osman
Wad Adam (nick-named "Ganu"), with a strong force to Shakka, where he
joined Karamallah. Yusef, fearing that he had been betrayed, sent a very
strong force, and in the month of December a great battle took place, in
which the Furs were almost annihilated, and it is said that Karamallah's
brother, Kerkesawi, killed so many men with his sword that his right arm
became bent.
Darfur once a prey to the bloodthirsty Dervishes, Osman Wad Adam
continued his victorious march to El Fasher. Sultans Yusef and Zayid
then fled to Jebel Marra, and sought the assistance of Sultan Jabrallah.
Osman sent troops in pursuit. Yusef detached himself from Jabrallah and
fled again, while Jabrallah betrayed and murdered the brave Zayid and
sent his head to Osman. Shortly afterwards Yusef was captured, brought
to El Fasher, and there decapitated. The heads of both these sultans
eventually reached Omdurman, and were hung up beside the Abyssinian
heads, where I saw them in January 1888.
After this the captor of Zayid returned to El Fasher, whilst Jabrallah,
anticipating a great reward for his treacherous conduct, was sent with
his five sons to see the Khalifa in Omdurman. He was allowed his liberty
for a time, but having once attempted to escape, he and his sons were
thrown into chains; four of the latter died in prison, and just before I
escaped I saw the unfortunate Jabrallah and his surviving son in a
pitiable state in the streets of Omdurman.
For the second time Darfur had now become a Dervish province, under the
direction of Osman Wad Adam. The Khalifa believed that all opposition
was over, and that he had nothing to fear from that direction. Indeed,
the majority of the inhabitants had been killed, and the few surviving
sheikhs had taken refuge in the Dar Tama and Masalit districts; but they
did not remain inactive; there were constant meetings, in which they
discussed how they should rid themselves of these "enemies of Islam," as
they called the Dervishes.
The Masalit people are savage and cruel to a degree; they are in the
habit of making waterskins out of the skins of their slain enemies.
Slatin Bey told me that when in Darfur he had two of these skins--of a
male and a female--which he had kept as curios. Some of the Darfur
sheikhs had gone as far as to apply to the Sultan of Borgo for help, but
he had refused to interfere in any way with Mahdieh. Then a man suddenly
appeared amongst the Masalit about whose origin little was known; he
represented himself as the arch-enemy of the hated Dervishes, who, under
the guise of Mohammedanism, robbed, plundered, ravished, and murdered
all they could lay their hands on.
Such influence did this fiki, or religious teacher, gain over the
superstitious masses of the west that some said he must be the true
Mahdi; others said he was the fourth Khalifa (Osman); then again many
said he was the celebrated Sheikh es Senussi, the great religious head
of all the North African tribes, and whose influence has extended far
into Central Africa. Several asserted that he was merely a delegate from
the great Senussi.
This religious reformer and adventurer styled himself "Abu Gemaizeh"
(Gemaizeh is the Arabic name for the sycamore fig-tree), because it was
said that the shade of this tree always accompanied him. At Omdurman all
sorts of extraordinary stories were current about his supernatural
gifts. Some said that he had the power of miraculously increasing food;
an ordinary plate-full he would make sufficient for hundreds of people;
others said that they had seen him produce milk from his finger-tips,
and it was said that he could produce, in a moment, all sorts of things
pleasant to the palate. He could raise a palm-tree out of barren
ground, which, in the space of an hour, would become covered with fruit.
In his sermons and letters he reproached the Khalifa for having
oppressed and slaughtered Moslems, and having taken their wives for
himself--a crime only committed by the "unbelievers"--and with God's
help, he declared his intention of coming to Omdurman to annihilate
"God's enemies," as he called the Dervishes.
The sayings and doings of this extraordinary being attracted great
attention throughout the entire Sudan. The Mahdi had first appeared in
the west, and now an anti-Mahdi had sprung up from the west. Immense
numbers of adherents flocked to his standard. Not only did the Furs,
thirsting for vengeance, join him, but people from Bornu, Borgo, and
Wadai collected around him.
Osman Wad Adam despatched a force against him, which was annihilated,
and he now begged the Khalifa to send him reinforcements. In answer to
this appeal a number of Beni Jerrar Arabs were sent to him, but these
also were destroyed almost to a man. These two important victories
increased Abu Gemaizeh's prestige enormously, and when Abdullah saw that
the oppressed Sudanese were secretly rejoicing at his discomfiture, he
himself began to tremble for his authority.
A third expedition, despatched by Osman, met with a similar fate to the
other two, and now the Khalifa vented his wrath on his unsuccessful
lieutenant. In October 1888, he wrote to him to retire at once to El
Fasher, to confine himself entirely to defensive operations, and on no
account to attack the enemy. There was great excitement in Omdurman,
where the importance of Abu Gemaizeh's victories had been enormously
exaggerated. It was even said that Osman had been killed, El Fasher
captured, and Kordofan on the point of being invaded. Then came the news
that El Obeid had been captured, and now the rejoicings at the Khalifa's
defeat were an open secret. But these highly-coloured rumours were
merely the outcome of an intense desire and longing on the part of the
wretched inhabitants of the Sudan, groaning under the Dervish yoke, to
see themselves once more free from the tyrannical oppression which their
own short-sighted conduct had brought upon themselves.
Abu Gemaizeh had, it is true, been very successful. He had three times
defeated Osman, who was now besieged in El Fasher, and in great want of
food. All Darfur had sided with Abu Gemaizeh, and the Dervishes were
almost powerless; but in the zenith of his success the great religious
sheikh was suddenly struck down by small-pox, and died at Kebkebieh in
February 1889. His death caused many of his adherents to quit the cause,
and his successor--who, had he not attacked El Fasher, might have
succeeded in compassing the downfall of Osman, who was then entirely cut
off and in great straits--felt that he must do something to keep his
army together. But his force was hampered by a large number of women,
children, and camp followers. He was deficient in firearms, whilst Osman
was well supplied with rifles and ammunition, and his Shaggieh troops
fought magnificently.
The final action took place under the walls of El Fasher, on the 22nd of
February, 1889, and resulted in the death of the leader and the massacre
of thousands of his followers. This was the death-blow to the movement,
and is an example of how easily Moslems are imposed upon by religious
adventurers. Numbers of those who had joined and left Mahdiism,
thoroughly convinced of its fraud and deception, had unhesitatingly
allied themselves to this new religious movement, which they inspired
with almost greater enthusiasm than that they had just quitted. The
collapse of this new delusion was therefore comparatively greater. The
heads of Abu Gemaizeh and a number of his important leaders were sent to
Omdurman, where they found a place on the gallows, and were subsequently
relegated to the pit in which lay the whitening skulls of Merhdi, the
Abyssinians, and the mutinous blacks.
Osman's victory delighted the Khalifa even more than Abu Anga's success
in Abyssinia, because he had always considered Darfur a place of
refuge, to which he had a secure line of retreat in case of attack from
the north.
The victorious Osman now vented his wrath on the tribes who had
supported Abu Gemaizeh's movement. The Beni Helba tribe especially fell
under his merciless hand, and was almost exterminated; but the country
took some time to recover its normal state, and, in consequence, the
Khalifa had to forego the pleasure of summoning Osman to Omdurman, and
loading him with benefits as he had done to Abu Anga. However, he had a
special house built for him near the mosque, and prepared to do him all
honour when his presence could be spared from Darfur.
But this was not to be. The successful Osman fell ill, and died shortly
afterwards at El Fasher. He was succeeded by the Khalifa's brother
Mahmud Wad Ahmed, who was also accompanied by the kadi Suleiman el
Hejazi. This latter individual was deported to Darfur because he had had
a disagreement with the Khalifa's principal spy, Hajji Zubeir.
Mahmud was ordered, on his arrival at El Fasher, to send to Omdurman all
the money found in the late Osman's safe, and to take over all his
horses, wives, &c., and keep them for himself. He left Omdurman with a
large number of followers, and travelling _viâ_ El Obeid at length
reached his province. Here he found the country desolate; during the
recent wars all cultivation had lapsed, a terrible famine had set in,
and he was unable to find food for his troops. On reporting this to the
Khalifa, he received orders to retire to Nahut in Kordofan, which he
did, but his black soldiers disliked the change, and conspired together
to kill Mahmud and desert back to Darfur. They attempted to carry out
this project one night, but failing to secure the ammunition, which was
essential to the success of their undertaking, they deserted from the
camp, about 1,000 strong, and set off to join Rabeh Zubeir.
This Rabeh had been originally brought up in Zubeir Pasha's family, had
shown military ability, and at the time of the suppression of the
revolt in Bahr el Ghazal by Gessi Pasha commanded with Suleiman
(Zubeir's son) the supposed rebel army. On Suleiman's capture and death,
Rabeh fled with the remnants of the force towards Bornu, and after a
host of strange adventures and constant fights with the kingdoms of
Borgo, Wadai, &c., he succeeded in establishing himself in an
independent position on the banks of the Sharé river which empties into
Lake Chad. Here he has collected a considerable force, and appears to
have at last established friendly relations with his neighbours. The
Khalifa has frequently sent messages to him to return to Omdurman, where
he would be most honourably received, but Rabeh has persistently
refused.
Osman, when at El Fasher, also communicated with him in the same sense;
but Rabeh, who had a shrewd idea of the Khalifa's intentions, summoned
to his aid a Fiki who had been in Omdurman, and who quite understood
Abdullah's character. On Rabeh telling the Fiki of his message from
Osman, the Fiki asked that a cock should be given him, and he proceeded
deliberately to pull out the feathers of its wings. He then bound its
legs together, and plucked it completely; and last of all cut its head
off. The Fiki said not a word, but Rabeh thoroughly understood the moral
of the proceeding, and came to the wise conclusion to stay where he was.
The last news is that a portion of his force has re-entered Dar Fertit,
the country to the north-west of Bahr el Ghazal.
As for Mahmud, after the disturbance at Nahut, he retired on El Obeid in
1890, and left Darfur to its fate. All that portion of it bordering on
Kordofan is entirely depopulated. Herds of elephants roam the plains as
far as El Fasher. There is continual internecine warfare, which is still
further reducing the population, and creating a wilderness of this once
populous district.
Let us now revert to the operations against Abyssinia. In consequence of
Abu Anga's victory over Ras Adal, the tribes on the north-western
borders of Abyssinia, and who are known as Makada, embraced Mahdiism;
and it was at this time that Todros Kasa, the son of the Todros Kasa
(King Theodore), who had been vanquished by the British at Magdala,
suddenly appeared at Galabat, and offered his services to the Dervishes
to fight against his own countrymen. He was at once sent on to Omdurman,
where he was received with great pomp by Khalifa Abdullah, who promised
to place him on the throne of Abyssinia, and in return for this promise
Todros agreed that all the Abyssinians should turn Moslems, and should
pay the Khalifa an annual tribute.
Before going further, it may be as well to explain briefly who this
Todros was. He was the second son of the King Theodore who had been
subdued by the English army. The eldest son had been taken to England,
where he died. At that time the Todros of whom I speak was a mere child,
and had been concealed by his relatives from King John, who wanted to
kill him. When he grew up he wandered about Abyssinia, and happened to
be in the neighbourhood of Galabat when Abu Anga made his successful
descent on Abyssinia. It at once occurred to Todros that an alliance
with the Dervishes might secure him his father's throne, and we have
seen how successfully he had deceived the Khalifa, who implicitly
believed in his good faith.
Todros had two children of twelve and fourteen years of age, who always
accompanied him when he went about in Omdurman, and he always carried a
red umbrella, which made him the laughing-stock of the place. He did not
speak Arabic, and all intercourse with him had to be through an
interpreter.
Amongst the female slaves taken by Abu Anga were two girls, who
accidentally came into the possession of one of my friends. These girls
were related to Todros, and when he heard of them, he at once bought
their release, and eventually took them with him to Galabat. We used
often to talk to him, as he was not in the least afraid, and told us of
his real projects and intentions. Suddenly Abu Anga, without any
previous warning, set off for Galabat, no one knew why, and it was
generally supposed that some very important information had reached the
Khalifa. Abu Anga took Todros Kasa with him.
Before leaving, Abu Anga asked the Khalifa to whom he should refer in
case of his (the Khalifa's) death. Abdullah replied to his brother
Yakub, and from this it was generally understood that he intended to
retain the succession in his own family.
[Illustration: ABYSSINIAN DANCING GIRLS.]
Shortly after Abu Anga's departure, the Khalifa received a small note in
Amharic, written on parchment, from King John. Two of the Abyssinians in
Omdurman interpreted it to the Khalifa, and it was to the effect that he
(John) was prepared to make a reasonable treaty of peace with the
Khalifa; basing his argument on the fact that they all--both Sudanese
and Abyssinians--had a common descent through their mutual forefather
Ham, and that, being neighbours, they should rather combine to fight
against their common enemies, who were the Europeans, and whose power
was always extending. To this the Khalifa replied that if he would
become a Moslem, they would become good friends; but if he refused to do
this, he (the Khalifa) felt obliged to brand him as the enemy of God and
His Prophet, and that he had no other course open but to exterminate
him.
On Abu Anga's arrival at Galabat, the most violent jealousy sprang up
between him and Yunis. The latter separated his camp from Abu Anga's,
and lost no opportunity of showing his hatred and envy of the "slave"
(as he called him), who had so successfully combated the Abyssinians.
Even on the usual Friday review, in spite of Abu Anga having been
appointed to the supreme command, Yunis always drilled his men
separately from the rest. This Abu Anga reported to the Khalifa, who at
once instructed Yunis to place himself under him in every respect.
Meanwhile a conspiracy was brewing amongst the emirs in the camp of
Yunis. One of the ugliest types of Takruris that have ever been seen
took to calling himself "Sayidna Isa" ("Our Master Jesus"). Yunis and
his emirs believed in him, although he subsequently betrayed him. It is
impossible to understand how it is that these fanatical people could
believe in the nonsense told them by Isa; yet, if he heard that any one
disbelieved in him, he would at once have him summoned, and there, in
the presence of four witnesses, he would convert him. He asserted that
he was the Messiah foretold by the Mahdi who should wrest the power from
the Khalifa. Indeed the day was actually fixed when it was decided to
kill Abu Anga and proclaim Isa publicly; but Yunis betrayed the
conspiracy to Abu Anga, and after afternoon prayers on the following
Friday he summoned the sixteen mutinous emirs and threw them into
chains; he then wrote to the Khalifa asking his instructions. The latter
despatched some judges to Galabat, who were told to instruct these
deluded people in the right way. They were tried one after the other;
but none of them would deny their belief in Isa; then they threatened to
kill them; but Isa laughed, and said he was immortal. At length the
judges, seeing that further talking was useless, condemned Isa to death,
and in a few minutes he was dangling on the gallows. Even this was not
proof enough for the sixteen deluded emirs, who still believed he was
not dead, and so one by one they were hanged, and their heads sent to
Omdurman, where they also remained on the gallows for a month and were
then relegated to the pit. Yunis was summoned to Omdurman, and for some
time was quite out of favour.
Thus did Khalifa Abdullah score success after success over his enemies,
and there is little doubt that, had Abu Anga failed to act as quickly
and decidedly as he did, Isa's rapidly-increasing power might have
become a serious menace to the Khalifa's authority. There is no doubt
that these sixteen emirs had been instigated by Yunis to revolt against
the Khalifa and put him at the head of the movement; they knew perfectly
well that Isa was a mere fraud and deception; but I do not think it is
possible ever to start a movement on a large scale in a Moslem country
unless it is based on some religious grounds. The Mahdi only succeeded
by working up the fanaticism of his own countrymen. Such motives as
liberty, freedom, and the love of the fatherland are entirely unknown
factors in the composition of feelings which go towards creating a
national movement amongst Moslems.
Abu Anga, who was now growing old and fat, did not live long after the
events just described. He was attacked by typhus, which at that time was
prevalent at Galabat, and in a few days this great warrior, who had shed
such quantities of blood, was dead. His soldiers mourned him bitterly,
and his name is still held amongst them in affectionate remembrance;
they loved him because he himself had been a slave, and knew how to
discriminate between severity and kindness. He was one of the best emirs
of Mahdieh, and of an infinitely more generous nature than Wad En Nejumi
or others. Once a poor woman came to him and complained that a soldier
had forcibly taken her milk, which was all she had to live upon. Abu
Anga sent for the soldier and asked him if the woman's complaint was
true; the thief denied it most emphatically and abused the woman
unmercifully. Abu Anga was almost convinced that he was speaking the
truth; but the woman still persisted in the most violent manner that the
man had drunk the milk. After a moment's thought Abu Anga gave the
following judgment: "The man's stomach to be ripped open, and if no milk
is discovered, the woman will be executed." The woman accepted this
judgment with delight, while the unfortunate man had to undergo this
terrible operation. The milk was found in his stomach, and Abu Anga made
good to the woman her loss. Thus did he maintain discipline amongst his
men, and as long as he commanded in Galabat there was no fear. In battle
his cruelty knew no bounds, and the most horrible atrocities were
perpetrated by his men, especially in Abyssinia. His death was deeply
felt by the Khalifa, and with reason, for he was not only a brave and
capable leader, but he was absolutely honest; any other man in his place
would have, long before, abused his power. He was buried in Galabat in
1888, and his men have canonized him as a saint.
When dying, Abu Anga nominated Wad Ali as his successor, until the
Khalifa's orders should be received; but very soon after his death there
was discontent amongst the men and want of harmony amongst the emirs,
with whom Wad Ali was by no means a favourite. These dissensions reached
the Khalifa's ears, and he despatched the Kadi Ahmed, in whom he placed
great reliance, to Galabat, with instructions to do all he could to put
down discord, and to nominate some one as leader who was popular with
all ranks. After several meetings, the Kadi at length succeeded in
quieting the people, and it was agreed, by common consent, to nominate
Zeki Tummal as Abu Anga's successor. This appointment was subsequently
confirmed by the Khalifa.
The Galabat army was now made into four divisions--Zeki Tummal commanded
the first division, and was also Commander-in-chief of the whole;
Abdallah Ibrahim, Nur Angara, and Mahmud Wad Ali commanded the other
divisions. In addition to these four great emirs there were also other
well-known men in the Galabat force--such as Sheikh Abu Tagalla,
Faragallah (Gordon's old commandant of Omdurman Fort), Omar Wad Elias
Pasha, Sheikh Nuri, of the Bederieh tribe, Ismail Wad el Andok, and
others. The immense zariba was now further fortified and strengthened.
There were already rumours that King John was making preparations to
take Galabat, after which it was said he would advance on Omdurman and
utterly destroy Mahdiism. King John was accompanied by all his most
important chiefs--Ras Adal, Ras Aria Salasseh, Ras Michael, Ras Mariam,
Ras Alula, Saleh Shanga, and several others. In all, the army numbered
some 150,000, of whom 20,000 were horsemen.
This news caused the greatest alarm in Galabat and Omdurman; but it also
had the effect of making us indulge in pleasant dreams of release. Zeki
Tummal took counsel with his emirs whether it would be better to await
the enemy's arrival in the zariba or whether it would be advisable to
advance and fight in the open. Kadi Ahmed urged that it would be better
to stay in the zariba, and his advice was adopted; there is little doubt
this was the wisest course to take, as the Abyssinian cavalry would
undoubtedly have struck confusion into their ranks. Zeki's force now
numbered 85,000 men, and was well disposed in the zariba to resist
attack. Criers went through the market-place summoning all people to
leave their business and take up arms for the defence of the town;
messengers were also sent to the Khalifa to beg his blessing--in fact,
great fear prevailed. Spies reported that the enemy were as numerous as
the sand, that their numbers stretched beyond the horizon, and that when
they moved such clouds of dust arose that the sun was quite obscured.
This news created almost a panic in Omdurman; besides, there is an old
prophecy that the Abyssinians should come to Khartum; that their horses
should wade knee-deep in blood, and that the King should tether his
horse to the solitary tree on the White Nile near Khartum.
At the end of February the King quitted Gondar, and marched out to make
holy war against the most bitter enemy to Christianity. When near
Galabat he sent word to Zeki to say he was coming, lest it should be
said that he had "come secretly as a thief." Numbers of women had also
joined the Abyssinian army; they were, for the most part, the wives and
concubines of the soldiers, and many others had fled from their parents
to follow their lovers to battle.
On Saturday, the 9th of March, 1889, the King began his attack on
Galabat. Such clouds of dust were raised that it was almost impossible
to see anything. The zariba was stormed; some attempted to drag away the
thorn bushes, others tried to set fire to it, whilst the Dervishes
opened a terrific fire on the masses. Some Takruris, who had deserted
Zeki's camp, reported that the part of the zariba held by Wad Ali was
the weakest, and, in consequence, the Abyssinians made a supreme effort
to break in at that point.
The din and noise was beyond description. At length, after a very hard
fight, the Abyssinians succeeded in forcing an entry, and then their
masses rolled in like a great storm stream, carrying everything before
them. The thousands of Dervish women within now raised terrible cries as
the enemy approached, killing and destroying all in their path; they set
fire to the straw huts; the din of the firing, the shouts and screams of
the men and women, mingled with the crackling and wild rush of the
flames, were terrible beyond description. Already the Abyssinians had
taken possession of the beit el mal, and had occupied the house in which
Abu Anga's harem lived, and now they were searching for his body, which
they wanted to pull out of the ground and throw into the flames, in
revenge for the burning of Gondar.
The strength of the Mahdiists was now almost exhausted, ammunition was
running short, and it was thought the fight was nearly over, when
suddenly the news spread amongst the Abyssinians that their King had
been struck by a bullet. This was the signal for a general retreat:
everyone seized all the booty he could lay his hands upon, and soon the
zariba was evacuated; several of the women were carried off as captives,
including Abu Anga's harem, and the Abyssinians then made for the river
Atbara.
Now was the time for the Dervishes to reverse their defeat; they had
suffered very heavily, Wad Ali's division had been almost annihilated;
but they lost no time in cutting off some of the Abyssinians' heads and
sending them at once to Omdurman, with the information that they had
gained a great victory, for Kadi Ahmed well knew how anxious was the
Khalifa, and how fearful that defeat should overtake his forces.
The Dervishes thought the Abyssinians would renew their attack the next
day, but to their surprise no one appeared; then spies were sent out to
discover their whereabouts, and they brought back information that the
Abyssinian force was now in full retreat towards the Atbara. This
information decided Zeki to pursue, and on the 11th of March the Dervish
force came up with a large portion of the Abyssinian army encamped on
the river bank; a battle ensued, in which the Abyssinians lost heavily
and fled precipitately, leaving the dead body of King John in the hands
of the Dervishes. It was discovered carefully packed in a long box and
sealed with wax; at first it was thought to contain treasure, but on
opening it the odour of decay left little doubt that the body they had
attempted to embalm was none other than that of the unfortunate John,
and this was confirmed by the Abyssinian prisoners. The King's head was
cut off and sent to Omdurman.
Here the wildest excitement prevailed, the Khalifa Abdullah ordered the
great war-drums to be beaten and the onbeïa to be sounded. A large
review took place. The Abyssinian heads were paraded and said to be
those of Eas Alula, Eas Mariam, and Saleh Shanga; but this was not true.
However, the Khalifa's delight knew no bounds, and our sorrow was
proportionately great. Once more our cherished hopes had been dashed to
the ground, and it seemed as if all chance of escape was now quite at an
end.
The heads were put upon the gallows, and left no doubt that a great
victory had been won, then three days afterwards came the news that the
King had been killed. Fixed high up on a camel's back, John's head was
paraded up and down through the market-place, preceded by a herald
shouting out that the mighty Negûs had been slain, and that now was a
time for festivity and rejoicing. The Khalifa was quite intoxicated by
his success. He publicly exposed the articles captured with the King's
body, amongst which was the throne from which the cross had been
removed; this was afterwards replaced in Omdurman and retained in the
beit el mal.
A wonderful copy of the New Testament had also been taken; it was
written on parchment in Amharic language, was profusely illustrated and
illuminated, and bound in a triple leather cover; then there was a gold
watch marked "Crosdi, Paris," which showed the day of the week and the
month of the year; a telescope, and also an original letter from Her
Majesty Queen Victoria to King John, dated November 1887. I myself read
this letter, in which the Queen inquired after King John's health, and
asked him how he and his family were; that England having occupied Egypt
had become a near neighbour to Abyssinia, and that it was Her Majesty's
earnest wish to continue to live on terms of peace and friendship with
the Negûs. The letter concluded with good wishes for the King's health,
happiness, and long life, and was signed by Lord Salisbury. Amongst
other things I also saw the King's tent and a number of richly jewelled
crosses.
On the same day of its arrival, the Khalifa ordered the King's head to
be sewn in a piece of leather and sent it on to Dongola, from whence it
was to be sent on to Wadi Halfa as a warning to the Khedive and the
English that a like fate would await them if they did not at once
submit.
It now seemed that the Khalifa was at the very zenith of his power.
There in a dirty pit near the market-place lay the decaying heads of all
his principal enemies, the Sultan Yusef, Abu Gemaizeh, the Abyssinians,
Sayidna Isa, all huddled up together in a heap, and I could not help
reflecting deeply on all these strange events every time I passed that
pit. Gradually the skin and hair dropped off, leaving only the bare
white skulls, deep eye-holes, and grinning teeth, and yet these were the
skulls of crowned heads, prophets, and patriarchs gathered together in a
narrow pit from far-distant countries--a solemn evidence indeed of the
far-reaching power of Mahdiism. Passers-by struck them with their
sticks, and yet for what thousands of lives had these now empty
brain-pans been responsible, which lay rotting on far-distant
battlefields--proof in truth of God's judgment on the Sudan!
Abdullah now thought himself master of the whole world. In his moments
of wildest enthusiasm he had never dreamt of gaining such a tremendous
victory over the Abyssinians, and yet another such victory would have
almost destroyed his power; he had lost thousands of his best warriors,
and the women and cattle captured could never compensate him for such a
loss. Of course Zeki and his emirs did not always adhere to the truth in
writing to the Khalifa, nor was the latter anxious they should do
so--indeed, it would have been tantamount to a crime on Zeki's part to
report that the Galabat garrison was weak; had he done so, and even if
he had been the Khalifa's own relative, he would probably have been
relegated to prison. It would have been treason to have said anything
which would detract from the Khalifa's idea of his own power, and he was
surrounded by wretched flatterers and trimmers who were the last to tell
him the truth.
But all these wars and disturbances had now almost completely ruined the
country, and then came the terrible famine, which lasted almost a year
and brought untold sufferings on the people. The Khalifa, however, was
blind to all this misery and distress. His only idea was
self-aggrandisement, and he did not realize that hunger was likely to
prove by far the worst and most dangerous enemy with which Mahdieh had
to cope; but this he eventually learnt by bitter experience.
After the death of King John there was a certain amount of intercourse
between the Dervishes and Abyssinians, and not a few of the latter used
to come to Galabat and promise to lead Zeki to where the late king's
treasures had been hidden; but this they probably did with the intention
of trying to draw him into an ambush. It was eventually hunger which
compelled Zeki to take some active measures. He despatched Abdullah
Ibrahim into Abyssinia with several thousand men, and a few words
respecting the career of this emir may not be amiss.
He was a nephew of Ahmed Bey Dafallah, of Kordofan, and had come to
notice during the siege of El Obeid. Whenever he saw any cattle near the
town he was always on the watch with his slaves, and generally succeeded
in making a successful sortie, capturing them and bringing them into the
fort. It was said that on one occasion, when the Mahdi was approaching
El Obeid, Ibrahim left the fort and made straight for him, intending to
kill him, but was twice wounded by his revolver; he however succeeded in
returning to the fort, and after its fall the Mahdi, already greatly
impressed by his bravery, pardoned him, and placed him in command of a
division under Abu Anga. He accompanied his chief in all his numerous
fights, and displayed even greater bravery in fighting for the Mahdieh
than he did in fighting for the Government. Had he only been a Baggara
he would undoubtedly have succeeded Abu Anga in command.
This Abdullah now penetrated Abyssinia; for a long time nothing was
heard of him, and it was thought he must have been annihilated; but at
length he returned to Galabat, having lost a large portion of his force.
The actual events which happened in this expedition are wrapped in
obscurity, and it is more than probable that it fared badly.
After the King's death Abyssinia became a prey to civil and internecine
war, which left the inhabitants no time to revenge themselves for the
death of their King. The Dervishes, too, were quite exhausted, and had
to combat a terrible famine, which swept them off in thousands. This
famine induced the sensible emirs at Galabat, such as Abderrahman Wad
Abu Degel, to enter into commercial relations with Abyssinia, which have
continued uninterrupted up to the present time.