was, after this sent as an envoy to Athens Alexander the son of Amyntas,
the Macedonian, both because the Persians were connected with him by
marriage, (for Gygaia the sister of Alexander and daughter of Amyntas
had been married to a Persian Bubares, 106 and from her had been born
to him that Amyntas who lived in Asia, having the name of his mother's
father, to whom the king gave Alabanda, 107 a great city of Phrygia,
to possess), and also Mardonios was sending him because he was
informed that Alexander was a public guest-friend and benefactor of the
Athenians; for by this means he thought that he would be most likely to
gain over the Athenians to his side, about whom he heard that they were
a numerous people and brave in war, and of whom he knew moreover that
these were they who more than any others had brought about the disasters
which had befallen the Persians by sea. Therefore if these should be
added to him, he thought that he should easily have command of the sea
(and this in fact would have been the case), while on land he supposed
himself to be already much superior in force. Thus he reckoned that his
power would be much greater than that of the Hellenes. Perhaps also the
Oracles told him this beforehand, counselling him to make the Athenian
his ally, and so he was sending in obedience to their advice.
137. Now of this Alexander the seventh ancestor 108 was that Perdiccas
who first became despot of the Macedonians, and that in the manner which
here follows:—From Argos there fled to the Illyrians three brothers of
the descendents of Temenos, Gauanes, Aëropos, and Perdiccas; and passing
over from the Illyrians into the upper parts of Macedonia they came
to the city of Lebaia. There they became farm-servants for pay in the
household of the king, one pasturing horses, the second oxen, and the
youngest of them, namely Perdiccas, the smaller kinds of cattle; for 109
in ancient times even those who were rulers over men 110 were poor in
money, and not the common people only; and the wife of the king cooked
for them their food herself. And whenever she baked, the loaf of the boy
their servant, namely Perdiccas, became double as large as by nature it
should be. When this happened constantly in the same manner, she told
it to her husband, and he when he heard it conceived forthwith that
this was a portent and tended to something great. He summoned the
farm-servants therefore, and gave notice to them to depart out of his
land; and they said that it was right that before they went forth they
should receive the wages which were due. Now it chanced that the sun
was shining into the house down through the opening which received the
smoke, and the king when he heard about the wages said, being infatuated
by a divine power: "I pay you then this for wages, and it is such as
ye deserve," pointing to the sunlight. So then Gauanes and Aëropos the
elder brothers stood struck with amazement when they heard this, but
the boy, who happened to have in his hand a knife, said these words: "We
accept, O king, that which thou dost give;" and he traced a line with
his knife round the sunlight on the floor of the house, and having
traced the line round he thrice drew of the sunlight into his bosom, and
after that he departed both himself and his fellows.
138. They then were going away, and to the king one of those who sat
by him at table told what manner of thing the boy had done, and how the
youngest of them had taken that which was given with some design: and
he hearing this and being moved with anger, sent after them horsemen to
slay them. Now there is a river in this land to which the descendents of
these men from Argos sacrifice as a saviour. This river, so soon as the
sons of Temenos had passed over it, began to flow with such great volume
of water that the horsemen became unable to pass over. So the brothers,
having come to another region of Macedonia, took up their dwelling near
the so-called gardens of Midas the son of Gordias, where roses grow wild
which have each one sixty petals and excel all others in perfume.
In these gardens too Silenos was captured, as is reported by the
Macedonians: and above the gardens is situated a mountain called
Bermion, which is inaccessible by reason of the cold. Having taken
possession of that region, they made this their starting-point, and
proceeded to subdue also the rest of Macedonia.
139. From this Perdiccas the descent of Alexander was as
follows:—Alexander was the son of Amyntas, Amyntas was the son of
Alketes, the father of Alketes was Aëropos, of him Philip, of Philip
Argaios, and of this last the father was Perdiccas, who first obtained
the kingdom.
140. Thus then, I say, Alexander the son of Amyntas was descended; and
when he came to Athens sent from Mardonios, he spoke as follows: (a)
"Athenians, Mardonios speaks these words:—There has come to me a message
from the king which speaks in this manner:—To the Athenians I remit all
the offences which were committed against me: and now, Mardonios,
thus do,—first give them back their own land; then let them choose
for themselves another in addition to this, whichsoever they desire,
remaining independent; and set up for them again all their temples,
which I set on fire, provided that they consent to make a treaty with
me. This message having come to me, it is necessary for me to do so,
unless by your means I am prevented: and thus I speak to you now:—Why
are ye so mad as to raise up war against the king? since neither will ye
overcome him, nor are ye able to hold out against him for ever: for
ye saw the multitude of the host of Xerxes and their deeds, and ye are
informed also of the power which is with me at the present time; so that
even if ye overcome and conquer us (of which ye can have no hope if ye
are rightly minded), another power will come many times as large. Do
not ye then desire to match yourselves with the king, and so to be both
deprived of your land and for ever running a course for your own lives;
but make peace with him: and ye have a most honourable occasion to make
peace, since the king has himself set out upon this road: agree to a
league with us then without fraud or deceit, and remain free. (b) These
things Mardonios charged me to say to you, O Athenians; and as for me,
I will say nothing of the goodwill towards you on my part, for ye
would not learn that now for the first time; but I ask of you to do as
Mardonios says, since I perceive that ye will not be able to war with
Xerxes for ever,—if I perceived in you ability to do this, I should
never have come to you speaking these words,—for the power of the king
is above that of a man and his arm is very long. If therefore ye do not
make an agreement forthwith, when they offer you great things as the
terms on which they are willing to make a treaty, I have fear on your
behalf, seeing that ye dwell more upon the highway than any of your
allies, and are exposed ever to destruction alone, the land which ye
possess being parted off from the rest and lying between the armies
which are contending together. 111 Nay, but be persuaded, for this is
a matter of great consequence to you, that to you alone of the Hellenes
the great king remits the offences committed and desires to become a
friend."
141. Thus spoke Alexander; and the Lacedemonians having been informed
that Alexander had come to Athens to bring the Athenians to make a
treaty with the Barbarians, and remembering the oracles, who it was
destined that they together with the other Dorians should be driven
forth out of the Peloponnese by the Medes and the Athenians combined,
had been very greatly afraid lest the Athenians should make a treaty
with the Persians; and forthwith they had resolved to send envoys.
It happened moreover that they were introduced at the same time with
Alexander; 112 for the Athenians had waited for them, protracting the
time, because they were well assured that the Lacedemonians would hear
that an envoy had come from the Barbarians to make a treaty, and that
having heard it they would themselves send envoys with all speed. They
acted therefore of set purpose, so as to let the Lacedemonians see their
inclination.
142. So when Alexander had ceased speaking, the envoys from Sparta
followed him forthwith and said: "As for us, the Lacedemonians sent us
to ask of you not to make any change in that which concerns Hellas, nor
to accept proposals from the Barbarian; since this is not just in any
way nor honourable for any of the Hellenes to do, but least of all for
you, and that for many reasons. Ye were they who stirred up this war,
when we by no means willed it; and the contest came about for your
dominion, but now it extends even to the whole of Hellas. Besides this
it is by no means to be endured that ye Athenians, who are the authors
of all this, should prove to be the cause of slavery to the Hellenes,
seeing that ye ever from ancient time also have been known as the
liberators of many. We feel sympathy however with you for your
sufferings and because ye were deprived of your crops twice and have had
your substance ruined now for a long time. In compensation for this the
Lacedemonians and their allies make offer to support your wives and all
those of your households who are unfitted for war, so long as this war
shall last: but let not Alexander the Macedonian persuade you, making
smooth the speech of Mardonios; for these things are fitting for him to
do, since being himself a despot he is working in league with a despot:
for you however they are not fitting to do, if ye chance to be rightly
minded; for ye know that in Barbarians there is neither faith nor truth
at all."
Thus spoke the envoys:
143, and to Alexander the Athenians made answer thus: "Even of ourselves
we know so much, that the Mede has a power many times as numerous as
ours; so that there is no need for thee to cast this up against us.
Nevertheless because we long for liberty we shall defend ourselves as we
may be able: and do not thou endeavour to persuade us to make a treaty
with the Barbarian, for we on our part shall not be persuaded. And now
report to Mardonios that the Athenians say thus:—So long as the Sun goes
on the same course by which he goes now, we will never make an agreement
with Xerxes; but we will go forth to defend ourselves 113 against
him, trusting in the gods and the heroes as allies, for whom he had no
respect when he set fire to their houses and to their sacred images.
And in the future do not thou appear before the Athenians with any such
proposals as these, nor think that thou art rendering them good service
in advising them to do that which is not lawful; for we do not desire
that thou shouldest suffer anything unpleasant at the hands of the
Athenians, who art their public guest and friend."
144. To Alexander they thus made answer, but to the envoys from Sparta
as follows: "That the Lacedemonians should be afraid lest we should make
a treaty with the Barbarian was natural no doubt; 114 but it seems to be
an unworthy fear for men who know so well the spirit of the Athenians,
namely that there is neither so great quantity of gold anywhere upon the
earth, nor any land so much excelling in beauty and goodness, that we
should be willing to accept it and enslave Hellas by taking the side of
the Medes. For many and great are the reasons which hinder us from doing
this, even though we should desire it; first and greatest the images
and houses of the gods set on fire or reduced to ruin, which we must
necessarily avenge to the very utmost rather than make an agreement with
him who did these deeds; then secondly there is the bond of Hellenic
race, by which we are of one blood and of one speech, the common temples
of the gods and the common sacrifices, the manners of life which are the
same for all; to these it would not be well that the Athenians should
become traitors. And be assured of this, if by any chance ye were not
assured of it before, that so long as one of the Athenians remains
alive, we will never make an agreement with Xerxes. We admire however
the forethought which ye had with regard to us, in that ye took thought
for us who have had our substance destroyed, and are willing to support
the members of our households; and so far as ye are concerned, the
kindness has been fully performed: but we shall continue to endure as
we may, and not be a trouble in any way to you. Now therefore, with full
conviction this is so, send out an army as speedily as ye may: for, as
we conjecture, the Barbarian will be here invading our land at no far
distant time but so soon as he shall be informed of the message sent,
namely that we shall do none of those things which he desired of us.
Therefore before he arrives here in Attica, it is fitting that ye come
to our rescue quickly in Boeotia." Thus the Athenians made answer, and
upon that the envoys went away back to Sparta.
NOTES TO BOOK VIII
1 [ See v. 77.]
2 [ i.e. triremes.]
3 [ {os to plethos ekastoi ton neon pareikhonto}: some read by
conjecture {oson to plethos k.t.l.}]
4 [ Perhaps "also" refers to the case of those who had come to
Thermopylai, cp. vii. 207: Others translate, "these Hellenes who had
come after all to Artemision," i.e. after all the doubt and delay.]
5 [ {pantes}: some MSS. have {plegentes}, which is adopted by most
Editors, "smitten by bribes."]
6 [ {dethen}, with ironical sense.]
7 [ {mede purphoron}: the {purphoros} had charge of the fire brought for
sacrifices from the altar of Zeus Agetor at Sparta, and ordinarily his
person would be regarded as sacred; hence the proverb {oude purphoros
esothe}, used of an utter defeat.]
8 [ {tou diekploou}.]
9 [ {kata stoma}.]
10 [ {sklerai brontai}: the adjective means "harsh-sounding."]
11 [ {akhari}.]
12 [ {ta Koila tes Euboies}.]
13 [ "having been roughly handled."]
14 [ {epi ten thalassan tauten}: some MSS. read {taute} for {tauten},
which is to be taken with {sullexas}, "he assembled the generals
there."]
15 [ {peripetea epoiesanto sphisi autoisi ta pregmata}.]
16 [ {paleseie}, a word which does not occur elsewhere, and is explained
by Hesychius as equivalent to {diaphtharein}. Various emendations have
been proposed, and Valla seems to have had the reading {apelaseie}, for
he says discessisset. Stein explains {paleseie} (as from {pale}) "should
contend."]
17 [ Some suppose the number "four thousand" is interpolated by
misunderstanding of the inscription in vii. 228; and it seems hardly
possible that the dead were so many as four thousand, unless at least
half were Helots.]
18 [ Some MSS. have "Tritantaichmes," which is adopted by many Editors.]
19 [ {neou}.]
20 [ {os anarpasomenoi tous Phokeas}: cp. ix. 60.]
21 [ {podeon steinos}, like the neck of a wineskin; cp. ii. 121, note
[Footnote 102.]
22 [ {tou propheten}, the interpreter of the utterances of the
{promantis}.]
23 [ {neou}.]
24 [ {megarou}.]
25 [ i.e. of Athene Polias, the Erechtheion; so throughout this
account.]
26 [ {sunerree}, "kept flowing together."]
2601 [ Or, "Hermione."]
27 [ See i. 56.]
28 [ See ch. 31.]
29 [ {pros pantas tous allous}, "in comparison with all the rest," cp.
iii. 94.]
30 [ {stratarkheo}: a vague expression, because being introduced after
Kecrops he could not have the title of king.]
31 [ The number obtained by adding up the separate contingents is
366. Many Editors suppose that the ships with which the Eginetans
were guarding their own coast (ch. 46) are counted here, and quote the
authority of Pausanias for the statement that the Eginetans supplied
more ships than any others except the Athenians. Stein suggests the
insertion of the number twelve in ch. 46.]
3101 [ Or, "Thespeia."]
32 [ i.e. "Areopagus."]
33 [ i.e. the North side.]
34 [ {megaron}.]
35 [ {neos}.]
36 [ {pollos en en tois logois}: cp. ix. 91.]
37 [ See vii. 141-143.]
38 [ {autothen ik Salaminos}.]
39 [ {te Metri kai te Koure}, Demeter and Persephone.]
40 [ {te anakrisi}: cp. {anakrinomenous}, ix. 56: Some Editors,
following inferior MSS., read {te krisi}, "at the judgment expressed."]
41 [ {muriadon}, "ten thousands."]
42 [ Or, "Hermione."]
43 [ {oi perioikoi}: some Editors omit the article and translate "and
these are the so-called Orneates or dwellers round (Argos)," Orneates
being a name for the {perioikoi} of Argos, derived from the conquered
city of Orneai.]
44 [ {elpidi mainomene}, "with a mad hope."]
45 [ {krateron Koron Ubrios uion}.]
46 [ {dokeunt ana panta tithesthai}: the MSS. have also {pithesthai}.
Possibly {tithesthai} might stand, though {anatithesthai} is not found
elsewhere in this sense. Stein adopts in his last edition the conjecture
{piesthai}, "swallow up."]
47 [ {Kronides}.]
48 [ {potnia Nike}.]
49 [ i.e. about rivalry.]
50 [ {ton epibateon}.]
51 [ Many Editors reading {osa de} and {parainesas de}, make the stop
after {antitithemena}: "and in all that is produced in the nature and
constitution of man he exhorted them to choose the better."]
52 [ {o daimonioi}, "strange men."]
53 [ See ch. 22.]
54 [ {pros de eti kai proselabeto}: the MSS. have {prosebaleto}. Most
Editors translate, "Moreover Ariamnes... contributed to the fate of the
Phenicians, being a friend (of the Ionians);" but this does not seem
possible unless we read {philos eon Iosi} (or {Ionon}). Valla translates
nearly as I have done. (It does not appear that {prosballesthai} is
found elsewhere in the sense of {sumballesthai}.)]
55 [ i.e. they who were commanded to execute them.]
56 [ See vii. 179, 181.]
57 [ See vi. 49, etc., and 73.]
58 [ {keleta}.]
59 [ {sumballontai}: the Athenians apparently are spoken of, for they
alone believed the story.]
60 [ {apoplesai}: this is the reading of the MSS.; but many Editors
adopt corrections ({apoplesthai} or {apoplesthenai}). The subject to
{apoplesai} is to be found in the preceding sentence and the connexion
with {ton te allon panta k.t.l.} is a loose one. This in fact is added
as an afterthought, the idea being originally to call attention simply
to the fulfilment of the oracle of Lysistratos.]
61 [ {phruxousi}: a conjectural emendation, adopted by most Editors, of
{phrixousi}, "will shudder (at the sight of oars)."]
62 [ {kat allon kai allon}: the MSS. have {kat allon}, but Valla's
rendering is "alium atque alium."]
63 [ {uper megalon aiorethenta}.]
64 [ i.e. 300,000.]
65 [ {os ek kakon}: some translate, "thinking that he had escaped from
his troubles."]
66 [ {toisi epikletoisi}, cp. vii. 8 and ix. 42.]
67 [ i.e. Asia, as opposed to "these parts."]
68 [ Stein would take {peri oikon ton son} with {oudemia sumphore}, but
the order of words is against this.]
69 [ {pollous pollakis agonas drameontai peri spheon auton}.]
70 [ See i. 175: The manner of the repetition and some points in the
diction raise suspicion that the passage is interpolated here; and so
it is held to be by most Editors. In i. 175 we find {tris} instead of
{dis}.]
71 [ {upegagon}, cp. vi. 72, with the idea of bringing before a court
for punishment, not "by underhand means," as it is understood by Larcher
and Bähr.]
72 [ "vengeance and Hermotimos."]
73 [ {spheis... ergasaiato}: the MSS. read {sphi} (one {spheas}) and
{ergasaito}, and this is retained by some Editors.]
74 [ "taken."]
75 [ {metabalon}: others translate, "he turned from them to the
Athenians"; but cp. vii. 52: The words {pros tous Athenaious} are
resumed by {sphi} with {elege}.]
76 [ {kai epi spheon auton balomenoi}, "even at their own venture," cp.
iii. 71.]
77 [ {ta idia}, "things belonging to private persons."]
78 [ {sophos}.]
79 [ {geopeinas}, "poor in land."]
80 [ It seems necessary to insert {an} with {einai}. For the sentiment
cp. vii. 172.]
81 [ {khreomenos toisi kai pros basilea ekhresato}. This is the reading
of the best MSS.: the rest have {khreomenos logoisi toisi kai pros
Andrious ekhresato}, "using the same language as he had before used to
the Andrians."]
82 [ {kai ten allen ippon}: some MSS. omit {allen}.]
83 [ {ola}, i.e. not the whole number of them, but great masses without
individual selection.]
84 [ {ouden meros os eipein}.]
85 [ {anemon Strumonien}, "the wind called Strymonias."]
86 [ {ta akrothinia}, i.e. the tithe.]
87 [ i.e. the corner of the entrance-hall, {epi tou proneiou tes
gonies}, i. 51.]
88 [ {dienemon}: some understand this to mean "distributed the
voting tablets," and some MSS. read {dienemonto}, "distributed among
themselves," which is adopted by many Editors.]
89 [ {sophotatos}.]
90 [ See i. 67.]
91 [ A small island near Attica, taken here as the type of
insignificance. To suppose that Timodemos was connected with it is quite
unnecessary. The story in Plutarch about the Seriphian is different.]
92 [ i.e. 60,000.]
93 [ {katesphaxe}, "cut their throats."]
94 [ {para tas gluphidas}: some Editors read {peri tas gluphidas} on the
authority of Æneas Tacticus. The {gluphides} are probably notches which
give a hold for the fingers as they draw back the string.]
95 [ {kataplexai}, "strike down" by the charge.]
96 [ The way was shut against them ordinarily by the town of Potidaia,
which occupied the isthmus.]
97 [ i.e. most of those who before served as {epibatai} (vii. 96)
continued to serve still. The sentence is usually translated, "of those
who served as fighting-men in them the greater number were Persians or
Medes," and this may be right.]
98 [ The MSS. have "Charilos" or "Charillos."]
99 [ Some Editors read "Eurypon," which is the form found elsewhere.]
100 [ Cp. vii. 204.]
101 [ {duon}. It seems certain that the number required here is seven
and not two, and the emendation {epta} for {duon} ({z} for {b}) is
approved by several Editors.]
102 [ {khresomenon}: the best MSS. read {khresamenon}, which is
retained by Stein, with the meaning "charging him to consult the Oracles
everywhere... and then return."]
103 [ i.e. Mardonios and the Persians.]
104 [ i.e. Theban citizens.]
105 [ {promantin}: he is afterwards called {prophetes}.]
106 [ Cp. v. 21.]
107 [ Some Editors would read "Alabastra." Alabanda was a Carian town.]
108 [ Counting Alexander himself as one.]
109 [ {esan gar}: this is the reading of the best MSS.: others have
{esan de}. Stein (reading {esan gar}) places this clause after the next,
"The wife of the king herself baked their bread, for in ancient times,
etc." This transposition is unnecessary; for it would be easy to
understand it as a comment on the statement that three members of the
royal house of Argos became farm-servants.]
110 [ {ai turannides ton anthropon}.]
111 [ {exaireton metaikhmion te ten gun ektemenon}: there are variations
of reading and punctuation in the MSS.]
112 [ {sunepipte oste omou spheon ginesthai ten katastasin}, i.e. their
introduction before the assembly, cp. iii. 46.]
113 [ {epeximen amunomenoi}, which possibly might be translated, "we
will continue to defend ourselves."]
114 [ {karta anthropeion}.]
BOOK IX. THE NINTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED CALLIOPE
1. Mardonios, when Alexander had returned back and had signified to him
that which was said by the Athenians, set forth from Thessaly and began
to lead his army with all diligence towards Athens: and to whatever land
he came, he took up with him the people of that land. The leaders
of Thessaly meanwhile did not repent of all that which had been done
already, but on the contrary they urged on the Persian yet much more;
and Thorax of Larissa had joined in escorting Xerxes in his flight and
at this time he openly offered Mardonios passage to invade Hellas..
2. Then when the army in its march came to Boeotia, the Thebans
endeavoured to detain Mardonios, and counselled him saying that there
was no region more convenient for him to have his encampment than that;
and they urged him not to advance further, but to sit down there and
endeavour to subdue to himself the whole of Hellas without fighting: for
to overcome the Hellenes by open force when they were united, as at the
former time they were of one accord together, 1 was a difficult task
even for the whole world combined, "but," they proceeded, "if thou wilt
do that which we advise, with little labour thou wilt have in thy power
all their plans of resistance. 2 Send money to the men who have power in
their cities, and thus sending thou wilt divide Hellas into two parties:
after that thou wilt with ease subdue by the help of thy party those who
are not inclined to thy side.".
3. Thus they advised, but he did not follow their counsel; for there had
instilled itself into him a great desire to take Athens for the second
time, partly from obstinacy 3 and partly because he meant to signify to
the king in Sardis that he was in possession of Athens by beacon-fires
through the islands. However he did not even at this time find the
Athenians there when he came to Attica; but he was informed that the
greater number were either in Salamis or in the ships, and he captured
the city finding it deserted. Now the capture of the city by the king
had taken place ten months before the later expedition of Mardonios
against it.