ships of the Barbarians further, nor to sail to the Hellespont to break
up the passage, were investing Andros intending to take it: for
the Andrians were the first of the islanders who, being asked by
Themistocles for money, refused to give it: and when Themistocles made
proposals to them and said that the Athenians had come having on their
side two great deities, Persuasion and Compulsion, and therefore they
must by all means give them money, they replied to this that not without
reason, as it now appeared, was Athens great and prosperous, since the
Athenians were well supplied with serviceable deities; but as for the
Andrians, they were poor, 79 having in this respect attained to the
greatest eminence, and there were two unprofitable deities which never
left their island but always remained attached to the place, Poverty,
namely, and Helplessness: and the Andrians being possessed of these
deities would not give money; for never could the power of the Athenians
get the better of their inability. 80
112. These, I say, having thus made answer and having refused to give
the money, were being besieged: and Themistocles not ceasing in his
desire for gain sent threatening messages to the other islands and asked
them for money by the same envoys, employing those whom he had before
sent to the king; 81 and he said that if they did not give that which
was demanded of them, he would bring the fleet of the Hellenes against
them to besiege and take them. Thus saying he collected great sums of
money from the Carystians and the Parians, who being informed how Andros
was being besieged, because it had taken the side of the Medes, and how
Themistocles was held in more regard than any of the other commanders,
sent money for fear of this. Whether any others of the islanders also
gave money I am not able to say, but I think that some others gave and
not these alone. Yet to the Carystians at least there was no respite
from the evil on this account, but the Parians escaped the attack,
because they propitiated Themistocles with money. Thus Themistocles with
Andros as his starting-point was acquiring sums of money for himself
from the men of the islands without the knowledge of the other
commanders.
113. Xerxes meanwhile with his army stayed for a few days after the
sea-fight, and then they all began to march forth towards Boeotia by the
same way by which they had come: for Mardonios thought both that it was
well for him to escort the king on his way, and also that it was now
too late in the year to carry on the war; it was better, he thought, to
winter in Thessaly and then at the beginning of spring to attempt the
Peloponnese. When he came to Thessaly, then Mardonios chose out for
himself first all those Persians who are called "Immortals," except only
their commander Hydarnes (for Hydarnes said that he would not be left
behind by the king), and after them of the other Persians those who wore
cuirasses, and the body of a thousand horse: also the Medes, Sacans,
Bactrians and Indians, foot and horsemen both. 82 These nations he chose
in the mass, 83 but from the other allies he selected by few at a time,
choosing whose who had fine appearance of those of whom he knew that
they had done good service. From the Persians he chose more than from
any other single nation, and these wore collars of twisted metal and
bracelets; and after them came the Medes, who in fact were not inferior
in number to the Persians, but only in bodily strength. The result was
that there were thirty myriads in all, including cavalry.
114. During this time, while Mardonios was selecting his army and
Xerxes was in Thessaly, there had come an oracle from Delphi to the
Lacedemonians, bidding them ask satisfaction from Xerxes for the murder
of Leonidas and accept that which should be given by him. The Spartans
therefore sent a herald as quickly as possible, who having found the
whole army still in Thessaly came into the presence of Xerxes and spoke
these words: "O king of the Medes, the Lacedemonians and the sons of
Heracles of Sparta demand of thee satisfaction for murder, because thou
didst kill their king, fighting in defence of Hellas." He laughed and
then kept silence some time, and after that pointing to Mardonios, who
happened to be standing by him, he said: "Then Mardonios here shall give
them satisfaction, such as is fitting for them to have."
115. The herald accordingly accepted the utterance and departed; and
Xerxes leaving Mardonios in Thessaly went on himself in haste to
the Hellespont and arrived at the passage where the crossing was in
five-and-thirty days, bringing back next to nothing, as one may say, 84
of his army: and whithersoever they came on the march and to whatever
nation, they seized the crops of that people and used them for
provisions; and if they found no crops, then they took the grass which
was growing up from the earth, and stripped off the bark from the trees
and plucked down the leaves and devoured them, alike of the cultivated
trees and of those growing wild; and they left nothing behind them: thus
they did by reason of famine. Then plague too seized upon the army and
dysentery, which destroyed them by the way, and some of them also who
were sick the king left behind, laying charge upon the cities where at
the time he chanced to be in his march, to take care of them and support
them: of these he left some in Thessaly, and some at Siris in Paionia,
and some in Macedonia. In these parts too he had left behind him the
sacred chariot of Zeus, when he was marching against Hellas; but on his
return he did not receive it back: for the Paionians had given it to the
Thracians, and when Xerxes asked for it again, they said that the mares
while at pasture had been carried off by the Thracians of the upper
country, who dwelt about the source of the Strymon.
116. Here also a Thracian, the king of the Bisaltians and of the
Crestonian land, did a deed of surpassing horror; for he had said that
he would not himself be subject to Xerxes with his own will and had gone
away up to Mount Rhodope, and also he had forbidden his sons to go on
the march against Hellas. They however, either because they cared not
for his command, or else because a desire came upon them to see the war,
went on the march with the Persian: and when they returned all unhurt,
being six in number, their father plucked out their eyes for this cause.
117. They then received this reward: and as to the Persians, when
passing on from Thrace they came to the passage, they crossed over the
Hellespont in haste to Abydos by means of the ships, for they did not
find the floating-bridges still stretched across but broken up by a
storm. While staying there for a time they had distributed to them an
allowance of food more abundant than they had had by the way, and from
satisfying their hunger without restraint and also from the changes of
water there died many of those in the army who had remained safe till
then. The rest arrived with Xerxes at Sardis.
118. There is also another story reported as follows, namely that when
Xerxes on his march away from Athens came to Eïon on the Strymon, from
that point he did not continue further to make marches by road, but
delivered his army to Hydarnes to lead back to the Hellespont, while he
himself embarked in a Phenician ship and set forth for Asia; and as he
sailed he was seized by a wind from the Strymon, 85 violent and raising
great waves; and since he was tossed by the storm more and more, the
ship being heavily laden (for there were upon the deck great numbers of
Persians, those namely who went with Xerxes), the king upon that falling
into fear shouted aloud and asked the pilot whether there were for them
any means of safety. He said: "Master, there are none, unless some way
be found of freeing ourselves of the excessive number of passengers."
Then it is said that Xerxes, when he heard this, spoke thus: "Persians,
now let each one of you show that he has care for the king; for my
safety, as it seems, depends upon you." He, they say, thus spoke, and
they made obeisance to him and leapt out into the sea; and so the ship
being lightened came safe to Asia. As soon as they had landed Xerxes,
they say, first presented the pilot with a wreath of gold, because he
had saved the life of the king, and then cut off his head, because he
had caused the death of many of the Persians.
119. This other story, I say, is reported about the return of Xerxes,
but I for my part can by no means believe it, either in other respects
or as regards this which is said to have happened to the Persians; for
if this which I have related had in truth been said by the pilot to
Xerxes, not one person's opinion in ten thousand will differ from mine
that the king would have done some such thing as this, that is to say,
he would have caused those who were upon the deck to go down below into
the hold, seeing that they were Persians of the highest rank among the
Persians; and of the rowers, who were Phenicians, he would have thrown
out into the sea a number equal to the number of those. In fact however,
as I have said before, he made his return to Asia together with the rest
of the army by road.
120. And this also which follows is a strong witness that it was so; for
Xerxes is known to have come to Abdera on his way back, and to have made
with them a guest-friendship and presented them with a Persian sword of
gold and a gold-spangled tiara: and as the men of Abdera themselves say
(though I for my part can by no means believe it), he loosed his girdle
for the first time during his flight back from Athens, considering
himself to be in security. Now Abdera is situated further towards the
Hellespont than the river Strymon and Eïon, from which place the story
says that he embarked in the ship.
121. The Hellenes meanwhile, when it proved that they were not able to
conquer Andros, turned towards Carystos, and having laid waste the land
of that people they departed and went to Salamis. First then for the
gods they chose out first-fruits of the spoil, and among them three
Persian triremes, one to be dedicated as an offering at the Isthmus,
which remained there still up to my time, another at Sunion, and the
third to Ajax in Salamis where they were. After this they divided the
spoil among themselves and sent the first-fruits 86 to Delphi, of which
was made a statue holding in its hand the beak of a ship and in height
measuring twelve cubits. This statue stood in the same place with the
golden statue of Alexander the Macedonian.
122. Then when the Hellenes had sent first-fruits to Delphi, they asked
the god on behalf of all whether the first-fruits which he had received
were fully sufficient and acceptable to him. He said that from the
Hellenes he had received enough, but not from the Eginetans, and from
them he demanded the offering of their prize of valour for the sea-fight
at Salamis. Hearing this the Eginetans dedicated golden stars, three in
number, upon a ship's mast of bronze, which are placed in the corner 87
close to the mixing-bowl of Croesus.
123. After the division of the spoil the Hellenes sailed to the Isthmus,
to give the prize of valour to him who of all the Hellenes had proved
himself the most worthy during this war: and when they had come thither
and the commanders distributed 88 their votes at the altar of Poseidon,
selecting from the whole number the first and the second in merit, then
every one of them gave in his vote for himself, each man thinking that
he himself had been the best; but for the second place the greater
number of votes came out in agreement, assigning that to Themistocles.
They then were left alone in their votes, while Themistocles in regard
to the second place surpassed the rest by far:
124, and although the Hellenes would not give decision of this by reason
of envy, but sailed away each to their own city without deciding, yet
Themistocles was loudly reported of and was esteemed throughout Hellas
to be the man who was the ablest 89 by far of the Hellenes: and since he
had not received honour from those who had fought at Salamis, although
he was the first in the voting, he went forthwith after this to
Lacedemon, desiring to receive honour there; and the Lacedemonians
received him well and gave him great honours. As a prize of valour they
gave to Eurybiades a wreath of olive; and for ability and skill they
gave to Themistocles also a wreath of olive, and presented him besides
with the chariot which was judged to be the best in Sparta. So having
much commended him, they escorted him on his departure with three
hundred picked men of the Spartans, the same who are called the
"horsemen," 90 as far as the boundaries of Tegea: and he is the only man
of all we know to whom the Spartans ever gave escort on his way.
125. When however he had come to Athens from Lacedemon, Timodemos of
Aphidnai, one of the opponents of Themistocles, but in other respects
not among the men of distinction, maddened by envy attacked him,
bringing forward against him his going to Lacedemon, and saying that it
was on account of Athens that he had those marks of honour which he had
from the Lacedemonians, and not on his own account. Then, as Timodemos
continued ceaselessly to repeat this, Themistocles said: "I tell thee
thus it is:—if I had been a native of Belbina 91 I should never have
been thus honoured by the Spartans; but neither wouldest thou, my
friend, for all that thou art an Athenian." So far then went these
matters.
126. Artabazos meanwhile the son of Pharnakes, a man who was held in
esteem among the Persians even before this and came to be so yet more
after the events about Plataia, was escorting the king as far as the
passage with six myriads 92 of that army which Mardonios had selected
for himself; and when the king was in Asia and Artabazos on his march
back came near to Pallene, finding that Mardonios was wintering in
Thessaly and Macedonia and was not at present urgent with him to come
and join the rest of the army, he thought it not good to pass by without
reducing the Potidaians to slavery, whom he had found in revolt: for the
men of Potidaia, when the king had marched by them and when the fleet of
the Persians had departed in flight from Salamis, had openly made revolt
from the Barbarians; and so also had the others done who occupy Pallene.
127. So upon this Artabazos began to besiege Potidaia, and suspecting
that the men of Olynthos also were intending revolt from the king, he
began to besiege this city too, which was occupied by Bottiaians who had
been driven away from the Thermaian gulf by the Macedonians. So when he
had taken these men by siege, he brought them forth to a lake and slew
them 93 there; and the city he delivered to Critobulos of Torone to have
in charge, and to the natives of Chalkidike; and thus it was that the
Chalkidians got possession of Olynthos.
128. Having taken this city Artabazos set himself to attack Potidaia
with vigour, and as he was setting himself earnestly to this work,
Timoxeinos the commander of the troops from Skione concerted with him
to give up the town by treachery. Now in what manner he did this at the
first, I for my part am not able to say, for this is not reported; at
last however it happened as follows. Whenever either Timoxeinos wrote a
paper wishing to send it to Artabazos, or Artabazos wishing to send one
to Timoxeinos, they wound it round by the finger-notches 94 of an arrow,
and then, putting feathers over the paper, they shot it to a place
agreed upon between them. It came however to be found out that
Timoxeinos was attempting by treachery to give up Potidaia; for
Artabazos, shooting an arrow at the place agreed upon, missed this spot
and struck a man of Potidaia in the shoulder; and when he was struck,
a crowd came about him, as is apt to happen when there is fighting, and
they forthwith took the arrow and having discovered the paper carried
it to the commanders. Now there was present an allied force of the other
men of Pallene also. Then when the commanders had read the paper and
discovered who was guilty of the treachery, they resolved not openly to
convict 95 Timoxeinos of treachery, for the sake of the city of Skione,
lest the men of Skione should be esteemed traitors for all time to come.
129. He then in such a manner as this had been discovered; and when
three months had gone by while Artabazos was besieging the town, there
came to be a great ebb of the sea backwards, which lasted for a long
time; and the Barbarians, seeing that shallow water had been produced,
endeavoured to get by into the peninsula of Pallene, 96 but when they
had passed through two fifth-parts of the distance, and yet three-fifths
remained, which they must pass through before they were within Pallene,
then there came upon them a great flood-tide of the sea, higher than
ever before, as the natives of the place say, though high tides come
often. So those of them who could not swim perished, and those who could
were slain by the men of Potidaia who put out to them in boats. The
cause of the high tide and flood and of that which befell the Persians
was this, as the Potidaians say, namely that these same Persians who
perished by means of the sea had committed impiety towards the temple of
Poseidon and his image in the suburb of their town; and in saying that
this was the cause, in my opinion they say well. The survivors of his
army Artabazos led away to Thessaly to join Mardonios. Thus it fared
with these who escorted the king on his way.
130. The fleet of Xerxes, so much of it as remained, when it had touched
Asia in its flight from Salamis, and had conveyed the king and his army
over from the Chersonese to Abydos, passed the winter at Kyme: and when
spring dawned upon it, it assembled early at Samos, where some of the
ships had even passed the winter; and most of the Persians and Medes
still served as fighting-men on board of them. 97 To be commanders of
them there came Mardontes the son of Bagaios, and Artaÿntes the son of
Artachaies, and with them also Ithamitres was in joint command, who was
brother's son to Artaÿntes and had been added by the choice of Artaÿntes
himself. They then, since they had suffered a heavy blow, did not
advance further up towards the West, nor did any one compel them to do
so; but they remained still in Samos and kept watch over Ionia, lest
it should revolt, having three hundred ships including those of the
Ionians; and they did not expect that the Hellenes on their part would
come to Ionia, but thought that it would satisfy them to guard their
own land, judging from the fact that they had not pursued after them
in their flight from Salamis but were well contented then to depart
homewards. As regards the sea then their spirit was broken, but on land
they thought that Mardonios would get much the advantage. So they being
at Samos were taking counsel to do some damage if they could to their
enemies, and at the same time they were listening for news how the
affairs of Mardonios would fall out.
131. The Hellenes on their part were roused both by the coming on of
spring and by the presence of Mardonios in Thessaly. Their land-army had
not yet begun to assemble, when the fleet arrived at Egina, in
number one hundred and ten ships, and the commander and admiral was
Leotychides, who was the son of Menares, the son of Hegesilaos, the son
of Hippocratides, the son of Leotychides, the son of Anaxilaos, the son
of Archidemos, the son of Anaxandriddes, the son of Theopompos, the son
of Nicander, the son of Charilaos, 98 the son of Eunomos, the son of
Polydectes, the son of Prytanis, the son of Euryphon, 99 the son of
Procles, the son of Aristodemos, the son of Aristomachos, the son of
Cleodaios, the son of Hyllos, the son of Heracles, being of the other
royal house. 100 These all, except the two 101 enumerated first
after Leotychides, had been kings of Sparta. And of the Athenians the
commander was Xanthippos the son of Ariphon.
132. When all the ships had arrived at Egina, there came Ionian envoys
to the camp of the Hellenes, who also came a short time before this to
Sparta and asked the Lacedemonians to set Ionia free; and of them
one was Herodotus the son of Basileides. These had banded themselves
together and had plotted to put to death Strattis the despot of Chios,
being originally seven in number; but when one of those who took part
with them gave information of it and they were discovered to be plotting
against him, then the remaining six escaped from Chios and came both to
Sparta and also at this time to Egina, asking the Hellenes to sail over
to Ionia: but they with difficulty brought them forward as far as Delos;
for the parts beyond this were all fearful to the Hellenes, since they
were without experience of those regions and everything seemed to them
to be filled with armed force, while their persuasion was that it was as
long a voyage to Samos as to the Pillars of Heracles. Thus at the same
time it so chanced that the Barbarians dared sail no further up towards
the West than Samos, being smitten with fear, and the Hellenes no
further down towards the East than Delos, when the Chians made request
of them. So fear was guard of the space which lay between them.
133. The Hellenes, I say, sailed to Delos; and Mardonios meanwhile had
been wintering in Thessaly. From thence he sent round a man, a native of
Europos, whose name was Mys, to the various Oracles, charging him to
go everywhere to consult, 102 wherever they 103 were permitted to make
trial of the Oracles. What he desired to find out from the Oracles when
he gave this charge, I am not able to say, for that is not reported; but
I conceive for my part that he sent to consult about his present affairs
and not about other things.
134. This Mys is known to have come to Lebadeia and to have persuaded
by payment of money one of the natives of the place to go down to
Trophonios, and also he came to the Oracle at Abai of the Phokians;
and moreover when he came for the first time to Thebes, he not only
consulted the Ismenian Apollo,—there one may consult just as at Olympia
with victims,—but also by payment he persuaded a stranger who was not
a Theban, and induced him to lie down to sleep in the temple of
Amphiaraos. In this temple no one of the Thebans is permitted to seek
divination, and that for the following reason:—Amphiaraos dealing by
oracles bade them choose which they would of these two things, either
to have him as a diviner or else as an ally in war, abstaining from the
other use; and they chose that he should be their ally in war: for this
reason it is not permitted to any of the Thebans to lie down to sleep in
that temple.
135. After this a thing which to me is a very great marvel is said by
the Thebans to have come to pass:—it seems that this man Mys of Europos,
as he journeyed round to all the Oracles, came also to the sacred
enclosure of the Ptoan Apollo. This temple is called "Ptoon," and
belongs to the Thebans, and it lies above the lake Copaïs at the foot of
the mountains, close to the town of Acraiphia. When the man called Mys
came to this temple with three men chosen from the citizens 104 in his
company, who were sent by the public authority to write down that which
the god should utter in his divination, forthwith it is said the prophet
105 of the god began to give the oracle in a Barbarian tongue; and while
those of the Thebans who accompanied him were full of wonder, hearing a
Barbarian instead of the Hellenic tongue, and did not know what to make
of the matter before them, it is said that the man of Europos, Mys,
snatched from them the tablet which they bore and wrote upon it that
which was being spoken by the prophet; and he said that the prophet was
giving his answer in the Carian tongue: and then when he had written it,
he went away and departed to Thessaly.