speech, were making preparations for a sea-fight there, since Eurybiades
had so determined: and as day was coming on, at the same time when the
sun rose there was an earthquake felt both on the land and on the sea:
and they determined to pray to the gods and to call upon the sons of
Aiacos to be their helpers. And as they had determined, so also they
did; for when they had prayed to all the gods, they called Ajax and
Telamon to their help from Salamis, where the fleet was, 38 and sent
a ship to Egina to bring Aiacos himself and the rest of the sons of
Aiacos.
65. Moreover Dicaios the son of Theokydes, an Athenian, who was an exile
and had become of great repute among the Medes at this time, declared
that when the Attic land was being ravaged by the land-army of Xerxes,
having been deserted by the Athenians, he happened then to be in company
with Demaratos the Lacedemonian in the Thriasian plain; and he saw a
cloud of dust going up from Eleusis, as if made by a company of about
thirty thousand men, and they wondered at the cloud of dust, by what men
it was caused. Then forthwith they heard a sound of voices, and Dicaios
perceived that the sound was the mystic cry Iacchos; but Demaratos,
having no knowledge of the sacred rites which are done at Eleusis, asked
him what this was that uttered the sound, and he said: "Demaratos, it
cannot be but that some great destruction is about to come to the army
of the king: for as to this, it is very manifest, seeing that Attica is
deserted, that this which utters the sound is of the gods, and that it
is going from Eleusis to help the Athenians and their allies: if then it
shall come down in the Peloponnese, there is danger for the king himself
and for the army which is upon the mainland, but if it shall direct
its course towards the ships which are at Salamis, the king will be in
danger of losing his fleet. This feast the Athenians celebrate every
year to the Mother and the Daughter; 39 and he that desires it, both of
them and of the other Hellenes, is initiated in the mysteries; and the
sound of voices which thou hearest is the cry Iacchos which they utter
at this feast." To this Demaratos said: "Keep silence and tell not this
tale to any other man; for if these words of thine be reported to the
king, thou wilt surely lose thy head, and neither I nor any other man
upon earth will be able to save thee: but keep thou quiet, and about
this expedition the gods will provide." He then thus advised, and after
the cloud of dust and the sound of voices there came a mist which was
borne aloft and carried towards Salamis to the camp of the Hellenes: and
thus they learnt (said he) that the fleet of Xerxes was destined to be
destroyed. Such was the report made by Dicaios the son of Theodykes,
appealing to Demaratos and others also as witnesses.
66. Meanwhile those who were appointed to serve in the fleet of Xerxes,
having gazed in Trachis upon the disaster of the Lacedemonians and
having passed over from thence to Histiaia, after staying three days
sailed through Euripos, and in other three days they had reached
Phaleron. And, as I suppose, they made their attack upon Athens not
fewer in number both by land and sea than when they had arrived at
Sepias and at Thermopylai: for against those of them who perished by
reason of the storm and those who were slain at Thermopylai and in the
sea-fights at Artemision, I will set those who at that time were not
yet accompanying the king, the Malians, Dorians, Locrians, and Boeotians
(who accompanied him in a body, except the Thespians and Plataians),
and moreover those of Carystos, Andros, and Tenos, with all the other
islanders except the five cities of which I mentioned the names before;
for the more the Persian advanced towards the centre of Hellas, the more
nations accompanied him.
67. So then, when all these had come to Athens except the Parians (now
the Parians had remained behind at Kythnos waiting to see how the war
would turn out),—when all the rest, I say, had come to Phaleron, then
Xerxes himself came down to the ships desiring to visit them and to
learn the opinions of those who sailed in them: and when he had come and
was set in a conspicuous place, then those who were despots of their own
nations or commanders of divisions being sent for came before him from
their ships, and took their seats as the king had assigned rank to each
one, first the king of Sidon, then he of Tyre, and after them the
rest: and when they were seated in due order, Xerxes sent Mardonios and
inquired, making trial of each one, whether he should fight a battle by
sea.
68. So when Mardonios went round asking them, beginning with the king of
Sidon, the others gave their opinions all to the same effect, advising
him to fight a battle by sea, but Artemisia spoke these words:—(a) "Tell
the king I pray thee, Mardonios, that I, who have proved myself not to
be the worst in the sea-fights which have been fought near Euboea, and
have displayed deeds not inferior to those of others, speak to him thus:
Master, it is right that I set forth the opinion which I really have,
and say that which I happen to think best for thy cause: and this I
say,—spare thy ships and do not make a sea-fight; for the men are as
much stronger than thy men by sea, as men are stronger than women. And
why must thou needs run the risk of sea-battles? Hast thou not Athens in
thy possession, for the sake of which thou didst set forth on thy march,
and also the rest of Hellas? and no man stands in thy way to resist, but
those who did stand against thee came off as it was fitting that
they should. (b) Now the manner in which I think the affairs of thy
adversaries will have their issue, I will declare. If thou do not
hasten to make a sea-fight, but keep thy ships here by the land, either
remaining here thyself or even advancing on to the Peloponnese, that
which thou hast come to do, O master, will easily be effected; for the
Hellenes are not able to hold out against thee for any long time, but
thou wilt soon disperse them and they will take flight to their several
cities: since neither have they provisions with them in this island, as
I am informed, nor is it probable that if thou shalt march thy land-army
against the Peloponnese, they who have come from thence will remain
still; for these will have no care to fight a battle in defence of
Athens. (c) If however thou hasten to fight forthwith, I fear that
damage done to the fleet may ruin the land-army also. Moreover, O king,
consider also this, that the servants of good men are apt to grow bad,
but those of bad men good; and thou, who art of all men the best, hast
bad servants, namely those who are reckoned as allies, Egyptians and
Cyprians and Kilikians and Pamphylians, in whom there is no profit."
69. When she thus spoke to Mardonios, those who were friendly to
Artemisia were grieved at her words, supposing that she would suffer
some evil from the king because she urged him not to fight at sea; while
those who had envy and jealousy of her, because she had been honoured
above all the allies, were rejoiced at the opposition, 40 supposing
that she would now be ruined. When however the opinions were reported
to Xerxes, he was greatly pleased with the opinion of Artemisia; and
whereas even before this he thought her excellent, he commended her
now yet more. Nevertheless he gave orders to follow the advice of the
greater number, thinking that when they fought by Euboea they were
purposely slack, because he was not himself present with them, whereas
now he had made himself ready to look on while they fought a sea-battle.
70. So when they passed the word to put out to sea, they brought their
ships out to Salamis and quietly ranged themselves along the shore in
their several positions. At that time the daylight was not sufficient
for them to engage battle, for night had come on; but they made their
preparations to fight on the following day. Meanwhile the Hellenes
were possessed by fear and dismay, especially those who were from
Peloponnese: and these were dismayed because remaining in Salamis they
were to fight a battle on behalf of the land of the Athenians, and being
defeated they would be cut off from escape and blockaded in an island,
leaving their own land unguarded. And indeed the land-army of the
Barbarians was marching forward during that very night towards the
Peloponnese.
71. Yet every means had been taken that the Barbarians might not be able
to enter Peloponnesus by land: for as soon as the Peloponnesians heard
that Leonidas and his company had perished at Thermopylai, they came
together quickly from the cities and took post at the Isthmus, and
over them was set as commander Cleombrotos, the son of Anaxandrides and
brother of Leonidas. These being posted at the Isthmus had destroyed the
Skironian way, and after this (having so determined in counsel with one
another) they began to build a wall across the Isthmus; and as they were
many myriads 41 and every man joined in the work, the work proceeded
fast; for stones and bricks and pieces of timber and baskets full of
sand were carried to it continually, and they who had thus come to help
paused not at all in their work either by night or by day.
72. Now those of the Hellenes who came in full force to the Isthmus to
help their country were these,—the Lacedemonians, the Arcadians of every
division, the Eleians, Corinthians, Sikyonians, Epidaurians, Phliasians,
Troizenians and Hermionians. These were they who came to the help of
Hellas in her danger and who had apprehension for her, while the rest
of the Peloponnesians showed no care: and the Olympic and Carneian
festivals had by this time gone by.
73. Now Peloponnesus is inhabited by seven races; and of these, two are
natives of the soil and are settled now in the place where they dwelt of
old, namely the Arcadians and the Kynurians; and one race, that of the
Achaians, though it did not remove from the Peloponnese, yet removed in
former time from its own land and dwells now in that which was not its
own. The remaining races, four in number, have come in from without,
namely the Dorians, Aitolians, Dryopians and Lemnians. Of the Dorians
there are many cities and of great renown; of the Aitolians, Elis
alone; of the Dryopians, Hermion 42 and Asine, which latter is opposite
Cardamyle in the Laconian land; and of the Lemnians, all the Paroreatai.
The Kynurians, who are natives of the soil, seem alone to be Ionians,
but they have become Dorians completely because they are subject to the
Argives and by lapse of time, being originally citizens of Orneai or
the dwellers in the country round Orneai. 43 Of these seven nations the
remaining cities, except those which I enumerated just now, stood aside
and did nothing; and if one may be allowed to speak freely, in thus
standing aside they were in fact taking the side of the Medes.
74. Those at the Isthmus were struggling with the labour which I have
said, since now they were running a course in which their very being was
at stake, and they did not look to have any brilliant success with their
ships: while those who were at Salamis, though informed of this
work, were yet dismayed, not fearing so much for themselves as for
Peloponnesus. For some time then they spoke of it in private, one
man standing by another, and they marvelled at the ill-counsel of
Eurybiades; but at last it broke out publicly. A meeting accordingly was
held, and much was spoken about the same points as before, some saying
that they ought to sail away to Peloponnesus and run the risk in defence
of that, and not stay and fight for a land which had been captured by
the enemy, while the Athenians, Eginetans and Megarians urged that they
should stay there and defend themselves.
75. Then Themistocles, when his opinion was like to be defeated by the
Peloponnesians, secretly went forth from the assembly, and having gone
out he sent a man to the encampment of the Medes in a boat, charging him
with that which he must say: this man's name was Sikinnos, and he was
a servant of Themistocles and tutor to his children; and after these
events Themistocles entered him as a Thespian citizen, when the
Thespians were admitting new citizens, and made him a wealthy man. He at
this time came with a boat and said to the commanders of the Barbarians
these words: "The commander of the Athenians sent me privately without
the knowledge of the other Hellenes (for, as it chances, he is disposed
to the cause of the king, and desires rather that your side should gain
the victory than that of the Hellenes), to inform you that the Hellenes
are planning to take flight, having been struck with dismay; and now it
is possible for you to execute a most noble work, if ye do not permit
them to flee away: for they are not of one mind with one another and
they will not stand against you in fight, but ye shall see them fighting
a battle by sea with one another, those who are disposed to your side
against those who are not."
76. He then having signified to them this, departed out of the way; and
they, thinking that the message deserved credit, landed first a large
number of Persians in the small island of Psyttaleia, which lies between
Salamis and the mainland; and then, as midnight came on, they put out
the Western wing of their fleet to sea, circling round towards Salamis,
and also those stationed about Keos and Kynosura put out their ships
to sea; and they occupied all the passage with their ships as far as
Munychia. And for this reason they put out their ships, namely in order
that the Hellenes might not even be permitted to get away, but being cut
off in Salamis might pay the penalty for the contests at Artemision:
and they disembarked men of the Persians on the small island called
Psyttaleia for this reason, namely that when the fight should take
place, these might save the men of one side and destroy those of the
other, since there especially it was likely that the men and the wrecks
of ships would be cast up on shore, for the island lay in the way of the
sea-fight which was to be. These things they did in silence, that the
enemy might not have information of them.
77. They then were making their preparations thus in the night without
having taken any sleep at all: and with regard to oracles, I am not able
to make objections against them that they are not true, for I do not
desire to attempt to overthrow the credit of them when they speak
clearly, looking at such matters as these which here follow:
"But when with ships they shall join the sacred strand of the goddess,
Artemis golden-sword-girded, and thee, wave-washed Kynosura,
Urged by a maddening hope, 44 having given rich Athens to plunder,
Then shall Justice divine quell Riot, of Insolence first-born, 45
Longing to overthrow all things 46 and terribly panting for bloodhshed:
Brass shall encounter with brass, and Ares the sea shall empurple,
Tinging its waves with the blood: then a day of freedom for Hellas
Cometh from wide-seeing Zeus 47 and from Victory, lady and mother." 48
Looking to such things as this, and when Bakis speaks so clearly, I do
not venture myself to make any objections about oracles, nor can I admit
them from others.
78. Now between the commanders that were at Salamis there came to be
great contention of speech and they did not yet know that the Barbarians
were surrounding them with their ships, but they thought that they were
still in their place as they saw them disposed in the day.
79. Then while the commanders were engaged in strife, there came over
from Egina Aristeides the son of Lysimachos, an Athenian who had been
ostracised by the people, a man whom I hold (according to that which
I hear of his character) to have been the best and most upright of all
Athenians. This man came into the council and called forth Themistocles,
who was to him not a friend, but an enemy to the last degree; but
because of the greatness of the present troubles he let those matters be
forgotten and called him forth, desiring to communicate with him. Now he
had heard beforehand that the Peloponnesians were pressing to take
the ships away to the Isthmus. So when Themistocles came forth to him,
Aristeides spoke these words: "Both at other times when occasion arises,
and also especially at this time we ought to carry on rivalry as to
which of us shall do more service to our country. And I tell thee now
that it is indifferent whether the Peloponnesians say many words or few
about sailing away from hence; for having been myself an eye-witness I
tell thee that now not even if the Corinthians and Eurybiades himself
desire to sail out, will they be able; for we are encompassed round by
the enemy. Go thou in then, and signify this to them."
80. He made answer as follows: "Thou advisest very well, 49 and also
the news which thou hast brought is good, since thou art come having
witnessed with thine own eyes that which I desired might come to pass:
for know that this which is being done by the Medes is of my suggestion;
because, when the Hellenes would not come to a battle of their own will,
it was necessary to bring them over to us against their will. Do thou
however, since thou art come bearing good news, thyself report it to
them; for if I say these things, I shall be thought to speak that which
I have myself invented, and I shall not persuade them, but they will
think that the Barbarians are not doing so. Do thou thyself however come
forward to speak, and declare to them how things are; and when thou hast
declared this, if they are persuaded, that will be the best thing, but
if this is not credible to them, it will be the same thing so far as
concerns us, for they will no longer be able to take to flight, if we
are encompassed on all sides, as thou sayest."
81. Aristeides accordingly came forward and told them this, saying that
he had come from Egina and had with difficulty escaped without being
perceived by those who were blockading them; for the whole encampment of
the Hellenes was encompassed by the ships of Xerxes; and he counselled
them to get ready to defend themselves. He then having thus spoken
retired, and among them again there arose dispute, for the greater
number of the commanders did not believe that which was reported to
them:
82. and while these were doubting, there came a trireme manned by
Tenians, deserting from the enemy, of which the commander was Panaitios
the son of Sosimenes, which brought them the whole truth. For this deed
the Tenians were inscribed at Delphi on the tripod among those who had
conquered the Barbarians. With the ship which deserted at Salamis and
the Lemnian ship which deserted before and came to Artemision, the naval
force of the Hellenes was completed to the number of three hundred and
eighty ships, for before this two ships were yet wanting to make up this
number.
83. The Hellenes then, since they believed that which was said by the
Tenians, were preparing for a sea-fight: and as the dawn appeared, they
made an assembly of those who fought on board the ships 50 and addressed
them, Themistocles making a speech which was eloquent beyond the rest;
and the substance of it was to set forth all that is better as opposed
to that which is worse, of the several things which arise in the nature
and constitution of man; and having exhorted them to choose the better,
51 and thus having wound up his speech, he bade them embark in their
ships. These then proceeded to embark, and there came in meanwhile the
trireme from Egina which had gone away to bring the sons of Aiacos.
84. Then the Hellenes put out all their ships, and while they were
putting out from shore, the Barbarians attacked them forthwith. Now
the other Hellenes began backing their ships and were about to run them
aground, but Ameinias of Pallene, an Athenian, put forth with his ship
and charged one of the enemy; and his ship being entangled in combat and
the men not being able to get away, the others joined in the fight to
assist Ameinias. The Athenians say that the beginning of the battle was
made thus, but the Eginetans say that the ship which went away to Egina
to bring the sons of Aiacos was that which began the fight. It is also
reported that an apparition of a woman was seen by them, and that having
appeared she encouraged them to the fight so that the whole of the army
of the Hellenes heard it, first having reproached them in these words:
"Madmen, 52 how far will ye yet back your ships?"
85. Opposite the Athenians had been ranged the Phenicians, for these
occupied the wing towards Eleusis and the West, and opposite the
Lacedemonians were the Ionians, who occupied the wing which extended to
the East and to Piræus. Of them however a few were purposely slack
in the fight according to the injunctions of Themistocles, 53 but
the greater number were not so. I might mention now the names of many
captains of ships who destroyed ships of the Hellenes, but I will make
no use of their names except in the case of Theomestor, the son of
Androdamas and Phylacos the son of Histiaios, of Samos both: and
for this reason I make mention of these and not of the rest, because
Theomestor on account of this deed became despot of Samos, appointed by
the Persians, and Phylacos was recorded as a benefactor of the king
and received much land as a reward. Now the benefactors of the king are
called in the Persian tongue orosangai.
86. Thus it was with these; but the greater number of their ships were
disabled at Salamis, being destroyed some by the Athenians and others
by the Eginetans: for since the Hellenes fought in order and ranged in
their places, while the Barbarians were no longer ranged in order nor
did anything with design, it was likely that there would be some such
result as in fact followed. Yet on this day they surpassed themselves
much more than when they fought by Euboea, every one being eager
and fearing Xerxes, and each man thinking that the king was looking
especially at him.
87. As regards the rest I cannot speak of them separately, or say
precisely how the Barbarians or the Hellenes individually contended in
the fight; but with regard to Artemisia that which happened was this,
whence she gained yet more esteem than before from the king.—When the
affairs of the king had come to great confusion, at this crisis a ship
of Artemisia was being pursued by an Athenian ship; and as she was not
able to escape, for in front of her were other ships of her own side,
while her ship, as it chanced, was furthest advanced towards the enemy,
she resolved what she would do, and it proved also much to her advantage
to have done so. While she was being pursued by the Athenian ship
she charged with full career against a ship of her own side manned by
Calyndians and in which the king of the Calyndians Damasithymos was
embarked. Now, even though it be true that she had had some strife with
him before, while they were still about the Hellespont, yet I am not
able to say whether she did this by intention, or whether the Calyndian
ship happened by chance to fall in her way. Having charged against it
however and sunk it, she enjoyed good fortune and got for herself good
in two ways; for first the captain of the Athenian ship, when he saw her
charge against a ship manned by Barbarians, turned away and went after
others, supposing that the ship of Artemisia was either a Hellenic ship
or was deserting from the Barbarians and fighting for the Hellenes,
88,—first, I say, it was her fortune to have this, namely to escape and
not suffer destruction; and then secondly it happened that though she
had done mischief, she yet gained great reputation by this thing with
Xerxes. For it is said that the king looking on at the fight perceived
that her ship had charged the other; and one of those present said:
"Master, dost thou see Artemisia, how well she is fighting, and how she
sank even now a ship of the enemy?" He asked whether this was in truth
the deed of Artemisia, and they said that it was; for (they declared)
they knew very well the sign of her ship: and that which was destroyed
they thought surely was one of the enemy; for besides other things
which happened fortunately for her, as I have said, there was this also,
namely that not one of the crew of the Calyndian ship survived to become
her accuser. And Xerxes in answer to that which was said to him is
reported to have uttered these words: "My men have become women, and my
women men." Thus it is said that Xerxes spoke.