capture the Phokians themselves; for some of them had gone up to the
heights of Parnassos,—and that summit of Parnassos is very convenient to
receive a large number, which lies by itself near the city of Neon, the
name of it being Tithorea,—to this, I say, some of them had carried up
their goods and gone up themselves; but most of them had conveyed their
goods out to the Ozolian Locrians, to the city of Amphissa, which is
situated above the Crissaian plain. The Barbarians however overran the
whole land of Phokis, for so the Thessalians led their army, and all
that they came to as they marched they burned or cut down, and delivered
to the flames both the cities and the temples:
33, for they laid everything waste, proceeding this way by the river
Kephisos, and they destroyed the city of Drymos by fire, and also
the following, namely Charadra, Erochos, Tethronion, Amphikaia, Neon,
Pedieis, Triteis, Elateia, Hyampolis, Parapotamioi and Abai, at which
last-named place there was a temple of Apollo, wealthy and furnished
with treasuries and votive offerings in abundance; and there was then,
as there is even now, the seat of an Oracle there: this temple they
plundered and burnt. Some also of the Phokians they pursued and captured
upon the mountains, and some women they did to death by repeated
outrage.
34. Passing by Parapotamioi the Barbarians came to Panopeus, and from
this point onwards their army was separated and went different ways. The
largest and strongest part of the army, proceeding with Xerxes himself
against Athens, entered the land of the Boeotians, coming into the
territory of Orchomenos. Now the general body of the Boeotians was
taking the side of the Medes, and their cities were being kept by
Macedonians appointed for each, who had been sent by Alexander; and they
were keeping them this aim, namely in order to make it plain to Xerxes
that the Boeotians were disposed to be on the side of the Medes.
35. These, I say, of the Barbarians took their way in this direction;
but others of them with guides had set forth to go to the temple at
Delphi, keeping Parnassos on their right hand: and all the parts of
Phokis over which these marched they ravaged; for they set fire to
the towns of Panopeus and Daulis and Aiolis. And for this reason they
marched in that direction, parted off from the rest of the army, namely
in order that they might plunder the temple at Delphi and deliver over
the treasures there to king Xerxes: and Xerxes was well acquainted with
all that there was in it of any account, better, I am told, than with
the things which he had left in his own house at home, seeing that many
constantly reported of them, and especially of the votive offerings of
Croesus the son of Alyattes.
36. Meanwhile the Delphians, having been informed of this, had been
brought to extreme fear; and being in great terror they consulted the
Oracle about the sacred things, whether they should bury them in the
earth or carry them forth to another land; but the god forbade them to
meddle with these, saying that he was able by himself to take care of
his own. Hearing this they began to take thought for themselves, and
they sent their children and women over to Achaia on the other side
of the sea, while most of the men themselves ascended up towards the
summits of Parnassos and carried their property to the Corykian cave,
while others departed for refuge to Amphissa of the Locrians. In short
the Delphians had all left the town excepting sixty men and the prophet
of the Oracle. 22
37. When the Barbarians had come near and could see the temple, then the
prophet, whose name was Akeratos, saw before the cell 23 arms lying
laid out, having been brought forth out of the sanctuary, 24 which were
sacred and on which it was not permitted to any man to lay hands. He
then was going to announce the portent to those of the Delphians who
were still there, but when the Barbarians pressing onwards came opposite
the temple of Athene Pronaia, there happened to them in addition
portents yet greater than that which had come to pass before: for though
that too was a marvel, that arms of war should appear of themselves laid
forth outside the cell, yet this, which happened straightway after that,
is worthy of marvel even beyond all other prodigies. When the Barbarians
in their approach were opposite the temple of Athene Pronaia, at this
point of time from the heaven there fell thunderbolts upon them, and
from Parnassos two crags were broken away and rushed down upon them with
a great crashing noise falling upon many of them, while from the temple
of Pronaia there was heard a shout, and a battle-cry was raised.
38. All these things having come together, there fell fear upon the
Barbarians; and the Delphians having perceived that they were flying,
came down after them and slew a great number of them; and those who
survived fled straight to Boeotia. These who returned of the Barbarians
reported, as I am informed, that in addition to this which we have said
they saw also other miraculous things; for two men (they said) in
full armour and of stature more than human followed them slaying and
pursuing.
39. These two the Delphians say were the native heroes Phylacos and
Autonoös, whose sacred enclosures are about the temple, that of Phylacos
being close by the side of the road above the temple of Pronaia and that
of Autonoös near Castalia under the peak called Hyampeia. Moreover the
rocks which fell from Parnassos were still preserved even to my time,
lying in the sacred enclosure of Athene Pronaia, into which they fell
when they rushed through the ranks of the Barbarians. Such departure had
these men from the temple.
40. Meanwhile the fleet of the Hellenes after leaving Artemision put in
to land at Salamis at the request of the Athenians: and for this reason
the Athenians requested them to put in to Salamis, namely in order that
they might remove out of Attica to a place of safety their children
and their wives, and also deliberate what they would have to do; for in
their present case they meant to take counsel afresh, because they had
been deceived in their expectation. For they had thought to find the
Peloponnesians in full force waiting for the Barbarians in Boeotia; they
found however nothing of this, but they were informed on the contrary
that the Peloponnesians were fortifying the Isthmus with a wall, valuing
above all things the safety of the Peloponnese and keeping this in
guard; and that they were disposed to let all else go. Being informed of
this, the Athenians therefore made request of them to put in to Salamis.
41. The others then put in their ships to land at Salamis, but the
Athenians went over to their own land; and after their coming they made
a proclamation that every one of the Athenians should endeavour to save
his children and household as best he could. So the greater number sent
them to Troizen, but others to Egina, and others to Salamis, and they
were urgent to put these out of danger, both because they desired
to obey the oracle and also especially for another reason, which was
this:—the Athenians say that a great serpent lives in the temple 25
and guards the Acropolis; and they not only say this, but also they
set forth for it monthly offerings, as if it were really there; and the
offering consists of a honey-cake. This honey-cake, which before
used always to be consumed, was at this time left untouched. When the
priestess had signified this, the Athenians left the city much more and
with greater eagerness than before, seeing that the goddess also had (as
they supposed) left the Acropolis. Then when all their belongings had
been removed out of danger, they sailed to the encampment of the fleet.
42. When those who came from Artemision had put their ships in to land
at Salamis, the remainder of the naval force of the Hellenes, being
informed of this, came over gradually to join them 26 from Troizen:
for they had been ordered beforehand to assemble at Pogon, which is the
harbour of the Troizenians. There were assembled accordingly now many
more ships than those which were in the sea-fight at Artemision, and
from more cities. Over the whole was set as admiral the same man as at
Artemision, namely Eurybiades the son of Eurycleides, a Spartan but not
of the royal house; the Athenians however supplied by far the greatest
number of ships and those which sailed the best.
43. The following were those who joined the muster:—From Peloponnese the
Lacedemonians furnishing sixteen ships, the Corinthians furnishing the
same complement as at Artemision, the Sikyonians furnishing fifteen
ships, the Epidaurians ten, the Troizenians five, the men of Hermion
2601 three, these all, except the Hermionians, being of Doric and
Makednian 27 race and having made their last migration from Erineos
and Pindos and the land of Dryopis; 28 but the people of Hermion are
Dryopians, driven out by Heracles and the Malians from the land which is
now called Doris.
44. These were the Peloponnesians who joined the fleet, and those of
the mainland outside the Peloponnese were as follows:—the Athenians,
furnishing a number larger than all the rest, 29 namely one hundred and
eighty ships, and serving alone, since the Plataians did not take
part with the Athenians in the sea-fight at Salamis, because when the
Hellenes were departing from Artemision and come near Chalkis, the
Plataians disembarked on the opposite shore of Boeotia and proceeded to
the removal of their households. So being engaged in saving these,
they had been left behind. As for the Athenians, in the time when
the Pelasgians occupied that which is now called Hellas, they were
Pelasgians, being named Cranaoi, and in the time of king Kecrops they
came to be called Kecropidai; then when Erechtheus had succeeded to his
power, they had their name changed to Athenians; and after Ion the son
of Xuthos became commander 30 of the Athenians, they got the name from
him of Ionians.
45. The Megarians furnished the same complement as at Artermision; the
Amprakiots came to the assistance of the rest with seven ships, and the
Leucadians with three, these being by race Dorians from Corinth.
46. Of the islanders the Eginetans furnished thirty; these had also
other ships manned, but with them they were guarding their own land,
while with the thirty which sailed best they joined in the sea-fight at
Salamis. Now the Eginetans are Dorians from Epidauros, and their
island had formerly the name of Oinone. After the Eginetans came the
Chalkidians with the twenty ships which were at Artemision, and
the Eretrians with their seven: these are Ionians. Next the Keïans,
furnishing the same as before and being by race Ionians from Athens. The
Naxians furnished four ships, they having been sent out by the citizens
of their State to join the Persians, like the other islanders; but
neglecting these commands they had come to the Hellenes, urged thereto
by Democritos, a man of repute among the citizens and at that time
commander of a trireme. Now the Naxians are Ionians coming originally
from Athens. The Styrians furnished the same ships as at Artemision, and
the men of Kythnos one ship and one fifty-oared galley, these both being
Dryopians. Also the Seriphians, the Siphnians and the Melians served
with the rest; for they alone of the islanders had not given earth and
water to the Barbarian.
47. These all who have been named dwelt inside the land of the
Thesprotians and the river Acheron; for the Thesprotians border upon the
land of the Amprakiots and Leucadians, and these were they who came from
the greatest distance to serve: but of those who dwell outside these
limits the men of Croton were the only people who came to the assistance
of Hellas in her danger; and these sent one ship, of whom the commander
was Phaÿlos, a man who had three times won victories at the Pythian
games. Now the men of Croton are by descent Achaians.
48. All the rest who served in the fleet furnished triremes, but the
Melians, Siphnian and Seriphians fifty-oared galleys: the Melians,
who are by descent from Lacedemon, furnished two, the Siphnians and
Seriphians, who are Ionians from Athens, each one. And the whole number
of the ships, apart from the fifty-oared galleys, was three hundred and
seventy-eight. 31
49. When the commanders had assembled at Salamis from the States
which have been mentioned, they began to deliberate, Eurybiades having
proposed that any one who desired it should declare his opinion as
to where he thought it most convenient to fight a sea-battle in those
regions of which they had command; for Attica had already been let go,
and he was now proposing the question about the other regions. And the
opinions of the speakers for the most part agreed that they should
sail to the Isthmus and there fight a sea-battle in defence of the
Peloponnese, arguing that if they should be defeated in the sea-battle,
supposing them to be at Salamis they would be blockaded in an island,
where no help would come to them, but at the Isthmus they would be able
to land where their own men were.
50. While the commanders from the Peloponnese argued thus, an Athenian
had come in reporting that the Barbarians were arrived in Attica and
that all the land was being laid waste with fire. For the army which
directed its march through Boeotia in company with Xerxes, after it had
burnt the city of the Thespians (the inhabitants having left it and gone
to the Peloponnese) and that of the Plataians likewise, had now come
to Athens and was laying waste everything in those regions. Now he had
burnt Thespiai 3101 and Plataia because he was informed by the Thebans
that these were not taking the side of the Medes.
51. So in three months from the crossing of the Hellespont, whence the
Barbarians began their march, after having stayed there one month while
they crossed over into Europe, they had reached Attica, in the year when
Calliades was archon of the Athenians. And they took the lower city,
which was deserted, and then they found that there were still a few
Athenians left in the temple, either stewards of the temple or needy
persons, who had barred the entrance to the Acropolis with doors and
with a palisade of timber and endeavoured to defend themselves against
the attacks of the enemy, being men who had not gone out to Salamis
partly because of their poverty, and also because they thought that
they alone had discovered the meaning of the oracle which the Pythian
prophetess had uttered to them, namely that the "bulwark of wood" should
be impregnable, and supposed that this was in fact the safe refuge
according to the oracle, and not the ships.
52. So the Persians taking their post upon the rising ground opposite
the Acropolis, which the Athenians call the Hill of Ares, 32 proceeded
to besiege them in this fashion, that is they put tow round about their
arrows and lighted it, and then shot them against the palisade. The
Athenians who were besieged continued to defend themselves nevertheless,
although they had come to the extremity of distress and their palisade
had played them false; nor would they accept proposals for surrender,
when the sons of Peisistratos brought them forward: but endeavouring to
defend themselves they contrived several contrivances against the enemy,
and among the rest they rolled down large stones when the Barbarians
approached the gates; so that for a long time Xerxes was in a
difficulty, not being able to capture them.
53. In time however there appeared for the Barbarians a way of approach
after their difficulties, since by the oracle it was destined that all
of Attica which is on the mainland should come to be under the Persians.
Thus then it happened that on the front side 33 of the Acropolis behind
the gates and the way up to the entrance, in a place where no one was
keeping guard, nor would one have supposed that any man could ascend by
this way, here men ascended by the temple of Aglauros the daughter
of Kecrops, although indeed the place is precipitous: and when the
Athenians saw that they had ascended up to the Acropolis, some of them
threw themselves down from the wall and perished, while others took
refuge in the sanctuary 34 of the temple. Then those of the Persians
who had ascended went first to the gates, and after opening these they
proceeded to kill the suppliants; and when all had been slain by them,
they plundered the temple and set fire to the whole of the Acropolis.
54. Then Xerxes, having fully taken possession of Athens, sent to Susa
a mounted messenger to report to Artabanos the good success which they
had. And on the next day after sending the herald he called together the
exiles of the Athenians who were accompanying him, and bade them go
up to the Acropolis and sacrifice the victims after their own manner;
whether it was that he had seen some vision of a dream which caused him
to give this command, or whether perchance he had a scruple in his
mind because he had set fire to the temple. The Athenian exiles did
accordingly that which was commanded them:
55, and the reason why I made mention of this I will here declare:—there
is in this Acropolis a temple 35 of Erechtheus, who is said to have been
born of the Earth, and in this there is an olive-tree and a sea, which
(according to the story told by the Athenians) Poseidon and Athene,
when they contended for the land, set as witnesses of themselves. Now
it happened to this olive-tree to be set on fire with the rest of the
temple by the Barbarians; and on the next day after the conflagration
those of the Athenians who were commanded by the king to offer
sacrifice, saw when they had gone up to the temple that a shoot had run
up from the stock of the tree about a cubit in length. These then made
report of this.
56. The Hellenes meanwhile at Salamis, when it was announced to them how
it had been as regards the Acropolis of the Athenians, were disturbed so
greatly that some of the commanders did not even wait for the question
to be decided which had been proposed, but began to go hastily to their
ships and to put up their sails, meaning to make off with speed; and by
those of them who remained behind it was finally decided to fight at
sea in defence of the Isthmus. So night came on, and they having been
dismissed from the council were going to their ships:
57, and when Themistocles had come to his ship, Mnesiphilos an Athenian
asked him what they had resolved; and being informed by him that it had
been determined to take out the ships to the Isthmus and fight a battle
by sea in defence of the Peloponnese, he said: "Then, if they set sail
with the ships from Salamis, thou wilt not fight any more sea-battles
at all for the fatherland, for they will all take their way to their
several cities and neither Eurybiades nor any other man will be able
to detain them or to prevent the fleet from being dispersed: and Hellas
will perish by reason of evil counsels. But if there by any means, go
thou and try to unsettle that which has been resolved, if perchance thou
mayest persuade Eurybiades to change his plans, so as to stay here."
58. This advice very much commended itself to Themistocles; and without
making any answer he went to the ship of Eurybiades. Having come thither
he said that he desired to communicate to him a matter which concerned
the common good; and Eurybiades bade him come into his ship and speak,
if he desired to say anything. Then Themistocles sitting down beside
him repeated to him all those things which he had heard Mnesiphilos say,
making as if they were his own thoughts, and adding to them many others;
until at last by urgent request he persuaded him to come out of his ship
and gather the commanders to the council.
59. So when they were gathered together, before Eurybiades proposed
the discussion of the things for which he had assembled the commanders,
Themistocles spoke with much vehemence 36 being very eager to gain his
end; and as he was speaking, the Corinthian commander, Adeimantos the
son of Okytos, said: "Themistocles, at the games those who stand forth
for the contest before the due time are beaten with rods." He justifying
himself said: "Yes, but those who remain behind are not crowned."
60. At that time he made answer mildly to the Corinthian; and to
Eurybiades he said not now any of those things which he had said before,
to the effect that if they should set sail from Salamis they would
disperse in different directions; for it was not seemly for him to bring
charges against the allies in their presence: but he held to another way
of reasoning, saying: "Now it is in thy power to save Hellas, if
thou wilt follow my advice, which is to stay here and here to fight a
sea-battle, and if thou wilt not follow the advice of those among these
men who bid thee remove the ships to the Isthmus. For hear both ways,
and then set them in comparison. If thou engage battle at the Isthmus,
thou wilt fight in an open sea, into which it is by no means convenient
for us that we go to fight, seeing that we have ships which are heavier
and fewer in number than those of the enemy. Then secondly thou wilt
give up to destruction Salamis and Megara and Egina, even if we have
success in all else; for with their fleet will come also the land-army,
and thus thou wilt thyself lead them to the Peloponnese and wilt risk
the safety of all Hellas. If however thou shalt do as I say, thou wilt
find therein all the advantages which I shall tell thee of:—in the first
place by engaging in a narrow place with few ships against many, if the
fighting has that issue which it is reasonable to expect, we shall have
very much the better; for to fight a sea-fight in a narrow space is for
our advantage, but to fight in a wide open space is for theirs. Then
again Salamis will be preserved, whither our children and our wives
have been removed for safety; and moreover there is this also secured
thereby, to which ye are most of all attached, namely that by remaining
here thou wilt fight in defence of the Peloponnese as much as if
the fight were at the Isthmus; and thou wilt not lead the enemy to
Peloponnese, if thou art wise. Then if that which I expect come to pass
and we gain a victory with our ships, the Barbarians will not come to
you at the Isthmus nor will they advance further than Attica, but they
will retire in disorder; and we shall be the gainers by the preservation
of Megara and Egina and Salamis, at which place too an oracle tells us
that we shall get the victory over our enemies. 37 Now when men take
counsel reasonably for themselves, reasonable issues are wont as a rule
to come, but if they do not take counsel reasonably, then God is not
wont generally to attach himself to the judgment of men."
61. When Themistocles thus spoke, the Corinthian Adeimantos inveighed
against him for the second time, bidding him to be silent because he
had no native land, and urging Eurybiades not to put to the vote
the proposal of one who was a citizen of no city; for he said that
Themistocles might bring opinions before the council if he could show a
city belonging to him, but otherwise not. This objection he made against
him because Athens had been taken and was held by the enemy. Then
Themistocles said many evil things of him and of the Corinthians both,
and declared also that he himself and his countrymen had in truth a city
and a land larger than that of the Corinthians, so long as they had two
hundred ships fully manned; for none of the Hellenes would be able to
repel the Athenians if they came to fight against them.
62. Signifying this he turned then to Eurybiades and spoke yet more
urgently: "If thou wilt remain here, and remaining here wilt show
thyself a good man, well; but if not, thou wilt bring about the
overthrow of Hellas, for upon the ships depends all our power in the
war. Nay, but do as I advise. If, however, thou shalt not do so, we
shall forthwith take up our households and voyage to Siris in Italy,
which is ours already of old and the oracles say that it is destined
to be colonised by us; and ye, when ye are left alone and deprived of
allies such as we are, will remember my words."
63. When Themistocles thus spoke, Eurybiades was persuaded to change his
mind; and, as I think, he changed his mind chiefly from fear lest the
Athenians should depart and leave them, if he should take the ships to
the Isthmus; for if the Athenians left them and departed, the rest would
be no longer able to fight with the enemy. He chose then this counsel,
to stay in that place and decide matters there by a sea-fight.