PATRIOTISM AND WORLD-PEACE
THE goal of personal morality is reached with the adoption of that
mode of life that leads to the stable and lasting happiness of the
individual. Such a happiness necessarily presupposes relations of
kindness and cooperation with those other persons that form the
immediate environment. But it is quite compatible with a neglect of
those wider aspects of duty that we call public morality. The Stoics,
the anchorites, some communities of monks, and many a well-to-do
recluse today, are examples of those who have found a selfish happiness
for themselves without taking any hand in forwarding the general
welfare. Yet the greatest total good is not to be attained in any such
way; if man is to win in his inexorable war with a hostile and grudging
environment, men must march EN MASSE, must work for ends that lie
far beyond their personal satisfactions, for the welfare of the State and
posterity. It is these larger, public duties that we must now consider.
And it is here that our greatest stress must be laid; for these
obligations are too easily overlooked, and toward them the contemporary
conscience needs most sharply to be aroused. The first great public
problem, historically, is that of war. And theoretically it may well
come first, since the attainment of peace is the prerequisite of all
other social advance. While a nation's energies are absorbed in war,
nothing, or nearly nothing else can be done. So we turn to a
consideration of war; and first, of that emotion, patriotism, whose
training and redirection must underlie the movement toward universal
peace.
What is the meaning and value of patriotism?
Matthew Arnold began his famous American address on Numbers by
quoting Dr. Johnson's saying, "Patriotism is the last refuge of a
scoundrel." We must admit that to certain forms of it the gibe is
pertinent. But in its essence, patriotism is that most useful of
human possessions, an emotion that turns a duty into a joy. It is
necessary for men, however burdensome they may find the obligation,
to be loyal to the interests of the State of which they are members.
But the patriot feels it noburden; he loves his country, and serves
her willingly, as his privilege and glad desire. To be conscious of
belonging to a social group, whose interests are regarded as one's
own, to mourn its disasters and rejoice in its successes, and give
one's hands and brains without reluctance, when needed, to its
service- that is patriotism. For the individual, its value is that
it widens his sympathies, gives him new interests, stimulates his
ambition, warms his heart with a sense of brotherhood in common
hopes and fears; the "man without a country" is, as Dr. Bale's story
graphically depicted, like a man without a home; the "citizens of
the world," who voluntarily expatriate themselves, miss much of the
tang of life that is tasted by him who keeps his local attachments
and national loyalty. For the State, its value is that it welds men
together, softens their civil strife, lifts them above petty
jealousies, rouses them to maintain the common weal against all
dangers, external and internal. Especially in view of our hybrid
population is it necessary to stimulate patriotism, by the
celebration of national anniversaries, the salutation of the flag in
the public schools, and whatever other means help to enlist the
emotions on the side of civic consciousness. But while seeking to
foster patriotism, for its great potentialities of good, we must
guard diligently against its lapse into forms that are really
harmful to the community which it avowedly serves. Like every other
great emotion, it needs to be controlled, developed along the lines
of greatest usefulness, directed into proper channels. How should
patriotism be directed and qualified?
(1) Patriotism must be rationalized, so as to be an enthusiasm for
the really great and admirable phases of the national life. Instead
of a pride in the prowess of army and navy, of yachts or athletes,
it should become a pride in national efficiency and health, in the
national art, literature, statesmanship, and educational system, in
the beauty of public buildings and the standards of public manners
and morals. It should think not so much of defending by force the
national "honor," as of maintaining standards of honor that shall be
worth defending. There may, indeed, still be occasions when we can
learn the truth of the old Roman verse, Dulce et decorum est pro patria
mori; but the newer patriotism consists not so much in willingness
to die as in willingness to live, for one's country-to take the trouble
to study conditions, to vote, and to work for the improvement of
conditions and the invigorating of the national life. The real
anti-patriots are not the peace-men, but the selfish and unscrupulous
money-makers, the idle rich, the dissolute, the ill-mannered, all those
who put private interest or passion above the public weal, help to
weaken national strength and solidarity, and bring our country's name
into disrepute.
(2) Patriotism must not merge into conceit and blind
self-satisfaction. The superior, patronizing air of many Americans,
their insufferable boasting and dogmatism, does more, perhaps, to
prejudice foreigners against us than any other thing. We must teach
international good manners, a becoming modesty, a generosity toward
the prejudices of others, and a recognition of our own shortcomings.
The blind patriotism that will not confess to any fault, that shouts,
"Our country, right or wrong," leads in the direction of arrogance,
wrongdoing, and dishonor. We must be free to criticize our own
government; we must have no false notions about national "honor" such
as were once held concerning personal "honor" in the days of dueling.
We shall doubtless be in the wrong sometimes; we must welcome
enlightenment and try to learn the better way. Apologizing is sometimes
nobler than bluster; and he is no true lover of his country who seeks
to condone, and so perpetuate, her errors.
(3) Patriotism must not imply a hatred of, or desire to hurt, other
countries. The sight of one great civilization seeking to injure
another is the shame of humanity. For in the end our interests are
the same; we should not profit by Germany's loss any more than
Connecticut would gain by injury to Vermont. Jingoism, contempt of
other peoples, and purely selfish diplomacy, are sinful outgrowths
of patriotism. We must learn to be fair and good-tempered, to appreciate
the admirable in other nations, to thrill to their ideals, and banish
all suspicious, sneering, or hypercritical attitudes toward them. It
is a pity that the mass of our people get their conceptions of foreign
peoples and rulers so largely through newspaper cartoons and caricatures,
which emphasize and exaggerate their points of difference and inferiority
instead of revealing their power and excellence. It is a stupid
provinciality that conceives a distaste for foreigners because of their
alien manners and to us uncouth language, their different dress and
habits. As a matter of fact, they feel as superior to us as we to them,
and on the whole, perhaps, with as good a right. No one of the nations
but has some noble ideals and achievements to its credit; if we do
not appreciate them, we are thereby proved to be in need of what they
have to give. And underneath these usually superficial differences,
we are all just men and women, with the same loves and hatreds, the
same needs, the same weaknesses and repentances and aspirations. If
we realized our common humanity, we should try to treat them as we
should wish to be treated by them; the Golden Rule, the Christian spirit,
the method of reason and kindness, is as applicable to international
as to inter-personal relations. We should not be too sensitive to the
trivial breaches of manners, the intemperate words and selfish acts
of neighbor-nations, but make allowances and preserve our
good-fellowship, as we do in our personal life. We should beware of
letting our own patriotism lead us into like misconduct. Above all,
we must refuse to let it lead us into the lust of conquest; we must
respect the rights and liberties of other peoples, keep strictly to
our treaty obligations, honor less the patriots who have inflamed
national hatreds and led us to battle against other peoples than those
who have wrought for their country's righteousness and true honor,
and let it be our pride to stand for international comity and good
will. A question that may properly be discussed here is whether it
is permissible to shift patriotism from one country to another. Such
a change of loyalty is, in times of war, called treason, and naturally
evokes the resentment of the deserted side. Even as impartial judges,
we are properly suspicious of such action, as denoting a vacillating
nature, devoid of the true spirit of loyalty, or as indicative of a
selfishness that follows its own personal advantage. And so far as
that suspicion is well founded, we must condemn the traitor. But
certainly, if a man experiences a sincere change of conviction, he
should not be required to continue to serve the side that he now feels
to be in the wrong; every man must be free to follow his conscience,
even if it leads him to disavow his own earlier allegiance. Suppose
Benedict Arnold to have developed a sincere conviction that the American
revolutionists were in the wrong, and that the true welfare of both
America and Britain lay in their continued union. In such a case he
must, as a conscientious man, have transferred his allegiance to the
Tory side. So a man who has been a worker for the saloon interests,
who should become convinced of the anti-social influence of the liquor
trade, would do right to come over to the anti- saloon side and work
against his former associates. The really difficult question lies
rather here: may such a man use for the advantage of the cause he now
serves the knowledge he gained, the secrets entrusted to him, the power
he won, as a worker for the opposite cause? If Benedict Arnold was
a sincere convert to the British cause, did he do right in trying to
deliver West Point into their hands? Or are we right in execrating
him for his attempted breach of trust? May the former saloon-worker
use his inside knowledge of the saloon men's plans, and his familiarity
with the business, to help the cause to which he has transferred his
allegiance? The two cases may be closely parallel; but each will
probably be decided by most people according to the side upon which
they stand. An impartial judgment will, perhaps, condemn all breaches
of faith, all use of delegated power for ends contrary to those for
which the power was delegated, including secrets deliberately
entrusted, but will not condemn the use for the new cause of knowledge
gained by the individual's own observation, or influence won through
the power of his own personality.
What have been the benefits of war?
War has not been an unmitigated evil. In fairness we must note the
following points:
(1) In spite of its danger, and its pain, war has been a great
excitement and joy to men. Tennyson is doubtless true to life in making
Ulysses exclaim "All times I have enjoyed Greatly, have suffered
greatly. . . And drunk delight of battle with my peers, Far on the
ringing plains of windy Troy. How dull it is to pause, to make an end,
As though to breathe were life!"
In the Iliad, indeed, we read: "With everything man is satiated, sleep,
sweet singing, and the joyous dance; of all these man gets sooner tired
than of war." In primitive times, and even, though decreasingly, in
modern times, the cause of war has lain not merely in the ends to be
attained thereby, but in the sheer love of war for its own sake-the
quickened heartbeats, the sense of power and daring and achievement,
the joy in martial music and uniforms, in the rhythmic footsteps of
marching men, in the awakened thrill of patriotism, the love of effort
and sacrifice for a cherished cause.
To some extent this primitive lure of war still persists. But,
fortunately, the glory and excitement of hand-to-hand conflict, the
picturesque valor and visible achievement of earlier battles, are now
gone. The soldier is but a cog in a machine, usually at a considerable
distance from his enemy. He does not know whether his shot has hit
or not; if he is wounded it is by an invisible hand. All the strain
and fatigue and pain of war remain, but little of its glory and delight.
Moreover, whatever normal satisfaction has been found in war can be
had, as we shall presently note, in other ways- in all sorts of
generous rivalries and useful as well as exciting endeavors that are
open to the modern man.
(2) War has necessitated discipline, organization, courage, self-
sacrifice, and has thus been a great stimulus to virtues which to some
extent have carried over into other fields. It has kept men from
sinking into inertia or mere pleasure seeking, fostered energy and
hardihood, quieted civil strife, taught the necessity of union and
justice at home. The patriotism awakened by struggle against a common
enemy has often persisted when the conflict was over, given birth to
art and history, and many an act of devotion to the State.
But national solidarity and a regime of justice within the State are
now our stable possession, while the hardier and heroic virtues can
be awakened in other and less disastrous ways. War has ceased to have
its former usefulness as a spur to personal and social morality.
(3) Wars of self-defense have often been necessary, to preserve goods
that would have been lost by conquest; as when the Greeks at Marathon
repelled the barbaric hordes of Asia, or when Charles Martel and the
Franks checked the advance of the Saracens at Tours. Offensive wars,
even, may have been necessary to wipe out evils, such as slavery or
the oppression of neighboring peoples. But in modern times the moral
justification of war on such grounds has usually been a flimsy pretext;
and certainly the occasion for legitimate warfare is becoming steadily
rarer. Nearly always the good aimed at could have been attained without
the evils of war. If the American colonies had had a little more
patience, they could have won the liberty they craved without war and
separation from the mother country-as Canada and Australia have done.
If the United States had had a little more patience and tact and
diplomacy, it is probable that Cuba could have been saved from the
intolerable oppression of Spain without war. Now that the moral
pressure of the world's opinion is becoming so strong, and the Hague
tribunal stands ready to adjust difficulties, there is seldom excuse
for recourse to brute strength. The real cause of war lies far less
often in the moral demand that prefers righteousness to peace than
in the touchiness, selfishness, and resentments of nations, or their
desire for glory and conquest.
(4) War has, directly or indirectly, been the means of spreading the
blessings of civilization. Alexander's campaigns brought Greek culture
to the Eastern world, the Roman conquests civilized the West, the
famous Corniche Road was built by Napoleon to get his troops into
Italy, the trans-Siberian railway, the subsidized steamship lines of
modern nations, the Panama Canal, owe their existence primarily to
the fear of war. But today all lands are open to peaceful penetration;
missionaries and traders do more to civilize than armies. And if the
building of certain roads and railways and canals might have been
somewhat postponed in an era of stable peace, many more material
improvements, actually more imperative if less spectacular, would
certainly have been carried out with the vast sums of money saved from
war expenditures. Whatever good ends, then, war may have served in
the past, it is now superfluous, a mere survival of savagery, a relic
of our barbaric past, a clear injury to man, in ways which we shall
next consider.
What are the evils of war?
(1) We need not dwell on the physical and mental suffering caused by
war; General Sherman's famous declaration, "War is hell!" sums the
matter up. Agonizing wounds, pitiless disease, the permanent crippling,
enfeeblement, or death of vigorous men in the prime of life, the
anguish of wives and sweethearts, the loneliness of widows, the lack
of care for orphans-it is impossible for those who have not lived through
a great war to realize the horror of it, the cruel pain suffered by
those on the field, the torturing suspense of those left behind. It
is, indeed, a sad commentary on man's wisdom that, with all the distress
that inevitably inheres in human life, he should have voluntarily
brought upon himself still greater suffering and premature death.
(2) But the moral harm of war is no less conspicuous than the physical.
It fosters cruelty, callousness, contempt of life; it kills sympathy
and the gentler virtues; it coarsens and leads almost inevitably to
sensuality. After a war there is always a marked increase in crime
and sexual vice; ex-soldiers are restless, and find it hard to settle
down to a normal life. There is a permanent coarsening of fiber. Even
the maintenance of armies in time of peace is a great moral danger.
The unnatural barrack-life, the requisite postponement of marriage,
the opportunity for physical and moral contagion, make military posts
commonly sources of moral contamination. Prostitution flourishes and
illegitimacy increases where soldiers are quartered; the army is a
bad school of morals.
Add to this indictment the stimulus to national hatreds caused by war,
the inflaming of resentments and checking of international good will.
Frenchmen still nourish a bitter animosity against the Germans for
the possession of Alsace and the occupation of Paris. The instinctive
racial antipathies of the Balkan peoples have been immeasurably
deepened by the recent wars on the peninsula. The eventual brotherhood
of man is indefinitely postponed by every war and by every rumor of
war.
The interest in war also takes attention and effort away from the
remedying of social and moral evils; it is useless to attempt any moral
campaign while a war is on. Jane Addams tells us, in Twenty Years at
Hull House, that when she visited England in 1896 she found it full
of social enthusiasm, scientific research, scholarship, and public
spirit; while on a second visit, in 1900, all enthusiasm and energy
seemed to be absorbed by the Boer War, leaving little for humanitarian
undertakings.
(3) A less obvious, but even more lasting, evil is that caused by the
loss of the best blood of a nation. In general, the strongest and best
men go to the field; the weaklings and cowards are left to produce
the next generation. The inevitable result is racial degeneration.
The decline of the Greek and Roman civilizations was doubtless in large
part due to the continual killing off of the best stocks, until the
earlier and nobler breed of men almost ceased to exist. The effect
of modern war is the exact opposite of that of primitive war, where
all the men had to fight, and the strongest or bravest or swiftest
survived; strength and valor and speed avail nothing against modern
projectiles, and it is the stay-at-homes who are selected for survival,
in general the weakest and least worthy. War is the greatest of
dysgenic forces, and undoes the effect of a hundred eugenic laws.
(4) The vast and increasing expense of war is a very serious matter
for the moralist, because it means a drain of the resources that might
otherwise be utilized for the advance of civilization. The cost of
a modern war goes at least into the hundreds of millions of dollars,
and any great war would cost billions. Every shot from a modern sixteen
inch gun costs approximately a thousand dollars! Add to this direct
cost the indirect costs of war, not reckoned in the usual figures-the
loss of the time and work of the hundreds of thousands of able-bodied
men, the economic loss of their illness and death, the destruction
of buildings, bridges, railways, etc, the obstruction of commerce,
the paralysis of industry and agriculture, the ravages and looting
of armies, the maintenance of hospitals and nurses, and then, finally,
the money given in pensions.[Footnote: The recent Balkan war is reckoned
to have cost nearly half a million men killed or permanently disabled,
a billion and a half dollars of direct] Add further the cost of the
expenditure, besides many billions of indirect expense. The colossal
European war just beginning as these pages go to press bids fair to
cost immeasurably more aintenance of armies upon a peace-footing-the
feeding and clothing of the men, the building and maintenance of barracks
and forts, of battleships and torpedo boats, of guns and ammunition,
automobiles, aeroplanes, and the increasing list of expensive modern
military appurtenances. Europe spends nearly two billion dollars a year
in times of peace on its armies and navies-money enough to build four
or five Panama canals annually. The entire merchant marine of the world
is worth but three billion dollars. More than this, over four million
strong young men are kept under arms in Europe, a million more workers
are engaged in making ships, weapons, gunpowder, military stores. Over
a million horses are kept for army use. This money and these men, if
used in the true interests of humanity, could quickly provide adequate
and comfortable housing for every European, adequate schooling,
clothing, and food for every one. Here is the great criminal waste
of our times. In America our waste is less flagrant, but it is steadily
increasing. We throw away money enough in these fratricidal
preparations to cover the country with excellent roads in short order,
or give every child a high school education.
In a way, however, the rapidly growing cost of war and preparation
for war is to be welcomed. For it is this that is creating, more than
all our moral propaganda, a rising sentiment against war, and will
presently make it impossible. When the German militarists became
excited over the Morocco incident in 1911, a financial panic ensued,
credit was withdrawn, pockets were touched, and a great protest arose
which did much to quench the jingo spirit. Japan was induced to sign
her treaty of peace with Russia because her money was giving out.
Turkey was unable, in the winter of 1913-14, to renew war with Greece
for the Aegean Islands, because she could not raise a loan till she
promised peace. The growing international financial network, and the
revolt of the taxpayers against the incessant draining of their
pocketbooks, promise a change for the better in European militarism
before very long.
What can we do to hasten world-peace?
There are powerful forces, which without our conscious effort are
making for the abolition of war: its growing cost; the extension of
mutual knowledge, through the newspapers and magazines, through travel,
through exchange professorships and Rhodes scholarships and all
international associations; the growing sensitiveness to suffering;
the spread of eugenic ideals; and the increasing interest in worldwide
social, moral, and material problems. But the epoch of final peace
for man can be greatly accelerated by means which we may now note.
(1) We may stimulate counter-enthusiasms to take the place of the
passion for war. After all, the great war of mankind is the war against
pain, disease, poverty, and sin; the real heroes are not those who
squander human strength and courage in fighting one another, but those
who fight for man against his eternal foes. The war of man against
man is dissension in the ranks. We must make it seem more glorious
to men to enlist in these humanitarian campaigns than in the miserable
civil wars that impede our common triumphs. [Footnote: Cf. Perry, Moral
Economy, p. 32; "War between man and man is an obsolescent form of
heroism. . . . The general battle of life, the first and last battle,
is still on; and it has that in it of danger and resistance, of
comradeship and of triumph, that can stir the blood." And cf. President
Eliot's fine eulogy of Dr. Lazear, who died of yellow fever after
voluntarily undergoing inoculation by a mosquito, in the attempt to
learn how to stay the disease: " With more than the courage and]
Further, we should awaken interest in innocent devotion of the soldier,
he risked and lost his life to show how a fearful pestilence is
communicated and how its ravages may be prevented."] excitements and
rivalries-in sports, in industrial competition, in missionary
enterprise. A world's series in baseball, or an intercollegiate
football season, can work off the restless energies of many thousands
who in earlier days would have lusted for war. The revival of the
Olympic games was definitely planned as a substitute for war. And men
must have not only excitements and rivalries, but real difficulties
and dangers-something to try their courage and endurance and train
them in hardihood. For this we have exploration and mountaineering,
the prosecution of difficult engineering undertakings, the attacking
of corruption and the achievement of political and social reforms.
[Footnote: Cf. W. James, "The Moral Equivalent of War" (in Memories
and Studies), p. 287: "We must make new energies and hardihood's continue
the manliness to which the military mind so faithfully clings. Martial
virtues must be the enduring cement, intrepidity, contempt of softness,
surrender of private interest, obedience to command, must still remain
the rock upon which states are built. The martial type of character
can be bred without war. The only thing needed henceforward is
to inflame the civic temper as past history has inflamed the military
temper."]
(2) We may spread popular knowledge of the evils of war. It is
incredible that this barbarous method of deciding disputes could be
continued if the people generally had a lively realization of its cost
in pain, money, and degradation. Already many societies exist for the
diffusion of literature on the matter, [Footnote: And of course for
other work in the direction of peace. The oldest such organization
in this country is the American Peace Society. The Association for
International Conciliation, founded in Paris by Baron d' Estournelles
de Constant, in 1899, has branches now in all the important countries.
Lately we have Mr. Carnegie's endowments for international peace]
conscientious editors of journals and newspapers use their columns
for peace propaganda, public schools teach children the evils of war,
ministers use their pulpits to denounce it. All this, effort must be
pushed in greater degree until a general public sentiment is aroused
that will insist on the peaceful settlement of all international
difficulties.
(3) Indirectly, too, education and association can make war more and
more unlikely. We can create a greater knowledge of and sympathy with
other nations. We can to considerable extent train out pugnacity, quick
temper, resentfulness, and train in sensitiveness to suffering,
sympathy, breadth of view. All such moral progress helps in the war
against war. We can encourage the interchange of professors and
scientists between countries, increase the number of professional and
industrial international organizations. The International Socialist
party, with its threatened weapon of the general strike against war,
may actually prove to be- whether we like it or not the most efficient
of all forces. The International Federation of Students (Corda ratres),
founded at Turin in 1898, with its branches in all civilized countries,
may be of great use. A censorship of the press to exclude all
jingoistic and inflammatory utterances may at times be necessary. It
is even questionable whether uniforms and martial music ought not to
be banished for a while, until the habit of peaceful settlement becomes
fixed.
(4) Politically, we must make our public policies so high and unselfish
that other nations cannot justly take offense. Most wars are provoked
by national greed or selfishness, lack of manners, or the breaking
of treaty obligations. The United States, it must be confessed, has
to some extent lost the respect and trust of other nations for its
high- handed methods and disregard of treaties. Congress is allowed
to modify or abrogate any treaty without consultation with the other
nation involved; and we have what many critics deem acts of grave
dishonor upon our record. [Footnote: For example, the recent abrogation
of our long-standing treaty with Russia, without her consent, which
has forfeited her friendship; or what seemed to many the violation
of our treaty-promise to England by Congress in its exemption, now
repealed, of American coastwise shipping from canal tolls. It would
be well to engrave over the entrance to the Capitol the Psalmist's
words: "He that sweareth to his own hurt and changeth not."] ways we
have needlessly offended and insulted other nations. The voter must
watch the conduct of parties and work to elect men who, refraining
from provoking other nations, will aim for peace.
(5) Practical steps in the direction of peace may be mentioned. Most
important are arbitration treaties. They must be made binding, and
made to apply to all matters; the loophole which permits a nation to
refuse to arbitrate a matter which it believes to involve its "honor"
practically invalidates the treaty altogether, as every matter in
dispute may be so construed. Alliances in which one country agrees
to help another if the latter has agreed to arbitrate a matter and
its enemy has refused, may be of great value. Treaties that guarantee
existing boundaries and bind a nation not to extend its territory are
useful, even if there is no adequate method as yet of enforcing such
guaranties. The question whether we shall increase or decrease our
army and navy is hotly disputed. The United States might well lead
the way in disarmament, since the oceans that separate us from Europe
and Asia are a better protection than forts or fleets, and no nation
has enough to gain by fighting us to make it worth the cost. With the
great European nations the case is different, and disarmament will
probably have to come by mutual agreement. The only valid reason for
an American army and navy lies in the power they give us to protect
our citizens abroad, or to protect our weaker neighbors against foreign
aggression. Perhaps until there is formed an international army and
navy, it will be necessary for the most civilized and pacific nations
to keep armed, since the less scrupulous nations would remain armed
and acquire the balance of power. But the contention that a great
armament is the best guaranty of peace is untrue, for two reasons:
it is an inevitable provocation to other nations to match it with other
great armaments; and the very existence of battleships and weapons
creates a temptation to use them. The professional soldier is always
eager to see active service, to prove his efficiency, have excitement,
win glory and advancement. As the Odyssey puts it, "The steel blade
itself often incites to deeds of violence."
(6) The ultimate solution for international difficulties must, of
course, be world organization. The beginnings of an international court
we have already, the outcome of the first two Hague Conferences, in
1899 and 1907. It must be given greater powers, and backed up by an
international executive, legislature, and police. Perhaps the police
will be the combined armies of the world put at the service of
international justice. This "parliament of nations, federation of the
world" is not a Utopian dream; it is hardly a greater step than that
by which savage tribes, or the thirteen States of North America, or
the South African and Australian States, became welded into nations.
It is to be remembered that the wager of battle was the original method
of settling private disputes; and even when trial by jury was authorized,
the older form of settlement persisted long-being legally abolished
in England only as late as 1819. Similarly, the peaceful settlement
of international disputes will doubtless before many generations become
so universal that it will be difficult for our grandchildren or great-
grandchildren to realize that as late as early in the twentieth century
the most civilized nations still had recourse to the old and barbarous
wager of battle.
H. Spencer, "Patriotism,", " Rebarbarization" (in Facts and Comments).
G. K. Chesterton, "Patriotism" (in The Defendant). G. Santayana, Reason
in Society, chap. VII. Outlook, vol. 92, p. 317; vol. 90, p. 534.
International Journal of Ethics, vol. 16, p. 472. The American
Association for International Conciliation (Sub-Station 84, New York
City) sends free literature on request. A bibliography of peace
literature will be found in their pamphlet No. 64. E. L. Godkin,
"Peace" (in Reflections and Comments). W. James, "Speech at the Peace
Banquet," and "The Moral Equivalent of War" (in Memories and Studies').
Jane Addams, Newer Ideals of Peace, chaps. I, VII; The Arbiter in
Council. J. Novicow, War and its Alleged Benefits. N. Angell, The Great
Illusion. W. J. Tucker, The New Movement of Humanity. V. L. Kellogg,
Beyond War, chap. I. D. S. Jordan, War and Waste. R. C. Morris,
International Arbitration and Procedure. International Journal of
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