parliament, has always been, and still continues, one of of the
greatest mysteries in the English constitution; and in some respects,
notwithstanding the accurate genius of that government, these privileges
are at present as undetermined as were formerly the prerogatives of
the crown. Such privileges as are founded on long precedent cannot be
controverted: but though it were certain, that former kings had not in
any instance taken notice of bills lying before the houses, (which yet
appears to have been very common,) it follows not, merely from their
never exerting such a power, that they had renounced it, or never were
possessed of it. Such privileges also as are essential to all free
assemblies which deliberate, they may be allowed to assume, whatever
precedents may prevail: but though the king's interposition, by an offer
or advice, does in some degree overawe or restrain liberty; it may
be doubted whether it imposes such evident violence as to entitle the
parliament, without any other authority or concession, to claim the
privilege of excluding it. But this was the favorable time for
extending privileges; and had none more exorbitant or unreasonable been
challenged, few bad consequences had followed. The establishment of this
rule, it is certain, contributes to the order and regularity, as well as
freedom, of parliamentary proceedings.
The interposition of peers in the election of commoners was likewise
about this time declared a breach of privilege, and continues ever
since to be condemned by votes of the commons, and universally practised
throughout the nation.
Every measure pursued by the commons, and, still more, every attempt
made by their partisans, were full of the most inveterate hatred against
the hierarchy, and showed a determined resolution of subverting the
whole ecclesiastical establishment. Besides numberless vexations and
persecutions which the clergy underwent from the arbitrary power of the
lower house, the peers, while the king was in Scotland, having passed an
order for the observance of the laws with regard to public worship, the
commons assumed such authority, that, by a vote alone of their house,
they suspended those laws, though enacted by the whole legislature: and
they particularly forbade bowing at the name of Jesus; a practice
which gave them the highest scandal, and which was one of their capital
objections against the established religion.[*] They complained of the
king's filling five vacant sees, and considered it as an insult upon
them, that he should complete and strengthen an order which they
intended soon entirely to abolish.[**] They had accused thirteen bishops
of high treason, for enacting canons without consent of parliament,[***]
though, from the foundation of the monarchy, no other method had ever
been practised: and they now insisted that the peers, upon this
general accusation, should sequester those bishops from their seats in
parliament, and commit them to prison.
* Rush. vol. v. p. 385, 386. Nalson, vol. ii. p. 482.
** Nalson, vol. ii. p 511.
*** Rush. vol. v. p. 359
Their bill for taking away the bishops' votes had last winter been
rejected by the peers: but they again introduced the same bill, though
no prorogation had intervened; and they endeavored, by some minute
alterations, to elude that rule of parliament which opposed them. And
when they sent up this bill to the lords, they made a demand, the most
absurd in the world, that the bishops, being all of them parties, should
be refused a vote with regard to that question.[*] After the resolution
was once formed by the commons, of invading the established government
of church and state, it could not be expected that their proceedings,
in such a violent attempt, would thenceforth be altogether regular
and equitable: but it must be confessed that, in their attack on the
hierarchy, they still more openly passed all bounds of moderation; as
supposing, no doubt, that the sacredness of the cause would sufficiently
atone for employing means the most irregular and unprecedented. This
principle, which prevails so much among zealots, never displayed itself
so openly as during the transactions of this whole period.
* Clarendon. vol. ii. p. 304.
But, notwithstanding these efforts of the commons, they could not expect
the concurrence of the upper house either to this law, or to any
other which they should introduce for the further limitation of royal
authority. The majority of the peers adhered to the king, and plainly
foresaw the depression of nobility, as a necessary consequence of
popular usurpations on the crown. The insolence, indeed, of the commons,
and their haughty treatment of the lords, had already risen to a great
height, and gave sufficient warning of their future attempts upon
that order. They muttered somewhat of their regret that they should be
obliged to save the kingdom alone, and that the house of peers would
have no part in the honor. Nay, they went so far as openly to tell the
lords, "That they themselves were the representative body of the whole
kingdom, and that the peers were nothing but individuals who held their
seats in a particular capacity; and therefore, if their lordships will
not consent to the passing of acts necessary for the preservation of
the people, the commons, together with such of the lords as are more
sensible of the danger, must join together, and represent the matter
to his majesty."[*] So violent was the democratical, enthusiastic spirit
diffused throughout the nation, that a total confusion of all rank and
order was justly to be apprehended; and the wonder was, not that the
majority of the nobles should seek shelter under the throne, but that
any of them should venture to desert it. But the tide of popularity
seized many, and carried them wide of the most established maxims of
civil policy. Among the opponents of the king are ranked the earl of
Northumberland, lord admiral, a man of the first family and fortune,
and endowed with that dignified pride which so well became his rank and
station: the earl of Essex, who inherited all his father's popularity,
and having from his early youth sought renown in arms, united to a
middling capacity that rigid inflexibility of honor which forms the
proper ornament of a nobleman and a soldier: Lord Kimbolton, soon after
earl of Manchester, a person distinguished by humanity, generosity,
affability, and every amiable virtue. These men, finding that their
credit ran high with the nation, ventured to encourage those popular
disorders, which, they vainly imagined, they possessed authority
sufficient to regulate and control.
In order to obtain a majority in the upper house, the commons had
recourse to the populace, who on other occasions had done them such
important service. Amidst the greatest security, they affected continual
fears of destruction to themselves and the nation, and seemed to quake
at every breath or rumor of danger. They again excited the people by
never-ceasing inquiries after conspiracies, by reports of insurrections,
by feigned intelligence of invasions from abroad, by discoveries of
dangerous combinations at home among Papists and their adherents. When
Charles dismissed the guard which they had ordered during his absence,
they complained; and upon his promising them a new guard, under the
command of the earl of Lindesey, they absolutely refused the offer, an
were well pleased to insinuate, by this instance of jealousy, that their
danger chiefly arose from the king himself.[**]
* Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 415.
** Journ. 30th Nov. 1641 Nalson, vol ii. y 688.
They ordered halberts to be brought into the hall where they assembled,
and thus armed themselves against those conspiracies with which, they
pretended, they were hourly threatened. As stories of plots, however
ridiculous, were willingly attended to, and were dispersed among the
multitude, to whose capacity they were well adapted. Beale, a tailor,
informed the commons that, walking in the fields, he had hearkened to
the discourse of certain persons unknown to him, and had heard them
talk of a most dangerous conspiracy. A hundred and eight ruffians, as
he learned, had been appointed to murder a hundred and eight lords
and commoners, and were promised rewards for these assassinations,
ten pounds for each lord, forty shillings for each commoner. Upon
this notable intelligence, orders were issued for seizing priests
and Jesuits, a conference was desired with the lords, and the deputy
lieutenants of some suspected counties were ordered to put the people in
a posture of defence.[*]
The pulpits likewise were called in aid, and resounded with the dangers
which threatened religion from the desperate attempts of Papists and
malignants. Multitudes flocked towards Westminster, and insulted the
prelates and such of the lords as adhered to the crown. The peers voted
a declaration against those tumults, and sent it to the lower house; but
these refused their concurrence.[**] Some seditious apprentices, being
seized and committed to prison, immediately received their liberty, by
an order of the commons.[***] The sheriffs and justices having appointed
constables with strong watches to guard the parliament, the commons sent
for the constables, and required them to discharge the watches, convened
the justices, voted their orders a breach of privilege, and sent one of
them to the Tower.[****]
* Nalson, vol. ii. p. 646. Journ. 16th Nov. 1641. Dugdale,
p. 79.
** Rush. part. iii. vol. i. p. 710.
*** Nalson, vol ii. p 784, 792.
**** Nalson, vol. ii. p. 792. Journ. 27th, 28th, and 29th of
Dec. 1641.
Encouraged by these intimations of their pleasure, the populace crowded
about Whitehall, and threw out insolent menaces against Charles himself.
Several seduced officers and young gentlemen of the inns of court,
during this time of disorder and danger, offered their service to the
king. Between them and the populace there passed frequent skirmishes,
which ended not without bloodshed. By way of reproach, these gentlemen
gave the rabble the appellation of Roundheads, on account of the short
cropped hair which they wore: these called the others Cavaliers. And
thus the nation, which was before sufficiently provided with religious
as well as civil causes of quarrel, was also supplied with party names,
under which the factions might rendezvous and signalize their mutual
hatred.[*]
Meanwhile the tumults still continued, and even increased about
Westminster and Whitehall. The cry incessantly resounded against
"bishops and rotten-hearted lords."[**] The former especially, being
distinguishable by their habit, and being the object of violent hatred
to all the sectaries, were exposed to the most dangerous insults.[***]
Williams, now created archbishop of York, having been abused by the
populace, hastily called a meeting of his brethren. By his advice, a
protestation was drawn and addressed to the king and the house of lords.
The bishops there set forth, that though they had an undoubted right
to sit and vote in parliament, yet in coming thither, they had been
menaced, assaulted, affronted, by the unruly multitude, and could no
longer with safety attend their duty in the house. For this reason they
protested against all laws, votes, and resolutions, as null and invalid,
which should pass during the time of their constrained absence. This
protestation, which, though just and legal, was certainly ill-timed,
was signed by twelve bishops, and communicated to the king, who hastily
approved of it. As soon as it was presented to the lords, that house
desired a conference with the commons, whom they informed of this
unexpected protestation. The opportunity was seized with joy and
triumph. An impeachment of high treason was immediately sent up against
the bishops, as endeavoring to subvert the fundamental laws, and to
invalidate the authority of the legislature.[****] They were, on the
first demand, sequestered from parliament, and committed to custody. No
man in either house ventured to speak a word in their vindication; so
much displeased was every one at the egregious imprudence of which they
had been guilty. One person alone said, that he did not believe them
guilty of high treason; but that they were stark mad, and therefore
desired they might be sent to bedlam.[v]
* Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 339.
** Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 336.
*** Dugdale, p. 78.
**** Whitlocke, p. 51. Rush. vol. v. p. 466. Nalson, vol.
ii. p, 794.
v Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 355.
{1642.} A few days after, the king was betrayed into another
indiscretion, much more fatal; an indiscretion to which all the ensuing
disorders and civil wars ought immediately and directly to be ascribed;
this was the impeachment of Lord Kimbolton and the five members.
When the commons employed in their remonstrance language so severe and
indecent, they had not been actuated entirely by insolence and passion;
their views were more solid and profound. They considered that in a
violent attempt, such as an invasion of the ancient constitution, the
more leisure was afforded the people to reflect, the less would they be
inclined to second that rash and dangerous enterprise: that the peers
would certainly refuse their concurrence; nor were there any hopes
of prevailing on them, but by instigating the populace to tumult and
disorder: that the employing of such odious means for so invidious an
end would, at long-run, lose them all their popularity, and turn* the
tide of favor to the contrary party; and that, if the king only remained
in tranquillity, and cautiously eluded the first violence of the tempest
he would in the end certainly prevail, and be able at least to preserve
the ancient laws and constitution. They were therefore resolved, if
possible, to excite him to some violent passion, in hopes that he would
commit indiscretions of which they might make advantage.
It was not long before they succeeded beyond their fondest wishes.
Charles was enraged to find that all his concessions but increased their
demands; that the people who were returning to a sense of duty towards
him, were again roused to sedition and tumults; that the blackest
calumnies were propagated against him, and even the Irish massacre
ascribed to his counsels and machinations; and that a method of address
was adopted not only unsuitable towards so great a prince, but which no
private gentleman could bear without resentment. When he considered all
these increasing acts of insolence in the commons, he was apt to ascribe
them in a great measure to his own indolence and facility. The queen and
the ladies of the court further stimulated his passion, and represented
that, if he exerted the vigor and displayed the majesty of a monarch,
the daring usurpations of his subjects would shrink before him. Lord
Digby, a man of fine parts but full of levity, and hurried on by
precipitate passions, suggested like counsels; and Charles, who, though
commonly moderate in his temper, was ever disposed to hasty resolutions,
gave way to the fatal importunity of his friends and servants.[*]
* Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 360.
Herbert, attorney-general, appeared in the house of peers and in his
majesty's name entered an accusation of high treason against Lord
Kimbolton and five commoners, Hollis, Sir Arthur Hazlerig, Hambden, Pym,
and Strode. The articles were, that they had traitorously endeavored to
subvert the fundamental laws and government of the kingdom, to deprive
the king of his regal power, and to impose on his subjects an arbitrary
and tyrannical authority: that they had endeavored, by many foul
aspersions on his majesty and his government, to alienate the affections
of his people, and make him odious to them: that they had attempted to
draw his late army to disobedience of his royal commands, and to
side with them in their traitorous designs: that they had invited and
encouraged a foreign power to invade the kingdom: that they had aimed
at subverting the rights and very being of parliament: that, in order
to complete their traitorous designs, they had endeavored, as far as
in them lay, by force and terror to compel the parliament to join with
them; and to that end had actually raised and countenanced tumults
against the king and parliament: and that they had traitorously
conspired to levy, and actually had levied war against the king.[*]
* Whitlocke, p. 50. Rush. vol. v. p. 473. Nalson, vol. ii.
p. 811. Franklyn, p. 906.
The whole world stood amazed at this important accusation, so suddenly
entered upon without concert, deliberation, or reflection. Some of these
articles of accusation, men said, to judge by appearance, seem to be
common between the impeached members and the parliament; nor did these
persons appear any further active in the enterprises of which they were
accused, than so far as they concurred with the majority in their votes
and speeches. Though proofs might perhaps be produced of their privately
inviting the Scots to invade England, how could such an attempt be
considered as treason, after the act of oblivion which had passed, and
after that both houses, with the king's concurrence, had voted that
nation three hundred thousand pounds for their brotherly assistance?
While, the house of peers are scarcely able to maintain their
independency, or to reject the bills sent them by the commons, will they
ever be permitted by the populace, supposing them inclined, to pass a
sentence which must totally subdue the lower house, and put an end to
their ambitious undertakings? These five members, at least Pym, Hambden
and Hollis, are the very heads of the popular party; and if these be
taken off, what fate must be expected by their followers, who are, many
of them, accomplices in the same treason? The punishment of leaders is
ever the last triumph over a broken and routed party; but surely was
never before attempted, in opposition to a faction, during the full tide
of its power and success.
But men had not leisure to wonder at the indiscretion of this measure:
their astonishment was excited by new attempts, still more precipitate
and imprudent. A serjeant at arms, in the king's name, demanded of the
house the five members: and was sent back without any positive answer.
Messengers were employed to search for them, and arrest them. Their
trunks, chambers, and studies were sealed and locked. The house voted
all these acts of violence to be breaches of privilege, and commanded
every one to defend the liberty of the members.[*] The king, irritated
by all this opposition, resolved next day to come in person to the
house, with an intention to demand, perhaps seize in their presence, the
persons whom he had accused.
This resolution was discovered to the countess of Carlisle, sister to
Northumberland, a lady of spirit, wit, and intrigue.[**] She privately
sent intelligence to the five members; and they had time to withdraw,
a moment before the king entered. He was accompanied by his ordinary
retinue, to the number of above two hundred, armed as usual, some with
halberts, some with walking swords. The king left them at the door, and
he himself advanced alone through the hall, while all the members rose
to receive him.
* Whitlocke, p. 50 Rush. vol. v. p. 474, 475.
** Whitlocke, p. 51. Warwick, p. 204.
The speaker withdrew from his chair, and the king took possession of it.
The speech which he made was as follows: "Gentlemen, I am sorry for this
occasion of coming to you. Yesterday I sent a serjeant at arms to
demand some who, by my order, were accused of high treason. Instead of
obedience, I received a message. I must here declare to you, that
though no king that ever was in England could be more careful of your
privileges than I shall be, yet in cases of treason no person has
privilege. Therefore am I come to tell you, that I must have these men
wheresoever I can find them. Well, since I see all the birds are flown,
I do expect that you will send them to me as soon as they return. But
I assure you, on the word of a king, I never did intend any force, but
shall proceed against them in a fair and legal way; for I never meant
any other. And now, since I see I cannot do what I came for, I think
this is no unfit occasion to repeat what I have said formerly, that
whatever I have done in favor and to the good of my subjects, I do
intend to maintain it."[*]
When the king was looking around for the accused members, he asked
the speaker, who stood below, whether any of these persons were in the
house. The speaker, falling on his knee, prudently replied, "I have,
sir, neither eyes to see nor tongue to speak in this place, but as the
house is pleased to direct me, whose servant I am. And I humbly ask
pardon, that I cannot give any other answer to what your majesty is
pleased to demand of me."[**]
The commons were in the utmost disorder; and when the king was
departing, some members cried aloud, so as he might hear them,
"Privilege! privilege!" And the house immediately adjourned till next
day.[***]
* Whitloeke, p. 50.
** Whitlocke, p. 50. May, book ii. p. 20.
*** Whitlocke, p. 51.
That evening the accused members, to show the greater apprehension,
removed into the city, which was their fortress. The citizens were the
whole night in arms. Some people, who were appointed for that purpose,
or perhaps actuated by their own terrors, ran from gate to gate, crying
out that the cavaliers were coming to burn the city, and that the king
himself was at their head.
Next morning, Charles sent to the mayor, and ordered him to call a
common council immediately. About ten o'clock, he himself, attended only
by three or four lords, went to Guildhall. He told the common council,
that he was sorry to hear of the apprehensions entertained of him; that
he was come to them without any guard, in order to show how much he
relied on their affections; and that he had accused certain men of high
treason, against whom he would proceed in a legal way, and therefore
presumed that they would not meet with protection in the city. After
many other gracious expressions, he told one of the sheriffs, who of the
two was thought the least inclined to his service, that he would dine
with him. He departed the hall without receiving the applause which he
expected. In passing through the streets, he heard the cry, "Privilege
of parliament! privilege of parliament!" resounding from all quarters.
One of the populace, more insolent than the rest drew nigh to his coach,
and called out with a loud voice, "To your tents, O Israel!" the words
employed by the mutinous Israelites when they abandoned Rehoboam, their
rash and ill-counselled sovereign,[*]
When the house of commons met, they affected the greatest dismay; and
adjourning themselves for some days, ordered a committee to sit in
Merchant Tailors Hall in the city. The committee made an exact inquiry
into all circumstances attending the king's entry into the house: every
passionate speech, every menacing gesture of any, even the meanest of
his attendants, was recorded and aggravated. An intention of offering
violence to the parliament, of seizing the accused members in the very
house, and of murdering all who should make resistance, was inferred.
And that unparalleled breach of privilege--so it was called--was still
ascribed to the counsel of Papists and their adherents. This expression,
which then recurred every moment in speeches and memorials, and which at
present is so apt to excite laughter in the reader, begat at that time
the deepest and most real consternation throughout the kingdom.
A letter was pretended to be intercepted, and was communicated to the
committee, who pretended to lay great stress upon it. One Catholic there
congratulates another on the accusation of the members; and represents
that incident as a branch of the same pious contrivance which had
excited the Irish insurrection, and by which the profane heretics would
soon be exterminated in England.[**]
* Rush. vol. v. p. 479. Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 301.
** Nalson, vol. ii. p. 836.
The house again met; and, after confirming the votes of their committee,
instantly adjourned, as if exposed to the most imminent perils from the
violence of their enemies. This practice they continued for some
time. When the people, by these affected panics, were wrought up to a
sufficient degree of rage and terror, it was thought proper that the
accused members should, with a triumphant and military procession, take
their seats in the house. The river was covered with boats and other
vessels, laden with small pieces of ordnance, and prepared for fight.
Skippon, whom the parliament had appointed, by their own authority,
major-general of the city militia,[*] conducted the members, at the head
of this tumultuary army, to Westminster Hall. And when the populace, by
land and by water, passed Whitehall, they still asked, with insulting
shouts, "What has become of the king and his cavaliers? And whither are
they fled?"[**]
* Nalson, vol. ii. p 833.
** Whitlocke. p. 52 Dugdale, p. 82. Clarendon, vol ii p.
380.
The king, apprehensive of danger from the enraged multitude, had retired
to Hampton Court, deserted by all the world, and overwhelmed with
grief, shame, and remorse, for the fatal measures into which he had
been hurried. His distressed situation he could no longer ascribe to the
rigors of destiny, or the malignity of enemies: his own precipitancy and
indiscretion must bear the blame of whatever disasters should henceforth
befall him. The most faithful of his adherents, between sorrow and
indignation, were confounded with reflections on what had happened,
and what was likely to follow. Seeing every prospect blasted, faction
triumphant, the discontented populace inflamed to a degree of fury,
they utterly despaired of success in a cause to whose ruin friends and
enemies seemed equally to conspire.
The prudence of the king, in his conduct of this affair, nobody
pretended to justify. The legality of his proceedings met with many and
just apologies, though generally offered to unwilling ears. No maxim of
law, it was said, is more established, or more universally allowed, than
that privilege of parliament extends not to treason, felony, or breach
of peace; nor has either house, during former ages, ever pretended, in
any of those cases, to interpose in behalf of its members. Though some
inconveniencies should result from the observance of this maxim, that
would not be sufficient, without other authority, to abolish a principle
established by uninterrupted precedent, and founded on the tacit consent
of the whole legislature. But what are the inconveniencies so much
dreaded? The king, on pretence of treason, may seize any members of the
opposite faction, and for a time gain to his partisans the majority of
voices. But if he seize only a few, will he not lose more friends by
such a gross artifice than he confines enemies? If he seize a great
number, is not this expedient force, open and barefaced? And what remedy
at all times against such force, but to oppose to it a force which is
superior? Even allowing that the king intended to employ violence,
not authority, for seizing the members; though at that time, and ever
afterwards, he positively asserted the contrary; yet will his conduct
admit of excuse. That the hall where the parliament assembles is an
inviolable sanctuary, was never yet pretended. And if the commons
complain of the affront offered them, by an attempt to arrest their
members in their very presence, the blame must lie entirely on
themselves! who had formerly refused compliance with the king's message,
when he peaceably demanded these members. The sovereign is the great
executor of the laws; and his presence was here legally employed, both
in order to prevent opposition, and to protect the house against those
insults which their disobedience had so well merited.
Charles knew to how little purpose he should urge these reasons against
the present fury of the commons. He proposed, therefore, by a message,
that they would agree upon a legal method by which he might carry on his
prosecution against the members, lest further misunderstandings happen
with regard to privilege. They desired him to lay the grounds of
accusation before the house; and pretended that they must first judge
whether it were proper to give up their members, to a legal trial.
The king then informed them, that he would waive, for the present, all
prosecution: by successive messages he afterwards offered a pardon to
the members; offered to concur in any law that should acquit or secure
them; offered any reparation to the house for the beach of privilege,
of which, he acknowledged, they had reason to complain.[*] They were
resolved to accept of no satisfaction, unless he would discover his
advisers in that illegal measure; a condition to which, they knew that,
without rendering himself forever vile and contemptible, he could
not possibly submit. Meanwhile, they continued to thunder against the
violation of parliamentary privileges, and by their violent outcries
to inflame the whole nation. The secret reason of their displeasure,
however obvious, they carefully concealed. In the king's accusation
of the members, they plainly saw his judgment of late parliamentary
proceedings; and every adherent of the ruling faction dreaded the same
fate, should royal authority be reëstablished in its ancient lustre. By
the most unhappy conduct, Charles, while he extremely augmented in his
opponents the will, had also increased the ability of hurting him.
* Dugdale, p. 84. Rush, vol v. p. 484, 488, 492, etc.
The more to excite the people, whose dispositions were already very
seditious, the expedient of petitioning was renewed. A petition from
the county of Buckingham was presented to the house by six thousand
subscribers, who promised to live and die in defence of the privileges
of parliament.[*] The city of London, the county of Essex, that of
Hertford, Surrey, Berks, imitated the example. A petition from the
apprentices was graciously received.[**] Nay, one was encouraged
from the porters, whose numbers amounted, as they said, to fifteen
thousand.[***] The address of that great body contained the same
articles with all the others; the privileges of parliament, the danger
of religion, the rebellion of Ireland, the decay of trade. The porters
further desired, that justice might be done upon offenders, as the
atrociousness of their crimes had deserved. And they added, "That
if such remedies were any longer suspended, they should be forced
to extremities not fit to be named, and make good the saying, that
'Necessity has no law.'"[****]
Another petition was presented by several poor people, or beggars, in
the name of many thousands more; in which the petitioners proposed as a
remedy for the public miseries "That those noble worthies of the house
of peers, who concur with the happy votes of the commons, may separate
themselves from the rest, and sit and vote as one entire body." The
commons gave thanks for this petition.[v]
* Rush. vol. v. p. 487.
** Rush. vol. v. p. 462.
*** Dugdale, p. 87.
**** Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 412.
v Clarendon, vol. li. p. 413.
The very women were seized with the same rage. A brewer's wife, followed
by many thousands of her sex, brought a petition to the house, in which
the petitioners expressed their terror of the Papists and prelates, and
their dread of like massacres, rapes, and outrages, with those which had
been committed upon their sex in Ireland. They had been necessitated,
they said, to imitate the example of the women of Tekoah: and they
claimed equal right with the men, of declaring by petition their sense
of the public cause; because Christ had purchased them at as dear a
rate, and in the free enjoyment of Christ consists equally the happiness
of both sexes. Pym came to the door of the house; and having told the
female zealots that their petition was thankfully accepted and was
presented in a seasonable time, he begged that their prayers for the
success of the commons might follow their petition. Such low arts of
popularity were affected, and by such illiberal cant were the unhappy
people incited to civil discord and convulsions.
In the mean time, not only all petitions which favored the church
or monarchy, from whatever hand they came, were discouraged, but the
petitioners were sent for, imprisoned, and prosecuted as delinquents;
and this unequal conduct was openly avowed and justified. Whoever desire
a change, it was said, must express their sentiments; for how otherwise
shall they be known? But those who favor the established government in
church or state, should not petition; because they already enjoy what
they wish for.[*]
The king had possessed a great party in the lower house, as appeared in
the vote for the remonstrance; and this party, had every new cause of
disgust been carefully avoided, would soon have become the majority,
from the odium attending the violent measures embraced by the popular
leaders. A great majority he always possessed in the house of peers,
even after the bishops were confined or chased away; and this majority
could not have been overcome but by outrages which, in the end, would
have drawn disgrace and ruin on those who incited them. By the present
fury of the people, as by an inundation, were all these obstacles swept
away, and every rampart of royal authority laid level with the ground.
The victory was pursued with impetuosity by the sagacious commons, who
knew the importance of a favorable moment in all popular commotions. The
terror of their authority they extended over the whole nation; and all
opposition, and even all blame vented in private conversation, were
treated as the most atrocious crimes by these severe inquisitors.
Scarcely was it permitted to find fault with the conduct of any
particular member, if he made a figure in the house; and reflections
thrown out on Pym were at this time treated as breaches of privilege.
The populace without doors were ready to execute, from the least hint,
the will of their leaders; nor was it safe for any member to approach
either house, who pretended to control or oppose the general torrent.
After so undisguised a manner was this violence conducted, that Hollis,
in a speech to the peers, desired to know the names of such members as
should vote contrary to the sentiments of the commons:[**] and Pym
said in the lower house, that the people must not be restrained in the
expressions of their just desires.[***]
* Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 449.
** King's Declaration of 12th of August, 1642
*** King's Declaration of 12th August, 1642.
By the flight, or terror, or despondency of the king's party, an
undisputed majority remained everywhere to their opponents; and the
bills sent up by the commons, which had hitherto stopped with the peers,
and would certainly have been rejected, now passed, and were presented
for the royal assent. These were, the pressing bill with its preamble,
and the bill against the votes of the bishops in parliament. The king's
authority was at that time reduced to the lowest ebb. The queen too,
being secretly threatened with an impeachment, and finding no resource
in her husband's protection, was preparing to retire into Holland.
The rage of the people was, on account of her religion, as well as her
spirit and activity, universally levelled against her. Usage the
most contumelious she had hitherto borne with silent indignation. The
commons, in their fury against priests, had seized her very confessor,
nor would they release him upon her repeated applications. Even a
visit of the prince to his mother had been openly complained of, and
remonstrances against it had been presented to her.[*] Apprehensive of
attacks still more violent, she was desirous of facilitating her
escape; and she prevailed with the king to pass these bills, in hopes of
appeasing for a time the rage of the multitude.[**]
These new concessions, however important, the king immediately found to
have no other effect than had all the preceding ones: they were made the
foundation of demands still more exorbitant. From the facility of his
disposition, from the weakness of his situation, the commons believed
that he could now refuse them nothing. And they regarded the least
moment of relaxation in their invasion of royal authority as highly
impolitic, during the uninterrupted torrent of their successes. The very
moment they were informed of these last acquisitions, they affronted the
queen by opening some intercepted letters written to her by Lord Digby:
they carried up an impeachment against Herbert, attorney-general, for
obeying his master's commands in accusing their members.[***] And they
prosecuted with fresh vigor their plan of the militia, on which they
rested all future hopes of an uncontrolled authority.
* Nalson, vol. ii. p. 512.
** Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 428.
*** Rush. vol. v. p. 489. Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 385.
The commons were sensible that monarchical government, which during so
many ages had been established in England, would soon regain some degree
of its former dignity, after the present tempest was overblown; nor
would all their new invented limitations be able totally to suppress an
authority to which the nation had ever been accustomed. The sword alone,
to which all human ordinances must submit, could guard their acquired
power, and fully insure to them personal safety against the rising
indignation of their sovereign. This point, therefore, became the chief
object of their aims. A large magazine of arms being placed in the
town of Hull, they despatched thither Sir John Hotham, a gentleman of
considerable fortune in the neighborhood, and of an ancient family, and
they gave him the authority of governor. They sent orders to Goring,
governor of Portsmouth, to obey no commands but such as he should
receive from the parliament. Not content with having obliged the king to
displace Lunsford, whom he had appointed governor of the Tower,[*] they
never ceased soliciting him till he had also displaced Sir John Biron,
a man of unexceptionable character, and had bestowed that command on Sir
John Conyers, in whom alone, they said, they could repose confidence.
After making a fruitless attempt, in which the peers refused their
concurrence, to give public warning, that the people should put
themselves in a posture of defence against the enterprises of "Papists
and other ill-affected persons,"[**] they now resolved, by a bold and
decisive stroke, to seize at once the whole power of the sword, and to
confer it entirely on their own creatures and adherents.
* Rush. voL v. p. 459.
** Nalson, vol. ii. p. 850.
The severe votes passed in the beginning of this parliament against
lieutenants and their deputies, for exercising powers assumed by all
their predecessors, had totally disarmed the crown, and had not left
in any magistrate military authority sufficient for the defence and
security of the nation. To remedy this inconvenience now appeared
necessary. A bill was introduced, and passed the two houses, which
restored to lieutenants and deputies the same powers of which the votes
of the commons had bereaved them; but at the same time the names of all
the lieutenants were inserted in the bill; and these consisted entirely
of men in whom the parliament could confide. And for their conduct they
were accountable, by the express terms of the bill, not to the king, but
to the parliament.
The policy pursued by the commons, and which had hitherto succeeded
to admiration, was, to astonish the king by the boldness of their
enterprises, to intermingle no sweetness with their severity, to employ
expressions no less violent than their pretensions, and to make him
sensible in what little estimation they held both his person and his
dignity. To a bill so destructive of royal authority, they prefixed,
with an insolence seemingly wanton, a preamble equally dishonorable to
the personal character of the king. These are the words: "Whereas there
has been of late a most dangerous and desperate design upon the house
of commons, which we have just cause to believe an effect of the bloody
counsels of Papists and other ill-affected persons who have already
raised a rebellion in the kingdom of Ireland. And whereas, by reason of
many discoveries, we cannot but fear they will proceed, not only to stir
up the like rebellions and insurrections in this kingdom of England, but
also to back them with forces from abroad," etc.[*]
Here Charles first ventured to put a stop to his concessions, and that
not by a refusal, but a delay. When this demand was made,--a demand,
which, if granted, the commons justly regarded as the last they should
ever have occasion to make,--he was at Dover, attending the queen and
the princess of Orange in their embarkation. He replied, that he had
not now leisure to consider a matter of so great importance, and
must therefore respite his answer till his return.[**] The parliament
instantly despatched another message to him, with solicitations still
more importunate. They expressed their great grief on account of his
majesty's answer to their just and necessary petition. They represented,
that any delay during dangers and distractions so great and pressing,
was not less unsatisfactory and destructive than an absolute denial.
They insisted, that it was their duty to see put in execution a measure
so necessary for public safety. And they affirmed, that the people in
many counties had applied to them for that purpose, and in some places
were, of themselves and by their own authority, providing against those
urgent dangers with which they were threatened.[***]
* Rush. vol. v. p. 519.
** Rush. vol. v. p. 521.
*** Rush, vol. v. p. 521.
Even after this insolence, the king durst not venture upon a flat
denial. Besides excepting to the preamble, which such dishonor upon him,
and protesting the innocence of his intentions when he entered the house
of commons, he only desired that the military authority, if it were
defective, should first be conferred upon the crown; and he promised to
bestow commissions, but such as should be revocable at pleasure, on the
same persons whom the parliament had named in the bill.[*] By a former
message, he had expressed his wishes that they would lay before him,
in one view, all the concessions which they deemed requisite for the
settlement of the nation. They pretended, that they were exposed to
perils so dreadful and imminent, that they had not leisure for such a
work.[**] The expedient proposed by the king seemed a sufficient remedy
during this emergence, and yet maintained the prerogatives of the crown
entire and unbroken.
But the intentions of the commons were wide of this purpose, and their
panics could be cured by one remedy alone. They instantly replied, that
the dangers and distempers of the nation were such as could endure no
longer delay; and unless the king speedily complied with their demands,
they should be constrained, for the safety of prince and people,
to dispose of the militia by the authority of both houses, and were
resolved to do it accordingly. They asserted, that those parts of the
kingdom which had, from their own authority, put themselves in a posture
of defence during these prevailing fears and jealousies, had acted
suitably to the declarations and directions of both houses, and
conformably to the laws of the kingdom. And while they thus menaced the
king with their power they invited him to fix his residence at London,
where they knew he would be entirely at mercy.[***]
* Rush. vol. v. p. 521.
** Rush. vol. v. p. 516, 517.
*** Rush, part iii. vol. i. chap. iv. p. 523.
"I am so much amazed at this message," said the king in his prompt
reply, "that I know not what to answer. You speak of jealousies and
fears. Lay your hands on your hearts, and ask yourselves whether I may
not likewise be disturbed with fears and jealousies, and if so, I assure
you that this message has nothing lessened them.
"As to the militia, I thought so much of it before I gave that answer,
and am so much assured that the answer is agreeable to what in justice
or reason you can ask, or I in honor grant, that I shall not alter it in
any point.
"For my residence near you, I wish it might be safe and honorable, and
that I had no cause to absent myself from Whitehall: ask yourselves
whether I have not.[*]
"What would you have? Have I violated your laws? Have I denied to pass
any bill for the ease and security of my subjects? I do not ask what you
have done for me.
"Have any of my people been transported with fears and apprehensions?
I offer as free and general a pardon as yourselves can devise. All this
considered, there is a judgment of Heaven upon this nation if these
distractions continue.
"God so deal with me and mine as all my thoughts and intentions are
upright for the maintenance of the true Protestant profession, and for
the observance and preservation of the laws; and I hope God will bless
and assist those laws for my preservation."[**]
No sooner did the commons despair of obtaining the king's consent
to their bill, than they instantly voted, that those who advised his
majesty's answer were enemies to the state, and mischievous projectors
against the safety of the nation; that this denial is of such dangerous
consequence, that, if his majesty persist in it, it will hazard the
peace and tranquillity of all his kingdoms, unless some speedy remedy be
applied by the wisdom and authority of both houses; and that such of
the subjects as have put themselves in a posture of defence against the
common danger, have done nothing but what is justifiable, and approved
by the house.[***]
Lest the people might be averse to the seconding of all these
usurpations, they were plied anew with rumors of danger, with the
terrors of invasion, with the dread of English and Irish Papists; and
the most unaccountable panics were spread throughout the nation. Lord
Digby having entered Kingston in a coach and six, attended by a few
livery servants, the intelligence was conveyed to London; and it was
immediately voted, that he had appeared in a hostile manner, to the
terror and affright of his majesty's subjects, and had levied war
against the king and kingdom.[****] Petitions from all quarters loudly
demanded of the parliament to put the nation in a posture of defence;
and the county of Stafford in particular expressed such dread of
an insurrection among the Papists, that every man, they said, was
constrained to stand upon his guard, not even daring to go to church
unarmed.[v]
* Rush. vol. v. p. 524.
** Rush. vol. v. p. 532.
*** Rush. part. iii. vol. i. chap. iv. p. 524.
**** Clarendon. Rush., part. iii. vol. i. chap, ii p. 495.
v Dugdale, p. 80.
That the same violence by which he had so long been oppressed might not
still reach him, and extort his consent to the militia bill, Charles
had resolved to remove farther from London; and accordingly, taking the
prince of Wales and the duke of York along with him, he arrived by slow
journeys at York, which he determined for some time to make the place of
his residence. The distant parts of the kingdom, being removed from that
furious vortex of new principles and opinions which had transported the
capital, still retained a sincere regard for the church and monarchy;
and the king here found marks of attachment beyond what he had before
expected.[*]
* Warwick, p. 203.
From all quarters of England, the prime nobility and gentry, either
personally or by messages and letters, expressed their duty towards him;
and exhorted him to save himself and them from that ignominious slavery
with which they were threatened. The small interval of time which had
passed since the fatal accusation of the members, had been sufficient
to open the eyes of many, and to recover them from the astonishment with
which at first they had been seized. One rash and passionate attempt
of the king's seemed but a small counterbalance to so many acts of
deliberate violence which had been offered to him and every branch of
the legislature; and, however sweet the sound of liberty, many
resolved to adhere to that moderate freedom transmitted them from their
ancestors, and now better secured by such important concessions, rather
than, by engaging in a giddy search after more independence, run a
manifest risk either of incurring a cruel subjection, or abandoning all
law and order.
Charles, finding himself supported by a considerable party in the
kingdom, began to speak in a firmer tone, and to retort the accusations
of the commons with a vigor which he had not before exerted.
Notwithstanding their remonstrances, and menaces, and insults, he
still persisted in refusing their bill; and they proceeded to frame an
ordinance, in which, by the authority of the two houses, without
the king's consent, they named lieutenants for all the counties, and
conferred on them the command of the whole military force, of all the
guards, garrisons, and forts of the kingdom. He issued proclamations
against this manifest usurpation; and, as he professed a resolution
strictly to observe the law himself, so was he determined, he said, to
oblige every other person to pay it a like obedience The name of the
king was so essential to all laws, and so familiar in all acts of
executive authority, that the parliament was afraid, had they totally
omitted it, that the innovation would be too sensible to the people. In
all commands, therefore, which they conferred, they bound the persons to
obey the orders of his majesty signified by both houses of parliament.
And inventing a distinction, hitherto unheard of, between the office and
the person of the king, those very forces which they employed against
him they levied in his name and by his authority.[*]
It is remarkable how much the topics of argument were now reversed
between the parties. The king, while he acknowledged his former error,
of employing a plea of necessity in order to infringe the laws and
constitution, warned the parliament not to imitate an example on which
they threw such violent blame; and the parliament, while they clothed
their personal fears or ambition under the appearance of national and
imminent danger, made unknowingly an apology for the most exceptionable
part of the king's conduct. That the liberties of the people were
no longer exposed to any peril from royal authority, so narrowly
circumscribed, so exactly defined, so much unsupported by revenue and by
military power, might be maintained upon very plausible topics: but that
the danger, allowing it to have any existence, was not of that kind,
great, urgent, inevitable, which dissolves all law and levels
all limitations, seems apparent from the simplest view of these
transactions. So obvious indeed was the king's present inability to
invade the constitution, that the fears and jealousies which operated on
the people, and pushed them so furiously to arms, were undoubtedly not
of a civil, but of a religious nature. The distempered imaginations
of men were agitated with a continual dread of Popery, with a horror
against prelacy, with an antipathy to ceremonies and the liturgy, and
with a violent affection for whatever was most opposite to these objects
of aversion. The fanatical spirit, let loose, confounded all regard
to ease, safety, interest; and dissolved every moral and civil
obligation.[**] [9]
* Rush. vol. v. p. 526.
** See note I, at the end of the volume.
Each party was now willing to throw on its antagonist the odium of
commencing a civil war; but both of them prepared for an event which
they deemed inevitable. To gain the people's favor and good opinion was
the chief point on both sides. Never was there a people less corrupted
by vice, and more actuated by principle, than the English during that
period: never were there individuals who possessed more capacity, more
courage, more public spirit, more disinterested zeal. The infusion of
one ingredient in too large a proportion had corrupted all these
noble principles, and converted them into the most virulent poison. To
determine his choice in the approaching contests, every man hearkened
with avidity to the reasons proposed on both sides. The war of the
pen preceded that of the sword, and daily sharpened the humors of the
opposite parties. Besides private adventurers without number, the
king and parliament themselves carried on the controversy by messages,
remonstrances, and declarations; where the nation was really the
party to whom all arguments were addressed. Charles had here a double
advantage. Not only his cause was more favorable, as supporting
the ancient government in church and state against the most illegal
pretensions; it was also defended with more art and eloquence. Lord
Falkland had accepted the office of secretary; a man who adorned the
purest virtue, with the richest gifts of nature, and the most valuable
acquisitions of learning. By him, assisted by the king himself, were the
memorials of the royal party chiefly composed. So sensible was Charles
of his superiority in this particular, that he took care to disperse
every where the papers of the parliament together with his own, that
the people might be the more enabled, by comparison, to form a judgment
between them: the parliament, while they distributed copies of their
own, were anxious to suppress all the king's compositions.[*]
To clear up the principles of the constitution, to mark the boundaries
of the powers intrusted by law to the several members, to show what
great improvements the whole political system had received from the
king's late concessions, to demonstrate his entire confidence in
his people, and his reliance on their affections, to point out
the ungrateful returns which had been made him, and the enormous
encroachments, insults, and indignities to which he had been exposed;
these were the topics which, with so much justness of reasoning and
propriety of expression, were insisted on in the king's declarations and
remonstrances.[**] [11]
* Rush. vol. v. p. 751.
** See note K, at the end of the volume.
Though these writings were of consequence, and tended much to reconcile
the nation to Charles, it was evident that they would not be decisive,
and that keener weapons must determine the controversy. To the
ordinance of the parliament concerning the militia, the king opposed
his commissions of array. The counties obeyed the one or the other,
according as they stood affected. And in many counties, where the people
were divided, mobbish combats and skirmishes ensued.[*] The parliament
on this occasion went so far as to vote, "That when the lords and
commons in parliament, which is the supreme court of judicature, shall
declare what the law of the land is, to have this not only questioned,
but contradicted, is a high breach of their privileges."[**] This was
a plain assuming of the whole legislative authority, and exerting it in
the most material article, the government of the militia. Upon the same
principles they pretended, by a verbal criticism on the tense of a
Latin verb, to ravish from the king his negative voice in the
legislature.[***]
The magazine of Hull contained the arms of all the forces levied against
the Scots; and Sir John Hotham, the governor, though he had accepted of
a commission from the parliament, was not thought to be much disaffected
to the church and monarchy. Charles therefore entertained hopes that
if he presented himself at Hull before the commencement of hostilities,
Hotham, overawed by his presence, would admit him with his retinue;
after which he might easily render himself master of the place. But the
governor was on his guard. He shut the gates, and refused to receive
the king, who desired leave to enter with twenty persons only. Charles
immediately proclaimed him traitor, and complained to the parliament of
his disobedience. The parliament avowed and justified the action.[****]
* May, book ii. p. 99.
** Rush. vol. v. p. 534.
*** The king, by his coronation oath, promises that he would
maintain the laws and customs which the people had chosen,
"quas vulgus elegerit:" the parliament pretended, that
elegerit meant shall choose; and, consequently, that the
king had no right to refuse any bills which should be
presented him. See Rush. vol. v. p. 580.
**** Whitlocke, p. 55. Rush. vol. v. p. 565 etc. May, book
ii p. 51.
The county of York levied a guard for the king of six hundred men;
for the kings of England had hitherto lived among their subjects like
fathers among their children, and had derived all their security from
the dignity of their character, and from the protection of the laws. The
two houses, though they had already levied a guard for themselves, had
attempted to seize all the military power, all the navy, and all the
forts of the kingdom, and had openly employed their authority in every
kind of warlike preparations, yet immediately voted, "That the king,
seduced by wicked counsel, intended to make war against his parliament,
who, in all their consultations and actions, had proposed no other
end but the care of his kingdoms, and the performance of all duty and
loyalty to his person; that this attempt was a breach of the trust
reposed in him by his people, contrary to his oath, and tending to a
dissolution of the government; and that whoever should assist him in
such a war, were traitors to the fundamental laws of the kingdom."[*]
The armies which had been everywhere raised on pretence of the service
in Ireland, were henceforth more openly enlisted by the parliament for
their own purposes, and the command of them was given to the earl
of Essex. In London, no less than four thousand men enlisted in one
day.[**] And the parliament voted a declaration, which they required
every member to subscribe, that they would live and die with their
general.
They issued orders for bringing in loans of money and plate, in order
to maintain forces which should defend the king and both houses of
parliament; for this style they still preserved. Within ten days, vast
quantities of plate were brought to their treasurers. Hardly were there
men enough to receive it, or room sufficient to stow it; and many with
regret were obliged to carry back their offerings, and wait till the
treasurers could find leisure to receive them; such zeal animated the
pious partisans of the parliament, especially in the city. The women
gave up all the plate and ornaments of their houses, and even their
silver thimbles and bodkins, "in order to support the good cause against
the malignants."[***]
* Whitlocke, p. 57. Rush. vol. v. p. 717. Dugdale, p. 93.
May, book 11. p. 54.
** Vicar's God in the Mount.
*** Whitlocke, p. 58. Dugdale, p. 96, 99.
Meanwhile the splendor of the nobility with which the king was environed
much eclipsed the appearance at Westminster. Lord Keeper Littleton,
after sending the great seal before him, had fled to York. Above forty
peers of the first rank attended the king,[*] whilst the house of lords
seldom consisted of more than sixteen members. Near the moiety, too, of
the lower house absented themselves from counsels which they deemed so
full of danger. The commons sent up an impeachment against nine peers,
for deserting their duty in parliament. Their own members, also, who
should return to them, they voted not to admit till satisfied concerning
the reason of their absence.
Charles made a declaration to the peers who attended him, that he
expected from them no obedience to any commands which were not warranted
by the laws of the land. The peers answered this declaration by a
protest, in which they declared their resolution to obey no commands
but such as were warranted by that authority.[**] By these deliberate
engagements, so worthy of an English prince and English nobility, they
meant to confound the furious and tumultuary resolutions taken by the
parliament.
* May, book ii. p. 59.
** Rush vol. v. p. 626, 627. May, book ii. p. 86. Warwick,
p. 210.
The queen, disposing of the crown jewels in Holland, had been enabled to
purchase a cargo of arms and ammunition. Part of these, after escaping
many perils, arrived safely to the king. His preparations were not near
so forward as those of the parliament. In order to remove all jealousy,
he had resolved that their usurpations and illegal pretensions should be
apparent to the whole world; and thought that to recover the confidence
of the people was a point much more material to his interest, than
the collecting of any magazines, stores, or armies which might breed
apprehensions of violent or illegal counsels. But the urgent necessity
of his situation no longer admitted of delay. He now prepared himself
for defence. With a spirit, activity, and address, which neither the one
party apprehended nor the other expected, he employed all the advantages
which remained to him, and roused up his adherents to arms. The
resources of this prince's genius increased in proportion to his
difficulties, and he never appeared greater than when plunged into the
deepest perils and distresses. From the mixed character, indeed, of
Charles, arose in part the misfortunes in which England was at this time
involved. His political errors, or rather weaknesses, had raised him
inveterate enemies: his eminent moral virtues had procured him zealous
partisans; and between the hatred of the one, and the affections of the
other, was the nation agitated with the most violent convulsions.
That the king might despair of all composition, the parliament sent him
the conditions on which they were willing to some to an agreement.
Their demands, contained in nineteen propositions, amounted to a total
abolition of monarchical authority. They required that no man should
remain in the council who was not agreeable to parliament; that no deed
of the king's should have validity unless it passed the council, and was
attested under their hand; that all the officers of state and principal
judges should be chosen with consent of parliament, and enjoy their
offices for life; that none of the royal family should marry without
consent of parliament or council; that the laws should be executed
against Catholics; that the votes of Popish lords should be excluded;
that the reformation of the liturgy and church government should, have
place according to advice of parliament; that the ordinance with regard
to the militia be submitted to; that the justice of parliament pass upon
all delinquents; that a general pardon be granted, with such exceptions
as should be advised by parliament that the forts and castles be
disposed of by consent of parliament; and that no peer be made but with
consent of both houses.[*]
"Should I grant these demands," said the king in reply, "I may be waited
on bareheaded; I may have my hand kissed; the title of majesty may be
continued to me; and 'the king's authority, signified by both houses,'
may still be the style of your commands; I may have swords and maces
carried before me, and please myself with the sight of a crown and
sceptre, (though even these twigs would not long flourish when the stock
upon which they grew was dead;) but as to true and real power, I should
remain but the outside, but the picture, but the sign of a king."[**]
War on any terms was esteemed, by the king and all the counsellors,
preferable to so ignominious a peace. Charles accordingly resolved to
support his authority by arms. "His towns," he said, "were taken from
him, his ships, his arms, his money; but there still remained to him
a good cause, and the hearts of his loyal subjects, which, with God's
blessing, he doubted not would recover all the rest." Collecting,
therefore, some forces, he advanced southwards; and at Nottingham he
erected his royal standard, the open signal of discord and civil war
throughout the kingdom.
* Rush. vol. v. p. 722. May, book ii. p. 54.
** Rush. vol. v, p. 728. Warwick, p, 189.