course for Jacobins and Bonapartists only--when I thrust _en
quarte_, to draw out the sword by an imperceptible movement of the
hand, _en tierce_, or _vice versâ_, according to circumstances; and
thus the blade turns in the wound--_and that kills_; for the lung is
injured, and mortification is sure to follow."
On returning to my hotel, where L---- also was staying, I met the
physician, who had just visited him. He gave up all hope. The
captain spoke truly, for the slight movement of the hand and the
turn of the blade had accomplished their aim, and the lung was
injured beyond the power of cure. The next morning early, L----
died. I went to the captain, who was returning home with the abbé.
"The abbé has just been to read a mass for him," he said; "it is a
benefit which, on such occasions, I am willing he should
enjoy--more, however, from friendship for him, than out of pity for
the accursed soul of a Jacobin, which in my eyes is worth less than
a dog's! But walk in, sir."
The picture, a wonderfully lovely maidenly face, with rich curls
falling around it, and in the costume of the last ten years of the
preceding century, was now unvailed. A good breakfast, like that of
yesterday, stood on the table. With a moistened eye, and, turning to
the portrait, he said: "Thérèse, to thy memory!" and emptied his
glass at a draught. Surprised and moved, I quitted the strange man.
On the stairs of the hotel I met the coffin, which was just being
carried up for L----; and I thought to myself: "Poor Clotilde! you
will not be able to weep over his grave."
Monthly Record of Current Events.
THE UNITED STATES.
Our last Monthly Record reported the proceedings of the Democratic
National Convention held at Baltimore on the 1st of June. On the
16th of the same month, the Whig National Convention met at the same
place, and was permanently organized by the election of Hon. John G.
Chapman, of Maryland, President, with thirty-one Vice-Presidents and
thirteen Secretaries. Two days were occupied in preliminary
business, part of which was the investigation of the right to
several contested seats from the States of Vermont and New York. On
the third day, a committee, consisting of one from each State,
selected by the delegation thereof, was appointed to report a series
of resolutions for the action of the Convention. The resolutions
were reported at the ensuing session, on the same day, by Hon.
George Ashmun, of Massachusetts. They set forth that the Government
of the United States is one of limited powers, all powers not
expressly granted, or necessarily implied by the Constitution, being
reserved to the States or the people;--that while struggling freedom
every where has the warmest sympathy of the Whig party, our true
mission as a Republic is not to propagate our opinions, or to impose
on other countries our form of government by artifice or force, but
to teach by our example, and to show by our success, moderation, and
justice, the blessings of self-government and the advantage of free
institutions;--that revenue ought to be raised by duties on imports
laid with a just discrimination, whereby suitable encouragement may
be afforded to American Industry;--that Congress has power to open
and repair harbors, and remove obstructions from navigable rivers,
whenever such improvements are necessary for the common defense and
for the protection and facility of commerce with foreign nations or
among the States;--that the Compromise acts, including the fugitive
slave law, are received and acquiesced in as a final settlement, in
principle and substance, of the dangerous and exciting questions
which they embrace; that the Whig party will maintain them, and
insist upon their strict enforcement until time and experience shall
demonstrate the necessity of further legislation, to guard against
their evasion or abuse, not impairing their present efficiency; and
that all further agitation of the questions thus settled is
deprecated as dangerous to our peace; and all efforts to continue or
renew that agitation, whenever, wherever, or however the attempt may
be made, will be discountenanced.--These resolutions, after some
discussion, were adopted by a vote of 227 yeas, and 66 nays.
Ballotings for a Presidential candidate were then commenced, and
continued until Monday, the fifth day of the session. There were 396
electoral votes represented in Convention, which made 149 (a
majority) essential to a choice. Upon the first ballot, President
Fillmore received 133, General Scott 131, and Daniel Webster 29
votes; and for fifty ballotings this was nearly the relative number
of votes received by each. On the fifty-third ballot, General Scott
receiving 159 votes, Mr. Fillmore 112, and Mr. Webster 21, the
former was declared to have been duly nominated, and that nomination
was made unanimous. Hon. WILLIAM A. GRAHAM, of North Carolina, was
then nominated on the second ballot for Vice-President; and
resolutions were adopted complimentary to Mr. Fillmore and Mr.
Webster; after which the Convention adjourned.
In reply to a communication from the President of the Convention,
apprising him of his nomination, General Scott has written a letter,
dated June 24th, declaring that he "accepts it with the resolutions
annexed." He adds, that if elected, he shall recommend or approve of
"such measures as shall secure an early settlement of the public
domain favorable to actual settlers, but consistent, nevertheless,
with a due regard to the equal rights of the whole American people
in that vast national inheritance;"--and also of an amendment to our
Naturalization laws, "giving to all foreigners the right of
citizenship who shall faithfully serve, in time of war, one year on
board of our public ships, or in our land-forces, regular or
volunteer, on their receiving an honorable discharge from the
service." He adds, that he should not tolerate any sedition,
disorder, faction, or resistance to the law or the Union on any
pretext, in any part of the land; and that his leading aim would be
"to advance the greatness and happiness of this Republic, and thus
to cherish and encourage the cause of constitutional liberty
throughout the world." Mr. Graham also accepted his nomination, with
a cordial approval of the declarations made in the resolutions
adopted by the Convention.----Since the adjournment of the
Convention, a letter from President Fillmore, addressed to that
body, has been published. It was intrusted to the care of Mr.
Babcock, the delegate in Convention from the Erie, N. Y., district,
in which Mr. Fillmore resides; and he was authorized to present it,
and withdraw Mr. Fillmore's name as a candidate whenever he should
think it proper to do so. In this letter, Mr. Fillmore refers to the
circumstances of embarrassment under which he entered upon the
duties of the Presidency, and says that he at once determined within
himself to decline a re-election, and to make that decision public.
From doing so, however, he was at that time, as well as
subsequently, dissuaded by the earnest remonstrances of friends. He
expresses the hope that the Convention may be able to unite in
nominating some one who, if elected, may be more successful in
retaining the confidence of the party than he has been;--he had
endeavored faithfully to discharge his duty to the country, and in
the consciousness of having acted from upright motives and according
to his best judgment, for the public good, he was quite willing to
have sacrificed himself for the sake of his country.
The death of HENRY CLAY has been the most marked event of the month.
He expired at Washington, on Tuesday, June 29, after a protracted
illness, and at the advanced age of 75 years. His decease was
announced in eloquent and appropriate terms in both branches of
Congress, and general demonstrations of regard for his memory and
regret at his loss took place throughout the country. His history is
already so familiar to the American public, that we add nothing here
to the notice given of him in another part of this Magazine. His
remains were taken to Lexington, Ky., for interment.
The proceedings of Congress since our last Record have not been of
special importance. In the Senate on the 28th of June a
communication was received from the President communicating part of
the correspondence had with the Austrian government concerning the
imprisonment of Mr. C. L. Brace. The principal document was a letter
from Prince Schwarzenberg, stating that Mr. Brace was found to have
been the bearer of important papers from Hungarian fugitives in
America to persons in Hungary very much suspected, and also to have
had in his possession inflammatory and treasonable pamphlets; and
that his imprisonment was therefore fully justified. A letter from
Mr. Webster to the American Chargé at Vienna, in regard to Chevalier
Hulsemann's complaints of the U. S. government, has been also
submitted to the Senate. Mr. W. says that notwithstanding his long
residence in this country Mr. Hulsemann seems to have yet to learn
that no foreign government, or its representative, can take just
offense at any thing which an officer of this government may say in
his private capacity; and that a Chargé d'Affairs can only hold
intercourse with this government through the Department of State.
Mr. W. declines to take any notice of the specific subjects of
complaint presented by Mr. H.----In the House of Representatives the
only important action taken has been the passage of a bill providing
for the donation to the several States, for purposes of education
and internal improvement, of large tracts of the public domain. Each
of the old States receives one hundred and fifty thousand acres for
each Senator and Representative in the present Congress: to the new
States the portions awarded are still larger. The bill was passed in
the House on the 26th of June by a vote of ayes 96, nays 86. The
bill was presented by Mr. Bennett of New York, and is regarded as
important, inasmuch as it secures to the old States a much larger
participation in the public lands than they have hitherto seemed
likely to obtain.
A National Agricultural Convention was held at Washington on the
24th of June, of which Marshall Wilder of Massachusetts was elected
President. It was decided to form a National Agricultural Society,
to hold yearly meetings at Washington.----The Supreme Court in New
York on the 11th of June pronounced a judgment, by a majority,
declaring the American Art-Union to be a lottery within the
prohibition of the Constitution of the State, and that it was
therefore illegal. An appeal has been taken by the Managers to the
Court of Appeals, where it has been argued, but no decision has yet
been given.----Madame Alboni, the celebrated contralto singer,
arrived in New York early in June and has given two successful
concerts.----Governor Kossuth delivered an address in New York on
the 21st of June upon the future of nations, insisting that it was
the duty of the United States to establish, what the world has not
yet seen, a national policy resting upon Christian principles as its
basis. He urged the cause of his country upon public attention, and
declared his mission to the United States to be closed. On the 23d
he delivered a farewell address to the German citizens of New York,
in which he spoke at length of the relations of Germany to the cause
of European freedom and of the duty of the German citizens of the
United States to exert an influence upon the American government
favorable to the protection of liberty throughout the world. It is
stated that his aggregate receipts of money in this country have
been somewhat less than one hundred thousand dollars.
In Texas, a company of dragoons, under Lieutenant Haven, has had a
skirmish with the Camanche Indians, from whom four captive children
and thirty-eight stolen horses were recovered. About the 1st of June
a family, consisting of a father, mother, and six children, while
encamped at La Mina, were attacked by a party of Camanches, and all
killed except the father and one daughter, who were severely
wounded, and two young children who were rescued. A few days
previous a party of five Californians were all killed by Mexicans
near San Fernando. On the evening of the 10th of May seven Americans
were attacked by a gang of about forty Mexicans and Indians, at a
lake called Campacuas, and five of them were killed. A good deal of
excitement prevailed in consequence of these repeated outrages, and
of the failure of the General Government to provide properly for the
protection of the parties.----Early in June, as the U. S. steamer
Camanche was ascending the Rio Bravo, five persons landed from her
and killed a cow, when the owner came forward and demanded payment.
This was refused with insults, and the marauders returned on board.
The steamer continued her voyage, and the pilot soon saw a party of
men approaching the bank, and fired upon them. They soon after
returned the fire, wounding two of the passengers, one being the
deputy-collector of the Custom-house of Rio Grande, and the other
his son.
From CALIFORNIA we have intelligence to the 1st of June.
There is no political news of interest. A party of seventy-four
Frenchmen left California last fall for Sonora in Mexico,
accompanied by one American, named Moore. Mr. M. had returned to San
Francisco with intelligence that the party had been favorably
received by the Mexican authorities, who had bestowed upon them a
grant of three leagues of land near Carcospa, at the head of the
Santa Cruz valley, on condition that they should cultivate it for
ten years without selling it, and should not permit any Americans to
settle among them. They had also received from the Mexican
government horses, farming utensils, provisions, and other
necessaries, with permission to have five hundred of their
countrymen join them. They were intending soon to begin working the
rich mines in that neighborhood. Mr. Moore had been compelled by
threats and force to leave them. On his way back he met at Guyamas a
party of twelve who had been driven back, while going to California,
by Indians. While on their way to Sonora, they had fallen in with a
settlement of seventy-five Frenchmen, who treated them with great
harshness, and would have killed them but for the protection of the
Mexican authorities. This hostility between the French and American
settlers in California is ascribed to difficulties which occurred in
the mines between them. The Mexicans, whose hatred of the Americans
in that part of the country seems to be steadily increasing, have
taken advantage of these dissensions, and encourage the French in
their hostility to the Americans.----Previous to its adjournment,
which took place on the 5th of May, the Legislature passed an act to
take the census of the State before the 1st of November.----The
feeling of hostility to the Chinese settlers in California seems to
be increasing. Public meetings had been held in various quarters,
urging their removal, and Committees of Correspondence had been
formed to concert measures for effecting this object. It appears
from official reports that the whole number of Chinamen who had
arrived at San Francisco, from February, 1848, to May, 1852, was
11,953, and that of these only 167 had returned or died. Of the
whole number arrived only seven were women.--Nine missionaries of
the Methodist Episcopal Church had recently arrived, intending to
labor in California and Oregon.--The intelligence from the mines
continued to be highly encouraging. The weather was favorable; the
deposits continued to yield abundantly, and labor was generally well
rewarded.
From the SANDWICH ISLANDS our intelligence is to the 18th of May.
The session of the Hawaiian Parliament was opened on the 13th of
April. The opening speech of the King sets forth that the foreign
relations of the island are of a friendly character, except so far
as regards France, from the government of which no response has been
received as yet to propositions on the part of Hawaii. He states
that the peace of his dominions has been threatened by an invasion
of private adventurers from California; but that an appeal to the
United States Commissioner, promptly acted upon by Captain Gardner,
of the U. S. ship Vandalia, tranquilized the public mind. He had
taken steps to organize a military force for the future defense of
the island. In the Upper House the draft of a new Constitution had
been reported, and was under discussion. In the other House steps
had been taken to contradict the report that the islands desired
annexation to the United States.
From NEW MEXICO we learn that Colonel Sumner had removed his
head-quarters to Santa Fé, in order to give more effective military
support to the government. Governor Calhoun had left the country for
a visit to Washington, and died on the way: the government was thus
virtually in the hands of Colonel Sumner. The Indians and Mexicans
continued to be troublesome.
From UTAH our advices are to May 1st. Brigham Young had been again
elected President. The receipts at the tithing office from November,
1848, to March, 1852, were $244,747, mostly in property; in loans,
&c., $145,513; the expenditures were $353,765--leaving a balance of
$36,495. Missionaries were appointed at the General Conference to
Italy, Calcutta, and England. Edward Hunter was ordained presiding
bishop of the whole church: sixty-seven priests were ordained. The
Report speaks of the church and settlements as being in a highly
flourishing condition.
MEXICO.
We have intelligence from Mexico to the 5th of June. Political
affairs seem to be in a confused and unpromising condition. Previous
to the adjournment of the present Congress the Cabinet addressed a
note to the Chamber of Deputies, asking them to take some decided
step whereby to rescue the government from the difficult position in
which it will be placed, without power or resources, and to save the
nation from the necessary consequences of such a crisis. It was
suggested that the government might be authorized to take, in
connection with committees to be appointed by the Chamber, the
resolutions necessary--such resolutions to be executed under the
responsibility of the Ministry. This note was referred to a
committee, which almost immediately reported that there was no
reason why this demand for extraordinary powers should be granted.
This report was adopted by a vote of 74 to 13. Congress adjourned on
the 21st of May. The President's Address referred to the critical
circumstances in which the country was placed when the Congress
first met, which made it to be feared that its mission would be only
the saddest duty reserved to man on earth, that of assisting at the
burial of his country. The flame of war still blazed upon their
frontier: negotiations designed to facilitate means of communication
which would make Mexico the centre of the commercial world, had
terminated in a manner to render possible a renewal of that war; and
the commercial crisis had reached a development which threatened the
domestic peace and the foreign alliances of the country. There was a
daily increase in the deficit; distrust prevailed between the
different departments; the country was fatigued by its convulsions
and disorders, and weakened by its dissensions; and it seemed
impossible to prolong the existence of the government. How the
country had been rescued from such perils it was not easy to say,
unless it were by the special aid and protection of Providence.
Guided by its convictions and sustained by its hope, the government
had employed all the means at its disposal, and would still endeavor
to draw all possible benefit from its resources, stopping only when
those resources should arrest its action. Fearing that this event
might speedily happen, a simplification of the powers of the
Legislature, during its vacation, had been proposed, instead of
leaving all to the exercise of a discretionary power by the
Executive. To this, however, the Legislature had not assented: and,
consequently, the government considering its responsibility
protected for the future, would spare no means or sacrifices to
fulfill its difficult and delicate mission. To this address the Vice
President of the Chamber replied, sketching the labors of the
session, and saying that the legislative donation of the
extraordinary powers demanded, could not have been granted without a
violation of the Constitution--a fact with which the Executive
should be deeply impressed. The means made use of up to the present
time would be sufficient, if applied with care. The Legislature
hoped, as much as it desired, that such would be the case. Great
anxiety was felt as to the nature of the measures which the
government would adopt: the general expectation seemed to be that
the President Arista would take the whole government into his own
hands, and the suggestion was received with a good deal of favor. It
was rumored that the aid of the United States had been sought for
such an attempt--to be given in the shape of six millions of
dollars, in return for abrogating that clause of the treaty which
requires them to protect the Mexican frontier from the Indians.
This, however, is mere conjecture as yet.----Serious difficulties
have arisen between the Mexican authorities and the American Consul,
Mr. F. W. Rice, at Acapulco. Mr. Rice sold the propeller Stockton,
for wages due to her hands: she was bid off by Mr. Snyder, the chief
engineer, at $3000 cash down, and $8500 within twenty-four hours
after the sale. He asked and obtained two delays in making the first
payment; and finally said he could not pay it until the next day.
Upon this Mr. Rice again advertised the vessel for sale, on his
account: she was sold to Capt. Triton, of Panama, for $4250. Mr.
Snyder then applied to the Mexican court, and the judge went on
board, broke the Consular seals, took possession of the vessel, and
advertised her again for sale. Mr. Rice proclaimed the sale illegal,
and protested against it, and, further, prevented Mr. Snyder
forcibly from tearing down his posted protest. At the day of sale no
bidders appeared. The Mexican authorities then arrested Mr. Rice,
and committed him to prison, where he remained at the latest dates.
Proper representations have of course been made to the U. S.
government, and the matter will doubtless receive proper
attention.----An encounter had taken place in Sonora, between a
party of 300 Indians and a detachment of regular Mexican troops and
National Guards. The latter were forced to retreat.----Gen. Mejia;
who acquired some distinction during the late war, died recently in
the city of Mexico, and Gen. Michelena, at Morelia.----The refusal
of Congress to admit foreign flour, free of duty, had created a good
deal of feeling in those districts where the want of it is most
severely felt. In Vera Cruz, a large public meeting was held, at
which it was determined to request the local authorities to send
for a supply of flour, without regard to the law.----The State of
Durango is in a melancholy condition: hunger, pestilence, and
continued incursions of the Indians, have rendered it nearly
desolate.----Four of the revolutionists under Caravajal, captured by
the Mexicans, were executed by Gen. Avalos, at Matamoras, in June:
two of them were Americans.
SOUTH AMERICA.
There is no intelligence of special interest from any of the South
American States. From _Buenos Ayres_, our dates are to the 15th of
May, when every thing was quiet, and political affairs were in a
promising condition. The new Legislature met on the 1st, and
resolutions had been introduced tendering public thanks to General
Urquiza for having delivered the country from tyranny. He had been
invested with complete control of the foreign relations, and the
affairs of peace and war. Don Lopez was elected Governor of the
province of Buenos Ayres on the 13th, receiving 33 of the 38 votes
in the Legislative Chamber. The choice gives universal satisfaction
to the friends of the new order of things. The Governors of all the
provinces were to meet at Santa Fé on the 29th, to determine upon
the form of a Central Government. General Urquiza was to meet them
in Convention there, and it is stated that he was to be accompanied
by Mr. Pendleton, the United States Chargé, whose aid had been
asked, especially in explaining in Convention the nature and working
of American institutions.----At _Rio Janeiro_ a dissolution of the
Cabinet was anticipated. Great dissatisfaction was felt at certain
treaties recently concluded with Montevideo, and at the
correspondence of Mr. Hudson, the late English Minister, upon the
Slave Trade, which had been lately published in London.----From
_Ecuador_ there is nothing new. Flores still remained at Puna, below
Guayaquil, with his forces.----In _Chili_ there was a slight attempt
at insurrection in the garrison at Trospunta, but it was soon put
down. Six persons implicated in previous revolts were executed at
Copiapo on the 22d of May.
GREAT BRITAIN.
Public attention in England has been to a very considerable extent
engrossed by the approaching elections. The Ministry maintain rigid
silence as to the policy they intend to pursue though it is of
course impossible to avoid incidental indications of their
sentiments and purposes. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr.
Disraeli, has issued an address to his constituents, which shows
even more distinctly than his financial _exposé_, of which we gave a
summary last month, that the cause of Protection is, in his
judgment, well-nigh obsolete. In that address he states that the
time has gone by when the injuries which the great producing
interests have sustained from the Free Trade policy of 1846, can be
alleviated or removed by a recurrence to laws which existed before
that time:--"The spirit of the age," he says, "tends to free
intercourse, and no statesman can disregard with impunity the genius
of the epoch in which he lives." It is, however, the intention of
the Ministry to recommend such measures as shall tend to relieve the
producer from the unequal competition he is now compelled to wage,
and the possibility of doing this by a revision and reduction of
taxation, seems to loom in the future. Still, the Chancellor urges,
nothing useful can be done in this direction, unless the Ministry is
sustained by a powerful majority in Parliament; and he accordingly
presses the importance of electing members of the Ministerial
party.----A declaration of at least equal importance was drawn from
the Premier, the Earl of Derby, in the House of Lords, on the 24th
of May, by Earl Granville, who incidentally quoted a remark ascribed
to Lord Derby that a recurrence to the duty on corn would be found
necessary for purposes of revenue and protection. Lord Derby rose to
correct him. He had not represented it as necessary, but only as
desirable,--and whether it should be done or not, depended entirely
on the elections. But he added, that in his opinion, from what he
had since heard and learned, there certainly would not be in favor
of the imposition of a duty on foreign corn, that extensive majority
in the country without which it would not be desirable to impose
it.----Lord John Russell has issued an address to his constituents,
for a re-election, rehearsing the policy of the government while it
was under his direction, sketching the proceedings of the new
Ministry, and declaring his purpose to contend that no duty should
be imposed on the import of corn, either for revenue or protection;
and that the commercial policy of the last ten years is not an evil
to be mitigated, but a good to be extended--not an unwise or
disastrous policy which ought to be reversed, altered, or modified,
but a just and beneficial system which should be supported,
strengthened, and upheld.----The course of the Earl of Malmesbury,
the Foreign Secretary, in regard to the case of Mr. Mather, an
English subject, who had been treated with gross indignities and
serious personal injuries by officers of the Tuscan government, has
excited a good deal of attention. He had first demanded compensation
from the government as a matter of right, and, after consulting Mr.
Mather's father, had named £5000 as the sum to be paid. It seems,
however, from the official documents since published, that he
accompanied this demand with an opinion that it was exorbitant, and
named £500 as a minimum. The negotiation ended by Mr. Scarlett, the
British agent at Florence, accepting £222 as a compensation and that
as a donation from the Tuscan government--waiving the principle of
its responsibility. The matter had been brought up in Parliament,
and the Earl had felt constrained to disavow wholly Mr. Scarlett's
action.----The current debates in Parliament have been devoid of
special interest. On the 8th of June, in reply to a strong speech
from Sir James Graham, Mr. Disraeli vindicated himself from the
charge of having brought the public business into an unsatisfactory
and disgraceful condition, and made a general statement of the bills
which the government thought it necessary to press upon the
attention of Parliament. On the 7th the Militia Bill was read a
third time and passed, by 220 votes to 184.----A bill was pressed
upon the House of Lords by the Earl of Malmesbury, proposing a
Convention with France for the mutual surrender of criminals, which
was found upon examination to give to the French government very
extraordinary powers over any of its subjects in England. The list
of crimes embraced was very greatly extended--and alleged offenders
were to be surrendered upon the mere proof of their identity. All
the leading Peers spoke very strongly of the objectionable features
of the measure, and it was sent to the committee for the purpose of
receiving the material alterations required.----Fergus O'Connor has
been consigned to a lunatic asylum--his insane eccentricities having
reached a point at which it was no longer considered safe to leave
him at liberty.----Professor McDougall has been elected to fill the
chair of Moral Philosophy in the University of Edinburgh, vacated by
the resignation of Professor Wilson.----The Irish Exhibition of
Industry was opened at Cork, with public ceremonies, in which the
Lord Lieutenant participated, on the 10th of June.----The General
Assembly of the Church of Scotland, and that of the Free Church both
commenced their sittings on the 20th of May.----The electric
telegraph has been carried across the Irish Channel, from Holyhead
to the Hill of Howth, a distance of sixty-five miles;--the mode of
accomplishing this result was by sinking a cable, as had previously
been done across the Straits of Dover.----The Queen has issued a
proclamation forbidding all Roman Catholic ceremonies, and all
appearance in Catholic vestments, except in Catholic churches or in
private houses.
FRANCE.
The month has not been marked by any event of special importance in
France. The government has continued in its usual course, though
indications are apparent of impending difficulties in the near
future. The number of prominent men who refuse to take the oath of
allegiance is daily increasing, and many who have hitherto filled
places in the councils of the Departments and of the Municipalities,
have resigned them to avoid the oath. General Bedeau has sent a tart
letter to the Minister of War, conveying his refusal; and a public
subscription has been set on foot, with success, in Paris, for the
relief of General Changarnier, who has been reduced to poverty by
his firm refusal to yield to the usurpation.----The President
continues relentlessly his restriction of the press, and has
involved himself in considerable embarrassment by the extent to
which he carries it. The organs of the Legitimist party in all the
great towns have received the warnings which empower the President,
as the next step, to suppress them entirely. The Paris _Débats_ has
lately received a warning for its silence upon political subjects.
But a very singular quarrel has arisen between the President and the
_Constitutionnel_, which has been from the beginning the least
scrupulous of all his defenders. That paper contained an article
intended to influence the Belgian elections then pending, and
distinctly menacing that country with a retaliatory tariff, if its
hostility to Louis Napoleon were not abandoned, or at least
modified. The effect of the publication of this article was such,
that the Belgian Minister demanded an explanation, and was assured
that the article did not meet the approbation of the Government.
This _quasi_ disavowal was published by the Belgian press, and in
reply M. Granier de Cassagnac, the writer of the article, declared
that he had not spoken in his own name, but at the direct instance
and with the full approval of the President. The Paris _Moniteur_
then contained an official announcement, disavowing M. de
Cassagnac's articles, and stating that "no organ can engage the
responsibility of the Government but the _Moniteur_." The
_Constitutionnel_ replied by a declaration signed by its owner, Dr.
Veron, that he still believed the original article to have been
sanctioned by the President. This brought down upon it an official
warning. Dr. Veron rejoined by expressing his regret, but adding
that the Cabinet had ordered several hundred copies of the paper
containing the articles disavowed; and this he considered _prima
facie_ evidence that they met with the approbation of the
Government. This brought upon the paper a second warning: the next
step, of course, is suppression.----The Paris Correspondents of
three of the London papers have been summoned to the department of
Police, and assured by the Director that they are hereafter to be
held personally responsible, not only for the contents of their own
letters, but for whatever the journals with which they are connected
may say, in leading articles or otherwise, concerning French
affairs. A strong effort was made by them to change this
determination, but without effect.----Girardin, in the _Presse_,
states that General Changarnier, in 1848, proposed to the
Provisional Government the military invasion of England. The General
himself has authorized the _Times_ to give the statement an explicit
contradiction.----M. Heckeren, who was sent by the French Government
to Vienna and Berlin, to ascertain more definitely the disposition
of the Northern Powers toward Louis Napoleon, had returned from his
mission, but its results had not been authoritatively made known.
The London _Times_ has, however, given what purports to be a
synopsis of the documents relating to it. From this it appears that
the allied sovereigns will connive at Louis Napoleon's usurpation of
sovereignty in France for life; but so long as one Bourbon exists
they can recognize no other person as _hereditary_ sovereign of that
country; and they hold themselves bound and justified by the
treaties of 1815 to oppose the establishment of a Bonapartist
dynasty. The three Great Northern Powers, it would seem, are
combining to resuscitate the principles of the Holy Alliance, and to
impose them upon the European system of States as the international
law, notwithstanding the events of the last two-and-twenty years
have rendered them practically obsolete.
From the other European countries there is little intelligence
worthy of record.----In BELGIUM the elections have resulted in the
increase of the liberal members of the Chamber. An editor,
prosecuted for having libeled Louis Napoleon, has been acquitted by
a jury.----In AUSTRIA a new law has been enacted imposing rigorous
restrictions upon the press.
Editor's Table.
The Moral Influences of the Stage is a subject which, although
earnestly discussed for centuries, still maintains all its
theoretical and practical importance. The weight of argument, we
think, has ever been with the assailants, and yet candor requires
the concession, that there have been, at times, thinking men,
serious men, may we not also say, Christian men, to be found among
the defenders of theatrical representations? On a fair statement of
the case, however, it will plainly appear, that these have ever been
the defenders of an imaginary, or hypothetical, instead of a really
existing stage.
Never--we think we may safely say it--never has any true friend of
religion and morality been found upholding the theatre as it
actually _is_, or _was_, at any particular period. Indeed, this may
also be said of its most partial advocates. Their warmest defense is
ever coupled with the admission, that, as at present managed, it
needs some thorough and decided reform to make it, in all respects,
what it ought to be. We do not think that we ever read any thing in
advocacy of the stage without some proviso of this kind. It never
_is_--it never _was_--what it ought to be, and might be. But then
the idea is ever held forth of some future reform. We are told, for
example, what the theatre might become, if, instead of being
condemned by the more moral and religious part of the community, it
received the support of their presence, and could have the benefit
of their regulation.
So plausible have these arguments appeared, that the experiment has
again and again been tried. Reforms have been attempted in the
characters of the plays, of the actors, and of the audiences. Good
men and good women have written expressly for the stage. Johnson and
Hannah Moore, and Young--to say nothing of Buchanan and
Addison--have contributed their services in these efforts at
expurgation, but all alike in vain. Some of these have afterward
confessed the hopelessness of the undertaking, and lamented that by
taking part in it they had given a seeming encouragement to what
they really meant to condemn. The expected reform has never
appeared. If, through great exertion, some improvement may have
manifested itself for a time, yet, sooner or later, the relapse
comes on. Nature--our human nature--will have its way. The evil
elements predominate; and the stage sinks again, until its visible
degradation once more arouses attention, and calls for some other
spasmodic effort, only to meet the same failure, and to furnish
another proof of some radical inherent vitiosity.
Good plays may, indeed, be acted; but they will not long continue to
call forth what are styled _good audiences_--the term having
reference to numbers and pecuniary avails, rather than to moral
worth. In fact, the theatre presents its most mischievous aspect
when it claims to be a school of morals. Its advocates may talk as
they will about "holding the mirror up to Nature, showing Virtue its
own feature, Vice its own image;" but it can only remind us that
there is a cant of the play-house as well as of the conventicle, and
that Shaftsbury and his sentimental followers can "whine" as well as
Whitfield and Beecher. The common sense of mankind pronounces it at
once the worst of all hypocrisies--the hypocrisy of false sentiment
ashamed of its real name and real character. As a proof of this, we
may say that the stage has never been known in any language by any
epithet denoting instruction, either moral or otherwise. It is the
_play-house_, or house of amusement--the _theatrum_, the place for
shows, for spectacles, for pleasurable emotions through the senses
and the excitements of the sensitive nature. There may have been
periods when moral or religious instruction of some kind could,
perhaps, have been claimed as one end of dramatic representations,
but that was before there was a higher stage, a higher _pulpitum_
divinely instituted for the moral tuition of mankind. Since that
time, the very profanity of the claim to be a "school of morals" has
only set in a stronger light the fact that, instead of elevating an
immoral community, the stage is itself ever drawn down by it into a
lower, and still lower degradation.
We will venture the position, that no open vice is so pernicious to
the soul as what may be called a false virtue; and this furnishes
the kind of morality to which the stage is driven when it would make
the fairest show of its moral pretensions. The virtues of the stage
are not Christian virtues. If they are not Christian, they are
anti-Christian; for on this ground there can be no _via media_, no
neutrality. Who would ever think of making the moral excellences
commended in the Sermon on the Mount, or in Paul's Epistles, the
subjects of theatrical instruction? How would humility, forgiveness,
poverty of spirit, meekness, temperance, long-suffering, charity,
appear in a stage hero? In what way may they be made to minister to
the exciting, the sentimental, the melodramatic? These virtues have,
indeed, an elevation to which no stage-heroism or theatrical
affectation ever attained; but such a rising ever implies a previous
descent into the vale of personal humility, a previous lowliness of
spirit altogether out of keeping with any dramatic or merely
æsthetic representation. The Christian moralities can come upon the
stage only in the shape of caricatures, or as the hypocritical
disguise through which some Joseph Surface is placed in most
disparaging contrast with the false virtues or splendid vices the
theatre-going public most admires.
It is equally true that the most tender emotions find no
fitting-place upon the stage. The deepest pathetic--the purest, the
most soul-healing--in other words, the pathetic of common life, can
not be _acted_ without revolting us. Hence, to fit it for the stage,
pity must be mingled with other ingredients of a more exciting or
spicy kind. It must be associated with the extravagance of love, or
stinging jealousy, or complaining madness, or some other less usual
semi-malevolent passion, which, while it adds to the theatrical
effect, actually deadens the more genial and deeper sympathies that
are demanded for the undramatic or ordinary sufferings of humanity.
We can not illustrate this thought better than by referring the
reader to that most touching story which is given in the July number
of our Magazine, and entitled, "The Mourner and the Comforter." How
rich the effect of such a tale when simply read, without any
external accompaniments!--how much richer, we might say, for the
very want of them! How its "rain of tears" mellows and fertilizes
the hard soil of the human heart! And yet how few and simple the
incidents! How undramatic the outward fictitious dress, through
which are represented emotions the most vitally real in human
nature! Like a strain of the richest, yet simplest music, in which
the accompaniment is just sufficient to call out the harmonious
relations of the melody, without marring by its artistic or dramatic
prominence the deep spiritual reality that dwells in the tones. We
appeal to every one who has read that touching narrative--how
utterly would it be spoiled by being _acted_! There might be some
theatrical effect given to the agitated scene upon the balcony, but
a vail would have to be drawn around the chamber of the mourner, and
the more than heroic friend who sits by her in the long watches of
the night. Such scenes, it may be said, are too common for the
stage--ay, and too holy for it, too. They are too pure for the
Kembles and Sinclairs ever to meddle with, and they know it, and
their audiences feel it. We decide instinctively that all _acting_
here would be more than out of place. The very thought of theatrical
representation would seem like a profanation of the purest and
holiest affections of our nature.
And so too of others, which, although not virtues have more of a
prudential or worldly aspect. The stage may sometimes tolerate a
temperance or an anti-gambling hero, but it is only to feed a
temporary public excitement, and the moment that excitement
manifests the first symptom of a relapse, this school of morals must
immediately follow, instead of directing the new public sentiment.
The wonder is, that any thinking man could ever expect it to be
otherwise. Every one knows that the tastes of the audience make the
law to the writer, the actor, and the manager. In this view of the
matter, we need only the application of a very few plain principles
and facts, to show how utterly hopeless must be the idea of the
moral improvement of any representation which can only be sustained
on the tenure of pleasing the largest audiences, without any regard
to the materials of which they are composed. The first of these is,
that the mass of mankind are not virtuous, they are not
intelligent--the second, that even the more virtuous portions are
worse in the midst of an applauding and condemning crowd than they
would be in other circumstances; and the third, that the evil
aspects of our humanity furnish the most exciting themes, or those
best adapted to theatrical representations.
But the world will become better--the world is becoming better, it
may be said--and why should not the stage share in the improvement?
If the world is becoming better, it is altogether through different
and higher means. If it is becoming better, it is by the influence
of truth and grace--through the Church--upon individual souls
brought to a right view, first of all, of the individual depravity,
and thus by individual accretion, contributing to the growth of a
better public sentiment. The spirit of theatrical representations is
directly the reverse of this. It operates upon men in crowds, not as
assembled in the same space merely, but through those feelings and
influences which belong to them solely or chiefly in masses.
Deriving its aliment from the most outward public sentiment, its
tendency is ever, instead of "holding the mirror up to Nature," in
any self-revealing light, to hide men from themselves. By absorbing
the soul in exciting representations, in which the most depraved can
take a sort of abstract or sentimental interest, it causes men to
mistake this feeling for true virtue and true philanthropy, when
they may be in the lowest hell of selfishness. It may become, in
this way, more demoralizing than a display of the most revolting
vices, because it buries the individual character beneath a mass of
sentiments and emotions in which a man or a woman may luxuriate
without one feeling of penitence for their own transgressions, or
one thought of dissatisfaction with their own wretchedly diseased
moral state.
The theatre might with far more truth and honesty be defended on the
ground of mere amusement. This is, doubtless, its most real object;
but there is an instinctive feeling in the human soul that it would
not do to trust its defense solely to such a plea. In the first
place, it may be charged with inordinate excess. Who dare justify
the spending night after night in such ceaseless pleasure-seeking?
And if there were not vast numbers who did this, our theatres could
never be supported. To say nothing here of religion, or a life to
come, the mere consideration of this world, and the poor suffering
humanity by which it is tenanted, would urgently forbid that much of
this life, or even a small portion of it, should be devoted to mere
amusement. Within a very few rods of every theatre in our city,
almost every species of misery to which man is subject is daily and
nightly experienced. How, in view of this, can any truly feeling
soul (and we mean by this a very different species of feeling from
that which is commonly generated in theatres) talk of amusing
himself? In the year 1832, during the severest prevalence of the
cholera, the theatres in New York were closed. We well remember the
impatience manifested at the event by those who claimed to represent
the theatre-going public, and with what exulting spirits they called
upon their patrons to improve the jubilee of their opening. We well
remember how freely the terms "bigot" and "sour religionist" were
applied to all who thought a further suppression of heartless
amusements was due, if only as a sorrowing tribute of respect to
suffering humanity. It was all the sheerest Pharisaism, they said,
thus to stand in the way of the innocent and rational amusements of
mankind; as though, forsooth, amusement was the great end of human
existence, and they who so impatiently claimed it actually needed
some relaxation from the arduous and unremitted exertions they had
been making for the relief of the sorrowing and toiling millions of
their race.
But if not for _amusement_, it might be said, then for _recreation_,
which is a very different thing. The former term is used when the
end aimed at is pleasure merely, without any reference to _the
good_, as a something higher and better than _pleasurable
sensations_, sought simply because they are pleasurable, and without
regard to the spiritual health. In its contemptible French etymology
we see the very soul of the word, so far as such a word may be said
to have any soul. It is _muser_, _s'amuser_, having truly nothing to
do with _music_ or the _Muses_, but signifying to _loiter_, to
_idle_, to _kill time_. We may well doubt whether this ever can be
innocent, even in the smallest degree. Certainly, to devote to it
any considerable portion of our existence, especially in view of
what has been and is now the condition of our race, must be not only
the most heartless, but in its consequences the most damning of
sins. It is in this sense that every true philanthropist, to say
nothing of the Christian, must utter his loud amen to the
denunciation of the heathen Seneca--_Nihil est tam damnosum bonis
moribus quam in spectaculis desidere, tunc enim per voluptatem
facilius vitia surrepunt._--"Nothing is so destructive to good
morals as mere amusement, or the indolent waste of time in public
spectacles; it is through such pleasure that all vices most readily
come creeping into the soul."
We would have our Editor's Table ever serious, ever earnest, and yet
in true harmony with all that innocent and cheerful and even
mirthful recreation, which is as necessary sometimes for the
spiritual as for the bodily health. We would avoid every appearance
of sermonizing, and yet we can not help quoting here an authority
higher than Seneca--_Vanis mundi pompis renuntio_.--"The vain pomp
of the world I renounce," is the language of the primitive form of
Christian baptism, still literally in use in one of our largest
Christian denominations, and expressed in substance by them all. Now
it can be clearly shown that this word, _pompæ_, was not used, as it
now often is, in a vague and general manner, but was employed with
special reference to public theatrical shows and representations. To
every baptized Christian, it seems to us, the argument must be
conclusive. If theatrical shows (_pompæ_) are not "the world," in
the New Testament sense, what possible earthly thing can be included
under this once most significant name? If they are not embraced in
"the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eye, and the pride of life,"
then not only has language no fixed meaning, but even ideas
themselves have wholly changed.
Recreation, as we have said, is something very different from
amusement. It is the _re-creating_ or renewing the overtasked mental
or bodily powers, by some relaxing and restoring exercise. It is
pleasurable, as all right things ever are; but here is the
all-important distinction--pleasure is not its _end_. The
accompanying enjoyment is only a laxative and recreative _means_ to
something higher and more ultimate, and more _real_ in human
existence; and it is only on this ground that it becomes either
rational or innocent. Amusement never can be either.
But those who need recreation in this sense will never seek it in
the theatre. The reason presents itself at once. Experience concurs
with the _a priori_ view, derived from the very nature of the thing,
in declaring that it can never be found there. The emotions called
out in the play-house are exciting--they are exhausting--they are
dissipating. In each of these aspects they are at war with the
legitimate idea of the recreative. They stimulate but do not
invigorate. All mere pleasure-seeking has in it an element of death.
It has its ground in a morbid feeling of want which is ever rendered
still more morbid by gratification. It is the same with that which
lies at the foundation of the appetite for stimulating drinks,
except that here it affects the whole spiritual system. In a word,
the truly recreative exercises of the soul, in which pleasure is a
means and not an end, are ever attended by a sense of freedom, and
this is the best characteristic by which they are to be
distinguished from others that assume the appearance and the name.
Whatever is healthful, either to body or soul, is never enslaving.
The counterfeit passion for enjoyment, on the other hand, is ever
binding the spirit to a deeper and still deeper bondage. From the
one, the mind returns with a healthier and heartier relish to the
more arduous and serious duties of life; the other at every
repetition renders such duties more and more the objects of an ever
growing distaste and aversion. The slightest observation of the
habitual frequenters of the theatre will determine to which class of
mental exercises the influence of its representations are to be
assigned.
But there is another thought connected with this. We find in such an
idea of the nature and end of theatrical representations the true
reason why actors and actresses never have been, and never can be
regarded as a reputable class in society. They may contribute ever
so much to our amusement, but no principle of gratitude, even if
there were any ground for so sacred a feeling, will ever bring the
very persons who use them as a means of enjoyment to recognize their
social equality. A favorite actor may now and then be toasted at a
public dinner. Grave men may sometimes manifest a public interest in
some actress who has furnished an exciting theme of newspaper
discussion, or judicial investigation. But let the higher tests be
demanded, and the instinctive feeling of our humanity manifests
itself at once. They never have been, they never will be admitted
freely to the more intimate social relations. The fashionable
frequenter of the theatre would not cordially give his daughter in
marriage to the most popular of actors; he would turn with aversion
from the thought that his son should choose for his bride the most
accomplished actress that ever called forth the rapturous plaudits
of a pleasure-maddened audience. We need not go far for the reason.
It may be partly found in the fact, or suspicion, of their generally
vicious lives. But of that, and the cause of it, in another place.
It is a different though related thought to which we would here give
prominence. With all that is pretended about the theatre being a
place of instruction, or recreation, there is an under-consciousness
that its great end is pleasurable emotion merely--in a word,
amusement. Along with this there is another suppressed consciousness
that such an end is not honorable to our humanity, and that those,
therefore, whose chief employment is to minister to it, can not be
regarded as having a high or even a reputable calling. This decision
may be called unjust, but we can not alter it, even though we fail
to discover the true ground in which it has its origin. The
distinctions exist in the very nature of things and ideas. No
theoretical fraternization can ever essentially change them.
There are three grades of employment whose respective rank must ever
be independent of all conventionalities. Two are reputable, though
differing in degree. The third is essentially dishonorable through
all its great variety of departments. The highest place is given,
and must ever be given, to those who live for the spirit's good, or
the health of the body as conducive to it--the second to those most
useful and reputable employments that have for their end the
material well-being, in itself considered. The region of dishonor
embraces all of every class whose aim is the [Greek: hêdhy] instead
of the [Greek: hagathhon], the _pleasurable_ instead of the _good_
or the truly _useful_, whether in respect to soul or body--all who
live to please, to gratify simply--to _amuse_ mankind--in other
words, to aid them in annihilating their precious earthly time, and
in turning away their thoughts from the great ends of their immortal
existence. The poorest mechanic, or day-laborer, who is toiling in
the lowest department of the _utile_ (or useful as we have defined
it) is of a higher rank, belongs to a more honorable class, than the
proudest play-actor that ever trod the boards of a theatre. Among
these "men and women of pleasure," there may be also numerous
varieties and degrees, from the female balancer on the tight rope to
the most fashionable danseuse; from the clown of the circus to the
Forrest or Macready of the aristocratic theatre; but the instinct of
the human consciousness recognizes in them all but one genus. They
all live to _amuse_, and such a life can not be honorable.
It may be said, perhaps, that this dishonor should attach to those
who are _amused_ as well as to the amusers. It might be so on the
score of abstract justice; but, in fact, from the very thought there
comes an additional load of obloquy upon the condemned caste. Mere
pleasure-seeking, mere amusement, is felt to be, in itself, a
degradation of the rational nature, and a semi-conscious sense of
this finds relief by casting it upon the instruments who are
supposed to receive pecuniary emolument in place of the unavoidable
dishonor. It may be thus seen that the disrepute of actors and
actresses is no accidental disadvantage, but has an unchangeable
reason in the laws of the human consciousness. From no other cause
could have come that universal reprobation of the scenic character,
to be found in the writings of the most enlightened heathen as well
as in those of the most zealous Christian Fathers. The opinions of
Plato and Socrates on this point are most express, and Augustine
only utters the sentiment of the Classical as well as the Christian
world when he says (De Civ. Dei, 2. 14), _Adores removent a
societate civitatis--ab honoribus omnibus repellunt ho mines
scenicos_--"They remove actors from civic society--from all honors
do they repel the men of the stage." The exceptions to this only
prove the rule. The fact that in a very few cases, like those of
Garrick and Mrs. Siddons, they have barely emerged from this load of
dishonor, only shows how universal and how deep is the opprobrium.
The stage can not be reformed. Our proof of this has, thus far, been
drawn mainly from historical experience. But such experience, like
every other legitimate induction, forces upon us the thought of some
underlying principle of evil, some inherent vitiosity which no
change of outward circumstances could be ever expected to eradicate.
In searching for this essential vice we need not indulge in any
affectation of profundity. It will be found, we think, lying nearer
the surface than is commonly imagined. Why is play-acting radically
vicious? Because, we answer, it is just what its name imports. It is
_acting_--_acting_ in the theatrical sense--acting a part--an
unreal part, in distinction from the stern verities which ever ought
to occupy this serious and earnest life of ours. We have alluded to
the heartlessness of the stage in view of the abounding sufferings
and sorrows of the world. It is a varied aspect of the same truth we
would here present. We have no right to waste upon mere amusement
the precious time that might be employed in the alleviation of so
much misery. We have no right to be _acting_, or to take delight in
seeing others _acting_, in a world where abounding insincerity,
falsehood, and disguise, are ever demanding truthfulness, and
earnestness, and reality, as the noblest and most valuable elements
in human character. Certainly there is a call upon us to avoid every
thing of even a seemingly contrary tendency, in whatever fair
disguise it may present itself, or under whatever fair name of art,
or æsthetics, or literature, it may claim our admiration. The
objection is not so much that the representation is fictitious in
itself, as its tendency to generate fictitious characters in the
actors and spectators. No sober thinking man can look round upon our
world without perceiving that its prevailing depravity is just that
which the theatre is most adapted to encourage. There is acting,
stage-acting, every where--in politics, in literature, and even in
religion. Men are playing State and playing Church. Artificialness
of character is pervading our "world of letters" to a most
demoralizing extent. We are every where living too much out of
ourselves--alternately the victims and creators of false public
sentiments under which the theatrical spirit of the times is burying
every thing real and truthful in human nature. Our morals are
theatrical; our public and social life is theatrical; our
revolutions and our sympathy with revolutions are theatrical; our
political conventions are theatrical; our philanthropy and our
reforms are theatrical.
But we can not at present dwell upon this view in its more general
aspects. In the more immediate effect upon actors and actresses
themselves we find the radical cause of the vicious lives which have
ever characterized them as a class. Men and women who act every
character will have no character of their own. The dangerous faculty
of assuming any passion, and any supposed moral state, must, in the
end, be inconsistent with that earnestness of feeling without which
there can be neither moral nor intellectual depth. We have neither
time nor space to dwell upon those evil effects of theatrical
representations which are best known and most generally admitted.
Whoever demands proof of them may be referred to the records of our
Criminal Courts. We would rather search for the root of the evil. It
is here in the most interior idea of the drama that we find the
virus fountain from which all its poison flows, and of which what
are called the incidental evils, are but the necessary ultimate
manifestations. It is not found simply in the personation of vicious
characters, whether in the shape of heroic crime or vulgar comedy.
The radical mischief is in the fact that the theatre is the great
storehouse and seminary of _false feeling_; and all false feeling,
without the exception even of the religious (in fact, the higher the
pretension the greater the evil), is so much spiritual poison. By
this we mean an emotion and a sentimentality having no ground in any
previous healthy moral state with which they may be organically
connected. No fact is more certain than that such a seeming virtue
may be called out in the worst of men, and that instead of truly
softening and meliorating, it invariably exerts a hardening
influence, rendering the affections less capable of being aroused
to the genuine duties and genuine benevolence of real life. It is
indeed a blessed and a blissful thing to have a feeling heart; but,
then, the feeling must be real; that is, as we have defined it,
flowing from within as the legitimate product of a true, moral
organism. Better be without all feeling than have that which is the
unnatural result of artificial stimulus. Better that the soul be an
arid desert than that it should be watered by such Stygian streams,
or luxuriate in the rank Upas of such a deadly verdure. There is
evidence in abundance that a man may melt under the influence of a
theatrical sentimentality, and yet go forth to the commission of the
worst of crimes; with a freedom, too, all the greater for the
fictitious virtue under which his true character has been so
completely concealed from his own eyes.
It might, at first, seem strange that this should be so. The
emotions of benevolence, of compassion, of patriotism, it might be
said, must be the same whatever calls them forth. But a true
analysis will show that there is not only a great but an essential
difference. In the one case feeling is the natural result of a sound
soul in direct communion with the realities of life. In the other it
is entirely artificial.--One has its ground in the reason and the
conscience; the other in the sensitive and imaginative nature. One
comes to us in the due course of things; the other we create for
ourselves. The one is ever recuperative, elevating while it humbles,
softening while it invigorates. It grows stronger and purer by
exercise. It never satiates, never exhausts, never reacts. The other
ever produces an exhaustion corresponding to the unnatural
excitement, and like every other artificial stimulus reduces the
spiritual nature to a lower state at every repetition. In short, to
use the expressive Scriptural comparisons, the one is a continual
pouring into broken cisterns; the other is like a well of _living
water_, springing up to everlasting life. Nothing is more alluringly
deceptive, and therefore more dangerous, than the cultivation of the
æsthetic nature, either to the exclusion of the moral, or by
cherishing a public sentiment that confounds them together. We
should be warned by the fact, of which history furnishes more than
one example, that a nation may be distinguished for artistic and
dramatic refinement, and yet present the most horrid contrast of
crime and cruelty. A similar view may be taken of an age noted for a
theoretical, or sentimental, or theatrical philanthropy. There is
great reason to fear that it will be followed, if not accompanied,
by one distinguished for great ferocity and recklessness of actual
human suffering.
But to return to our analogy. It might with equal justice be
maintained, in respect to the body, that physical _strength_ is the
same, whatever the cause by which it is produced. And yet we all
know that there is a most essential difference between that vigor of
nerve and muscle which is the result of the real and natural
exercise of the healthy organism, in the performance of its
legitimate functions, and that which comes from maddening artificial
stimulants. They may appear the same for the moment; and yet we know
that the one has an element of invigorating and _re-creating_ life;
the other has the seeds of death, and brings death into the human
microcosm with all its train of physical as well as spiritual woes.
And this suggests that idea in which we find the most interior
difference between true and false feeling. In the one the emotion is
sought for its own sake as an _end_. In the other it is the _means_
to a higher good. One seeks to save its life and loses it. The other
loses its life and finds it. The true benevolence is unconscious of
itself as an end, and through such unconsciousness attains to
substantial satisfaction. The spurious looks to nothing but the
luxury of its own emotion, and thus continually transmutes into
poison the very aliment on which it feeds. Like Milton's incestuous
monsters, so do the matricidal pleasures of artificial sentiment.
Into the womb
That bred them ever more return--
engendering, in the end, a fiercer want, and giving birth to a more
intolerable pain--
Hourly conceived
And hourly born with sorrow infinite.
There, too, we find the right notion of that word which would seem
so incapable of all strict definition--we mean the much-used and
much-abused term, _sentimentalism_. It differs from true feeling in
this, that it is a _feeling to feel_--or, for the sake of feeling--a
_feeling of one's own feelings_ (if we may use the strange
expression), instead of the woes and sufferings of others, which are
not strictly the _objects_, but only the _means_ of luxurious
excitement, to this introverted state of the affections. Hence,
while true benevolence ever goes forth in the freedom of its
unconsciousness, sentimentalism is ever most egotistical, ever
turning inward to gaze upon itself, and _feel itself_, and thus ever
more in the most rigorous and ignominious bondage.
The same position, had we time, might be taken in respect to what
may be styled false, or theatrical mirth. Even mirth, which, under
other circumstances, and when produced by other causes, might be an
innocent and healthful recreation, is here utterly spoiled, because
we know it to be all _acting_. It is all false; there is no reality
in it; there is no true merry heart there. To the right feeling,
there is even a thought of sadness in the spectacle, when we reflect
how often amid the wearisome repetition of what must be to him the
same stale buffoonery, the soul of the wretched actor may be
actually aching, and bitterly aching, beneath his comic mask.
Our argument might, perhaps, be charged with proving too much--with
invading the sacred domain of poetry--with condemning all works of
fiction and all reading, as well as acting, of plays. We would like
to dispose of these objections if we had time. In some respects, and
to a certain extent, their validity might be candidly admitted. In
others, we might make modifications and distinctions, drawing the
line, as we think we could, in accordance with the demands of right
reason, right faith, right taste, and right morals. But the limits
of our Editorial Table do not permit; and we, therefore, leave our
readers to draw this line for themselves, believing that, in so
doing, a sound moral sense, proceeding on the tests here laid down,
will easily distinguish all healthful and recreative reading
from those inherent evils that must ever belong to dramatic
representations.
Editor's Easy Chair.
"Ouf! ouf!"--The French have a funny way of writing a letter, as
well as of telling a story. For instance, our friend of the
_Courrier_, whose gossip we have time and again transmuted, with
some latitude of construction into our own noon-tide sentences,
commences one of his later epistles with the exclamation, "_Ouf!
ouf!_" "And this," says he, "is the best _resumé_ that I can give
you of the situation of Paris." It is a cry of distress, and of
lassitude, breaking out from the Parisian heart, over-burdened with
plenitude of pleasure; it is the re-action of the fêtes of May. How
many things in ten days! How much dust--cannon-smoke--fire--fury--Roman
candles--thunder--melodramas--and provincials! How much
theatre-going--dining out--spent francs--_demitasses_--and ennui!
It is no wonder that your true Parisian is troubled with the crowd
and uproar that the fêtes bring to Paris, and, above all, with the
uncouth hordes of banditti provincials. The New-Yorker or the
Philadelphian can look complacently upon the throngs that our
Eastern and Northern steamers disgorge upon the city, and upon the
thousand wagons of "Market-street;" for these, all of them, not only
bring their quota of money to his till, but they lend a voice and a
tread to the hurry and the noise in which, and by which, your
true-blooded American feels his fullest life.
But the Parisian--living by daily, methodic, quiet, uninterrupted
indulgence of his tastes and humors--looks harshly upon the stout
wool-growers and plethoric vineyard men, who elbow him out of the
choicest seats at the Theatre of the Palais Royal, and who break
down his appreciative chuckle at a stroke of wit, with their
immoderate guffaw. Then, the dresses of these provincials are a
perpetual eye-sore to his taste. Such coats! such hats! such canes!
The very sight of them makes misery for your habitual frequenter of
the _Maison d'or_, or of the _Café Anglais_.
Moreover, there is something in the very _insouciance_ of these
country-comers to Paris which provokes the citizen the more. What do
they care for their white bell-crowns of ten years ago? or what, for
marching and counter-marching the Boulevard, with a fat wife on one
arm, and a fat daughter on the other? What do they care for the
fashion of a dinner, as they call for a _bouillon_, followed with a
steak and onions, flanked by a melon, and wet with a deep bottle of
_Julienne premier_?
What do they care for any _mode_, or any proprieties of the Faubourg
St. Honoré, as they leer at the dancers of the _Bal Mabil_, or roar
once and again at the clown who figures at the _Estaminet-Café_ of
the Champs Elyssées?
In short, says our aggrieved friend, the letter-writer, they press
us, and torture us every where; they eat our bread, and drink our
wine, and tread on our toes, and crowd us from our seats, as if the
gay capital were made for them alone! Nor is the story unreal:
whoever has happened upon that mad French metropolis, in the days of
its _fête_ madness, can recall the long procession of burly and
gross provincials who swarm the streets and gardens, like the lice
in the Egypt of Pharaoh.
In the old kingly times, when fêtes were regal, and every
Frenchman gloated at the velvet panoply, worked over with golden
_fleurs-de-lis_, as they now gloat at the columns of their
Republican journals, their love for festal-days was well hit off in
an old comedy. The shopkeeper (in the play) says to his wife, "Take
care of the shop; I am going to see the king." And the wife
presently says to the chief clerk, "Take care of the shop; I am
going to see the king." And the clerk, so soon as the good woman is
fairly out of sight, says to the _garçon_, "Take care of the shop; I
am going to see the king." And the _garçon_ enjoins upon the dog to
"take care of the shop, as he is going to see the king." And the
dog, stealing his nose out at the door, leaves all in charge of the
parroquet, and goes to see the king!
The joke made a good laugh in those laughing days: nor is the
material for as good a joke wanting now. The prefect leaves business
with the sub-prefect, that he may go up to the Paris fête. The
sub-prefect leaves his care with some commissioner, that he may go
up to the Paris fête. And the commissioner, watching his chance,
steals away in his turn, and chalks upon the door of the prefecture,
"Gone to the fêtes of May."
All this, to be sure, is two months old, and belonged to that
festive season of the Paris year, which goes before the summer. Now,
if report speaks true, with provincials gone home, and the booths
along the Champs Elyssées struck, and the theatric stars escaped to
Belgium, or the Springs, the Parisian is himself again. He takes his
evening drive in the Bois de Boulogne; he fishes for invitations to
Meudon, or St. Cloud; he plots a descent upon Boulogne, or Aix la
Chapelle; he studies the summer fashions from his apartments on the
Boulevard de la Madeleine; he takes his river-bath by the bridge of
the Institute; he smokes his evening cigar under the trees by the
National Circus; and he speculates vaguely upon the imperial
prospects of his President, the Prince Louis.
Meantime, fresh English and Americans come thronging in by the
Northern road, and the Havre road, and the road from Strasbourg.
They cover every floor of every hotel and _maison garnie_ in the Rue
Rivoli. They buy up all the couriers and valets-de-place; they swarm
in the jewelry and the bronze shops of the Rue de la Paix; and they
call, in bad French, for every dish that graces the _carte du jour_
in the restaurants of the Palais Royal. They branch off toward the
Apennines and the Alps, in flocks; and, if report speak true, the
Americans will this year outnumber upon the mountains of Switzerland
both French and German travelers. Indeed, Geneva, and Zurich, and
Lucerne, are now discussed and brought into the map of tourists, as
thoughtlessly as, ten years since, they compared the charms of the
Blue Lick and the Sharon waters.
Look at it a moment: Ten days, under the Collins guidance, will land
a man in Liverpool. Three days more will give him a look at the
Tower, the Parks, Windsor Castle, Buckingham Palace, and Paternoster
Row; and on the fourth he may find himself swimming in a first-class
French car, on damask cushions, at forty miles the hour from
Boulogne to Paris. Five days in the capital will show him (specially
if he is free of service-money) the palaces of Versailles, the
Louvre, the park at St. Cloud, the church of Notre Dame, the
Madeleine, the Bourse, the Dead House, a score of balls, half as
many theatres, the pick of the shops, and the great Louis himself.
Three other summer days, allowing a ten hours' tramp over the
galleries and sombre grounds of Fontainebleau, will set him down, at
the door of "mine host" of the Hotel de l'Ecu, in the city of
Geneva, and he will brush the dews from his eyes in the morning,
within sight of the "blue, arrowy Rhone," and "placid Leman, and the
bald white peak of Mont Blanc." A Sunday in the Genevese church,
will rest his aching limbs, and give him hearing of such high
doctrine as comes from the lips of Merle d'Aubigné, and Monday will
drift him on _char-a-banc_ straight down through wooded
Sardinia--reading Coleridge's Hymn--into the marvelous valley of
Chamouny.
There, he may take breath before he goes up upon the Sea of Ice; and
afterward he may idle, on donkeys or his own stout feet, over such
mountain passes as will make Franconia memories tame, and boat it
upon the Lake of Lucerne; and dine at the White Swan of Frankfort,
and linger at Bingen, and drink Hock at Heidelberg; and chaffer with
Jean Maria Farina at Cologne, and measure the stairs of the belfry
at Antwerp, and toss in a cockle shell of a steamer across the
straits, and lay him down in his Collins berth one month from his
landing, a fresher and fuller man--with only six weeks cloven from
his summer, and a short "five hundred" lifted from his purse.
The very fancy of it all--so easy, and so quick-coming--makes our
blood beat in the office-chair, and tempts us strangely to fling
down the pen, and to book ourselves by the Arctic.
* * * * *
We happened the other day upon an old French picture of Washington,
which it may be worth while to render into passable English. It
comes from the writings of M. DE BROGLIE.
"I urged," he says, "M. de Rochambeau to present me, and the next
day was conducted by him to dine with the great general. He
received, most graciously, a letter from my father, and gave me a
pleasant welcome. The general is about forty-nine--tall, well-made,
and of elegant proportions. His face is much more agreeable than
generally represented: notwithstanding the fatigues of the last few
years, he seems still to possess all the agility and freshness of
youth.
"His expression is sweet and frank; his address rather cold, though
polished; his eye, somewhat pensive, is more observant than
flashing; and his look is full of dignified assurance. He guards
always a dignity of manner which forbids great familiarity, while it
seems to offend none. He seems modest, even to humility; yet he
accepts, kindly and graciously, the homage which is so freely
rendered him. His tone of voice is exceedingly low; and his
attention to what is addressed to him, so marked, as to make one
sure he has fully understood, though he should venture no reply.
Indeed this sort of circumspection is a noted trait of his
character.
"His courage is rather calm than brilliant, and shows itself rather
in the coolness of his decision, than in the vigor with which he
battles against odds.
"He usually dines in company with twenty or thirty of his officers;
his attention to them is most marked and courteous; and his dignity,
at table only, sometimes relapses into gayety. He lingers at dessert
for an hour or two, eating freely of nuts, and drinking wine with
his guests. I had the honor of interchanging several _toasts_ with
the general; among others, I proposed the health of the Marquis de
Lafayette. He accepted the sentiment with a very benevolent smile,
and was kind enough to offer, in turn, the health of my own family.
"I was particularly struck with the air of respect and of admiration
with which his officers uniformly treated General Washington."
M. de Broglie makes mention of the meeting of Washington and Gates,
after their unfortunate difference, and speaks in high praise of the
conduct of both. He furthermore suggests that the assignment of the
chief command of the army to General Greene was owing to a certain
feeling of jealousy which Washington entertained for the reputation
of Gates: a suggestion, which neither contemporaneous history, or
the relative merits of Greene and of Gates would confirm.
It is not a little singular how greedy we become to learn the most
trivial details of the private life of the men we admire. Who would
not welcome nowadays any _bona fide_ contemporaneous account of the
meals or dress of William Shakspeare, or of Francis Bacon? And what
a jewel of a spirit that would be, who would make some pleasant
letter-writer for the Tribune, the _medium_ of communicating to us
what colored coat Shakspeare wore when he wooed Ann Hathaway, and
how much wine he drank for the modeling of Jack Falstaff! Were there
no Boswells in those days, whose spirits might be coaxed into
communicative rappings about the king of the poets? We recommend the
matter, in all sincerity, to the Misses Media.
* * * * *
A French court-room is not unfrequently as "good as a play:" besides
which, the Paris reporters have a dainty way of working up the
infirmities of a weak wicked man into a most captivating story. They
dramatize, even to painting the grave nod of the judge; and will
work out a farce from a mere broken bargain about an ass!--as one
may see from this trial of Léonard Vidaillon.
Léonard Vidaillon, as brave a cooper as ever hammered a hoop, having
retired from business, bethought him of buying an equipage for his
family; but hesitated between the purchase of a pony or a donkey.
"A pony," said he, to himself, "is a graceful little beast, genteel,
_coquet_, and gives a man a 'certain air;' but on the other hand,
your pony is rather hard to keep, and costly to equip. The donkey
takes care of himself--eats every thing--wants no comb or brush;
but, unfortunately, is neither vivacious or elegant."
In the midst of this embarrassment, an old friend recommended to
him--a mule. With this idea flaming in his thought, Léonard ran over
all of Paris in search of a mule, and ended with finding, at the
stable of a worthy donkey-drover, a little mule of a year old--of
"fine complexion"--smaller than a horse--larger than a donkey--with
a lively eye--in short, such a charming little creature as bewitched
the cooper, and secured the sale.
The price was a hundred francs, it being agreed that the young mule
should have gratuitous nursing of its donkey-mother for three
months; at the expiration of which time our cooper should claim his
own.
The next scene opens in full court.
Léonard, the defendant, is explaining.
"Yes, your honor, I bought the mule, to be delivered at the end of
three months. At the end of three months I fell sick; I lay a-bed
twelve weeks; I drugged myself to death; I picked up on water-gruel;
I got on my legs; and the second day out I went after my little
mule."
DONKEY-MAN (being plaintiff).--The court will observe that three
months and twelve weeks make six months.
The Judge nods acquiescence.
LEONARD.--Agreed. They make six months. I went then after my little
mule, a delicate creature, not larger than a large ass, that I had
picked out expressly for my little wagon. I went, as I said, to see
my little mule. And what does the man show me? A great, yellow
jackass, high in the hips, with a big belly, that would be sure to
split the shafts of my carriage! I said to him, "M. Galoupeau, this
is not my little mule, and I sha'n't pay you."
GALOUPEAU (_plaintiff_).--And what did I say?
LEONARD.--You swore it was my mule.
GALOUPEAU.--I said better than that: I said I couldn't constrain the
nature of the beast, and hinder a little mule from growing large.
LEONARD.--But mine was a blond, and yours is yellow.
GALOUPEAU.--Simply another effect of nature! And I have seen a
little black ass foal turn white at three months old!
LEONARD.--Do you think I have filled casks so long, not to know that
red wine is red, and white wine, white.
GALOUPEAU.--I don't know. I don't understand the nature of wines;
but donkeys--yes.
JUDGE (_to the defendant_).--So you refuse to take the mule?
LEONARD.--I rather think so--a mule like a camel, and such a
ferocious character, that he came within an ace of taking my life!
JUDGE.--You will please to make good this point of the injuries
sustained.
LEONARD.--The thing is easy. This M. Galoupeau insisted that I
should take a look at his beast, and brought him out of the stable.
The animal made off like a mad thing, and came near killing all the
poultry. Then M. Galoupeau, who professes to know his habits,
followed him up to the bottom of the yard, spoke gently to him, and
after getting a hand upon his shoulder, called me up. As for myself,
I went up confidently. I came near the beast, and just as I was
about to reach out my hand for a gentle caress, the brute kicked me
in the stomach--such a kick!--Mon Dieu! but here, your Honor, is the
certificate--"twelve days a-bed; one hundred and fifty leeches." All
that for caressing the brute!
GALOUPEAU.--If you were instructed, M. Léonard, in the nature of
these beasts, you would understand that they never submit to any
flattery from behind; and you know very well that you approached him
by the tail.
Here two stable-boys were called to the stand, who testified that
Signor Léonard Vidaillon, late cooper, did approach their master's
jackass by the tail; and furthermore, that the mule (or jackass) was
ordinarily of a quiet and peaceable disposition. This being shown to
the satisfaction of the Court, and since it appeared that an
inexperience, arising out of ignorance of the nature of the beast,
had occasioned the injury to Signor Vidaillon, the case was decided
for the plaintiff. Poor Léonard was mulcted in the cost of the mule,
the costs of the suit, the cost of a hundred and fifty leeches, and
the cost of broader shafts to his family wagon.
We have entertained our reader with this report--first, to show how
parties to a French suit plead their own cause; and next, to show
how the French reporters render the cause into writing. The story is
headed in the French journal, like a farce--"A little mule will
grow."
* * * * *
As for the town, in these hot days of summer, it looks slumberous.
The hundreds who peopled the up-town walks with silks and plumes,
are gone to the beach of Newport, or the shady verandas of the
"United States." Even now, we will venture the guess, there are
scores of readers running over this page under the shadow of the
Saratoga colonnades, or in view of the broad valley of the Mohawk,
who parted from us last month in some cushioned _fauteuil_ of the
New York Avenues.
The down-town men wear an air of _ennui_, and slip uneasily through
the brick and mortar labyrinths of Maiden-lane and of John-street.
Brokers, even, long for their Sunday's recess--when they can steal
one breath of health and wideness at New Rochelle, or Rockaway.
Southerners, with nurses and children, begin to show themselves in
the neighborhood of the Union and Clarendon, and saunter through
our sunshine as if our sunshine were a bath of spring.
Fruits meantime are ripening in all our stalls; and it takes the
edge from the sultriness of the season to wander at sunrise, through
the golden and purple show of our Washington market. Most of all, to
such as are tied, by lawyer's tape or editorial pen, to the desks of
the city, does it bring a burst of country glow to taste the
firstlings of the country's growth, and to doat upon the garden
glories of the year--as upon so many testimonial clusters, brought
back from a land of Canaan.
And in this vein, we can not avoid noting and commending the
increasing love for flowers. Bouquets are marketable; they are
getting upon the stalls; they flank the lamb and the butter. Our
civilization is ripening into a sense of their uses and beauties.
They talk to us even now--(for a tenpenny bunch of roses is smiling
at us from our desk) of fields, fragrance, health, and wanton youth.
They take us back to the days when with urchin fingers we grappled
the butter-cup and the mountain daisy--days when we loitered by
violet banks, and loved to loiter--days when we loved the violets,
and loved to love; and they take us forward too--far forward to the
days that always seem coming, when flowers shall bless us again, and
be plucked again, and be loved again, and bloom around us, year
after year; and bloom over us, year after year!
* * * * *
The two great hinges of public chat are--just now--the rival
candidates, Generals Pierce and Scott; serving not only for the hot
hours of lunch under the arches of the Merchants' Exchange, but
toning the talk upon every up-bound steamer of the Hudson, and
giving their creak to the breezes of Cape May.
Poor Generals!--that a long and a worthy life should come to such
poor end as this. To be vilified in the journals, to be calumniated
with dinner-table abuse, or with worse flattery--to have their
religion, their morals, their courage, their temper, all brought to
the question;--to have their faces fly-specked in every hot shop of
a barber--to have their grandparents, and parents all served up in
their old clothes; to have their school-boy pranks ferreted out, and
every forgotten penny pitched into their eyes; to have their wine
measured by the glass, and their tears by the tumbler; to have their
names a bye-word, and their politics a reproach--this is the honor
we show to these most worthy candidates!
* * * * *
As a relief to the wearisome political chat, our city has just now
been blessed with Alboni; and it is not a little curious to observe
how those critics who were coy of running riot about Jenny Lind, are
lavishing their pent-up superlatives upon the new-comer. The odium
of praising nothing, it appears, they do not desire; and seize the
first opportunity to win a reputation for generosity. The truth is,
we suspect, that Alboni is a highly cultivated singer, with a voice
of southern sweetness, and with an air of most tempered
pleasantness; but she hardly brings the _prestige_ of that wide
benevolence, noble action, and _naïve_ courtesy, which made the
world welcome Jenny as a woman, before she had risked a note.
In comparing the two as artists, we shall not venture an opinion;
but we must confess to a strong liking for such specimen of
humanity, as makes its humanity shine through whatever art it
embraces. Such humanity sliding into song, slides through the song,
and makes the song an echo; such humanity reveling in painting,
makes the painting only a shadow on the wall. Every true artist
should be greater than his art; or else it is the art that makes
him great.
And while we are upon this matter of song, we take the liberty of
suggesting, in behalf of plain-spoken, and simple-minded people,
that musical criticism is nowadays arraying itself in a great
brocade of words, of which the fustian only is clear to common
readers. We can readily understand that the art of music, like other
arts, should have its technicalities of expression; but we can not
understand with what propriety those technicalities should be warped
into such notices, as are written professedly for popular
entertainment and instruction.
If, Messrs. Journalists, your musical critiques are intended solely
for the eye of connoisseurs, stick to your shady Italian; but if
they be intended for the enlightenment of such hungry outside
readers, as want to know, in plain English, how such or such a
concert went off, and in what peculiar way each artist excels, for
Heaven's sake, give us a taste again of old fashioned Saxon
expletive! He seems to us by far the greatest critic, who can carry
to the public mind the clearest and the most accurate idea of what
was sung, and of the way in which it was sung. It would seem,
however, that we are greatly mistaken; and that the palm of
excellence should lie with those, whose periods smack most
of the green-room, and cover up opinions with a profusion of
technicalities. We shall not linger here, however, lest we be
attacked in language we can not understand.
* * * * *
Among the novelties which have provoked their share of the boudoir
chit-chat, and which go to make our monthly digest of trifles
complete, may be reckoned the appearance of a company of trained
animals at the Astor Place Opera House. Their débût was modest and
maidenly; and could hardly have made an eddy in the talk, had not
the purveyors of that classic temple, entered an early protest
against the performance, as derogatory to the dignity of the place.
This difficulty, and the ensuing discussions, naturally led to a
comparison of the habits of the various animals, who are accustomed
to appear in that place, whether as spectators, or as actors. What
the judicial decision may have been respecting the matter, we are
not informed. Public opinion, however, seems to favor the conclusion
that the individuals composing the monkey troup would compare well,
even on the score of dignity, with very many habitués of the house;
and that the whole monkey tribe, being quite harmless and
inoffensive, should remain, as heretofore, the subjects of Christian
toleration, whether appearing on the bench (no offense to the
Judges) or the boards.
With this theatric note, to serve as a snapper to our long column of
gossip, we beg to yield place to that very coy lady--the Bride of
Landeck.
AN OLD GENTLEMAN'S LETTER.
"THE BRIDE OF LANDECK."
DEAR SIR--The small village of Landeck is situated in a very
beautiful spot near the river Inn, with a fine old castle to the
southeast, against the winds from which quarter it shelters the
greater part of the village--a not unnecessary screen; for easterly
winds in the Tyrol are very detestable. Indeed I know no country in
which they are any thing else, or where the old almanac lines are
not applicable--
"When the wind is in the east,
'Tis neither good for man or beast."
Some people, however, are peculiarly affected by the influence of
that wind; and they tell a story of Dr. Parr--for the truth of
which I will not vouch, but which probably has some foundation in
fact. When a young man, he is said to have had an attack of ague,
which made him dread the east wind as a pestilence. He had two
pupils at the time, gay lads, over whose conduct, as well as whose
studies, he exercised a very rigid superintendence. When they went
out to walk, Parr was almost sure to be with them, much to their
annoyance on many occasions. There were some exceptions, however;
and they remarked that these exceptions occurred when the wind was
easterly. Boys are very shrewd, and it did not escape the lads'
attention, that every day their tutor walked to the window, and
looked up at the weather-cock on the steeple of the little parish
church. Conferences were held between the young men; and a carpenter
consulted. A few days after, the wind was in the east, and the
Doctor suffered them to go out alone. The following day it was in
the east still. Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday,
Saturday, all easterly wind--if the weather-cock might be believed.
Sunday, Parr went to church, and shivered all day. The next week it
was just the same thing. Never was such a spell of easterly wind.
Parr was miserable. But at the end of some five weeks, a friend, and
man of the world, came to visit him, with the common salutation
of--"A fine day, Doctor!"
"No day is a fine day, sir, with an easterly wind," said Parr, with
his usual acerbity.
"Easterly wind?" said his visitor, walking toward the window; "I
don't think the wind is east--yes it is, indeed."
"Ay, sir, and has been for these six weeks," answered Parr, sharply.
"I could tell it by my own sensations, without looking at the
weather-cock."
"Why, Doctor," answered the other, "the wind was west yesterday:
that I know; and I thought it was west to-day."
"Then you thought like a fool, sir," answered Parr. "A man who can
not tell when the wind is in the east, has no right to think at all.
Let him look at the weather-cock."
"But the weather-cock may be rusty," answered the other; "and your
weather-cock must be rusty if it pointed to the east yesterday; for
it blew pretty smartly from the west all day."
"Do you think I am a fool, sir: do you think I am a liar?" asked
Parr, angrily.
"No; but you may be mistaken, Doctor," replied the other. "Even
Solomon, as you know, made a mistake sometimes; and you are mistaken
now; and the weather-cock too. Look at the clouds: they are coming
rapidly from the west. If you would take my advice, you would look
to our friend there on the top of the steeple."
"I will, sir--I will this moment," replied Parr; and ringing the
bell violently, he ordered his servant to take the village carpenter
and a bottle of oil, and have the weather-cock examined and greased.
He and his visitor watched the whole proceeding from the window--the
bringing forth of the ladders, the making them fast with ropes, the
perilous ascent, and then the long operations which seemed much more
complicated than the mere process of greasing the rusty
weather-cock. "What can the fools be about?" said Parr. In the end,
however, the deed, whatever it was, was done; and the servant and
the carpenter descended, and came toward the house. By this time the
weather-cock had whirled round, pointing directly to the west, and
the Doctor asked eagerly, as soon as the men appeared. "Well,
sir--well: what prevented the vane from turning?"
"A large nail, sir," answered the man.
"I will never trust a weather-cock again," cried Parr.
"Nor your own sensations either, Doctor," said his friend, "unless
you are very sure they are right ones; for if you pin them to a
weather-cock, there may be people who will find it for their
interest to pin the weather-cock to the post."
The two poor pupils from that day forward lost their advantage; but
they had six weeks of fun out of it, and, like the fishes in the
Arabian tale, "were content."
There is an old proverb, that "Fancy is as good for a fool as
physic," and I believe the saying might be carried further still;
for there is such a thing as corporeal disease, depending entirely
upon the mind; and that with very wise men too. The effect of mental
remedies we all know, even in very severe and merely muscular
diseases. Whether Doctor Parr was cured of his aguish sensations or
not, I can not tell; but I have known several instances of mental
remedies applied with success; to say nothing of having actually
seen the incident displayed by old Bunbury's caricature of a
rheumatic man enabled to jump over a high fence by the presence of a
mad bull. I will give you one instance of a complete, though
temporary cure, performed upon a young lady by what I can only
consider mental agency. One of the daughters of a Roman Catholic
family, named V----, a very beautiful and interesting girl, had
entirely lost the use of her limbs for nearly three years, and was
obliged to be fed and tended like a child. Her mind was acute and
clear, however, and as at that time the celebrated Prince Hohenloe
was performing, by his prayers, some cures which seemed miraculous,
her father entered into correspondence with him, to see if any thing
could be done for the daughter. The distance of some thousand miles
lay between the Prince and the patient; but he undertook to pray and
say mass for her on a certain day, and at a certain hour, and
directed that mass should also be celebrated in the city where she
resided, exactly at the same moment. As the longitude of the two
places was very different, a great deal of fuss was made to
ascertain the precise time. All this excited her imagination a good
deal, and at the hour appointed the whole family went to mass,
leaving her alone, and in bed. On their return they found Miss
V----, who for years had not been able to stir hand or foot, up,
dressed, and in the drawing-room. For the time, she was perfectly
cured; but I have been told that she gradually fell back into the
same state as before.
Mental medicine does not always succeed, however; and once, in my
own case, failed entirely. When traveling in Europe, in the year
1825, I was attacked with very severe quartan fever. I was drugged
immensely between the paroxysms, and the physician conspired with my
friends to persuade me I was quite cured. They went so far as,
without my knowing it, to put forward a striking-clock that was on
the mantle-piece, and when the hour struck, at which the fit usually
seized me, without any appearance of its return, they congratulated
me on my recovery, and actually left me. Nevertheless, at the real
hour, the fever seized me again, and shook me nearly to pieces.
Neither is it that mental medicine sometimes fails; but it sometimes
operates in a most unexpected and disastrous manner; especially when
applied to mental disease; and I am rather inclined to believe, that
corporeal malady may often be best treated by mental means; mental
malady by corporeal means.