Thus, as in the preceding year, the British had again drawn five _corps

d'armée_ of the eight in Spain upon them. Some of the troops from the

north were not re-equipped after their losses in the north of Portugal,

but the three corps had little short of 35,000 effectives. However

precipitate the retreat of Cuesta, it would have been eventually

necessary, for, although we could have checked on the 5th, 6th, and

7th, the successive arriving columns of the enemy from Naval Moral,

(allowing time for the very desirable transport of many more of our

wounded beyond Arzobispo), still our position would sooner or later

have become untenable.

It may be conjectured that few armies have witnessed such vicissitudes

as the French and English armies within the short period of eleven

months. The two armies had more than once advanced and retired in the

face of each other. Many of those we saw marching across the plain with

the sanguine hope of intercepting our retreat, had been driven from

Portugal and carried to France, had witnessed our embarkation from

Corunna, and had since been expelled from the Tras os Montes, and now

again were compelling us, by an immense superiority of numbers, again

to retrograde.

After leaving the Spaniards at Arzobispo, the two armies were totally

disunited, and little or no subsequent communication took place between

them. We had seen enough of both officers and men to despise and

distrust them, from their chief to the drummer, and to hope that we

might never again be in the same camp. They not only were incapable of

acting as a military auxiliary, but were wholly remiss in fulfilling

their promises, and instead of attempting to find us in provisions,

while plenty reigned in their camp, even our officers were destitute

of bread. While our troops were on one occasion four days without this

indispensable necessary, they had the shameless impudence to sell

loaves to our starving soldiers at an immoderate price. So pressing

were our wants, that one of our commissaries took from them by force

one hundred bullocks and one hundred mule loads of bread. But if

their conduct before us had been despicable, it no less at a distance

deserved reprehension. Vanegas, who was to have made a powerful

diversion from La Mancha on Toledo, completely failed, even to the

extent of alarming the enemy, who felt satisfied that 2,000 men in that

city were sufficient to keep in check his whole force, while the passes

along the Portuguese and Spanish frontier were gained almost without a

struggle.

But disasters quickly followed the Spaniards after our separation.

On the 6th they crossed to the left bank of the Tagus, and on the

following day Cuesta retired with his main force, leaving two divisions

of infantry, and the cavalry with the artillery in battery to defend

the bridge. The enemy showed themselves on the 6th on the opposite

bank, and increased in number on the 7th, but the interposition of the

river between them made the Spaniards consider themselves in perfect

safety. On the 8th, the French brought up the artillery, and opened a

fire on some redoubts constructed by the Spaniards, while they made

preparations for crossing the river. The Spanish cavalry, devoid of all

caution, were out in watering order, when 2,000 cavalry dashed into the

river, above the bridge, at a good ford, and attacked the redoubts in

the rear, at once enveloping the Spanish camp in confusion, dismay, and

rout. They fled, some in the direction of Messa de Ibor, others to the

southward, leaving their baggage and guns in the hands of the enemy.

Those who fled on the former road abandoned guns and ammunition-waggons

several leagues beyond the point of pursuit; and Colonel Waters, sent

from our head-quarters with a flag of truce, finding them thus safe,

persuaded the Spaniards, with difficulty, to return and bring back

their deserted guns.

This disgraceful affair was the climax of disasters to this army. It

could not assemble in a few days subsequently 18,000 men, and the Duke

of Albuquerque (against whose advice the Spanish cavalry had been left

unprepared), quitted it in disgust, sending in charges to the Cortes

against his commander. This was anticipated by Cuesta, who, on the

plea of his health, resigned on the 13th the command of the army. To

complete the sad picture presented by the Spaniards, Vanegas, without

answering any purpose, just so committed himself on the Toledo side,

that Sebastiani fell upon him at Almonacaio on the 10th, and routed him

with considerable loss.

Want of forage and provisions continued to an alarming degree in the

mountainous tract around Deleytosa and Almarez, and, still keeping the

advance at the latter place, rendered necessary the armies' moving

more to the westward. Head-quarters were on the 11th at Jarecejo, in

order to be nearer Truxillo, where a large depôt was forming. Sir

Arthur ordered, with justice, that the stoppage for the troops usually

of sixpence a-day for their provisions, should be only three-pence

from the 27th of July till further orders, in reference to their want

of regular supplies.[43] While the head-quarters were at this place,

the effects of want of food began to show themselves on the troops, by

sickness breaking out, though not at first to the alarming extent it

did a month after on the Guadiana.

But the road by Castel Branco to Lisbon was only covered by a small

force of four British regiments, which had been moving up under

General C. Craufurd, and it became necessary to place the army nearer

to Portugal, in a position to cover both banks of the Tagus, should

the enemy direct his march from Placentia. Although Craufurd was soon

joined by Marshal Beresford from the north, the army moved on the 20th

from Jarecejo to Truxillo, and gradually withdrew towards the frontier,

head-quarters passing through Majadas, Medellin, Merida, to Badajoz,

where Sir Arthur established himself on the 3rd of September with the

troops cantoned as follows:—

First Division at { Badajos, Arroyo, Lobone, Almendralejo,

{ Talavera la Real, and Santa Marta.

Second Division { Modtejo, La Mata, La Puebla de la

{ Calsada, Gorravilla, and Torre Major.

{ Campo Mayor.

Third Division {

{ Villa de Rey.

{ Olivenza.

Fourth Division {

{ Badajos.

In the mean time the enemy had not followed the defeated Spaniards,

but, fearful of leaving the north of Spain without troops, as early as

they had separated the two armies, and felt secure of the capital, the

three corps set out on their return, on the 9th, towards Salamanca.

Sir R. Wilson, whose advance to Escalona had not produced the supposed

effect on the French army, or at Madrid, in retiring from his exposed

situation, took post in the pass of Baños. This was the direct road for

the enemies returning columns, who, after a sharp affair on the 12th,

forced the position, and continued their route, leaving Sir Robert to

fall back on the frontier of Portugal.

Thus ended the campaign of 1809, which was not less brilliant than

interesting, and tended greatly to the ultimate deliverance of Spain

and Europe. Though no immediate results were produced from it, there

can be no doubt it saved Andalusia for a time, which province would

never have fallen into the enemy's power, had not the besotted

Spaniards sought opportunities for defeat, and committed themselves, as

at Ocana. In drawing the three corps from the north, it showed all that

part of Spain that the struggle was continued with firmness in other

quarters; and the very fact of relieving the country from the pressure

of the enemy, allowed breathing time, and proved their stay might not

be permanent.

The battle of the 27th and 28th July broke much the enemy's confidence

when opposed to us; and their repulse not only gave spirits to the

Spaniards, but opened the eyes of Europe to the possibility of

defeating the French; for it may be fearlessly advanced, that the

_morale_ of the European armies was restored by this and our succeeding

campaigns in Spain.

[Footnote 25: This was not greatly exaggerated, if the artillery,

the regular Foreign Regiments in the French service, and those of

the various countries of Europe, at Buonaparte's disposal, are

included.—'Sous le titre modeste de protecteur, Napoléon envahit

l'argent et les soldats d'une moitié de l'Allemagne,' says Foy,

speaking of the Confederation of the Rhine; and besides, he had the

armies of Italy, Naples, Holland, and the Grand Duchy of Varsovie at

his command.]

[Footnote 26: Cependant, parce que les Anglais s'étaient embarqués à

la Corogne, Napoléon se complut dans l'idée qu'ils ne reparaitraient

point sur le continent, et que les Portugais, perdant tout espoir

d'en être secourus, recevraient les Français en amis.—Telle était

son aveugle confiance, que les mouvemens de l'armée étaient tracés

par dates.—_Mémoires sur les Opérations Militaires des Français en

Gallice, en Portugal, et dans la Vallée du Tage, en 1809._]

[Footnote 27: At Corunna a soldier's wife, taken in the retreat, was

sent in by Junot. She brought his compliments to the general officers

he had known the preceding year, and a message that he and his corps

were opposite them, ready to "_pay off old scores_."]

[Footnote 28: This is the present Marquis de Chaves, who headed the

insurrection in 1827, against the Constitution.]

[Footnote 29: The author was himself on board.—Ed.]

[Footnote 30: The French called the British force with which we

advanced against Oporto, 30,000 men.]

[Footnote 31: Franceschi was an old opponent of Gen. Stewart, the

Adjutant-General having commanded the brigade, of which a portion

had been surprised at Rueda in Leon, a few months before, during the

Corunna campaign.]

[Footnote 32: In the French account of this campaign, published at

Paris 1821, the Author represents _le 47^e de ligne_, when covering

this retreat, as "se conduisant valeureusement."]

[Footnote 33: The Author of the "Voyage en Espagne et Lettres

Philosophiques," says at this time, "Les Espagnols ne pouvaient plus

rien par eux-mêmes: ils n'avaient à opposer que des partis mal armés,

mal équipés, mal aguerris, et plus mal commandés encore."]

[Footnote 34: In the Author's original copy of his Journal, written a

few days after, he finds the conduct of the Spaniards on this occasion

thus noticed:—"and it is my belief they would have continued till

_now_, if we had not aided them."]

[Footnote 35: It is needless to say, this alludes to Foy's Introduction

to the War of the Peninsula.]

[Footnote 36: We were occupied after this attack in carrying away our

wounded in blankets, by four or five soldiers, and within a short time

the number of unfortunate men assembled round our field hospital, a

small house and enclosure behind our centre, barely out of cannon shot,

proved our heavy loss.]

[Footnote 37: It is remarkable how the accounts differ respecting the

hour of attack. Sir Arthur says about twelve, another relater mentions

two, and Jourdan, in his interesting letter, places it as late as four

o'clock.]

[Footnote 38: Nous pûmes remarquer à l'occasion de ces deux

affaires, le peu de cas que les Espagnols faisaient des Anglais;

ils ne les surent aucun gré des efforts qu'ils firent à Talavera,

et croyaient faire éloge de leur armée en disant qu'elle n'avait

essuyé presqu'aucune perte. Les Anglais de leur côté les méprisent

souverainement, et sont honteux de les avoir pour Alliés.—_M.S.

Journal of a French Officer taken at Badajoz._]

[Footnote 39: It was said 17,000 were found.]

[Footnote 40: A noble Peer, on the vote of thanks to the army,

afterwards remarked, that the capture of these guns was no proof of a

victory, as, he sagaciously observed, it might have been _convenient_

for the enemy to leave them on the field of battle.]

[Footnote 41: "Les Espagnols seuls restaient paisibles spectateurs du

combat," says a French author.]

[Footnote 42: We had the satisfaction of hearing after, that Victor, on

entering Talavera, behaved with the greatest attention and kindness to

those who, by the chance of war, had thus been left to his mercy and

care.]

[Footnote 43: It was not till the 12th of August that rations of

spirits were delivered to the troops, and only on the 2nd September,

that the regular delivery of provision, allowed the stoppage of

sixpence per day.]

NARRATIVE

OF THE

CAMPAIGN IN HOLLAND

IN 1814,

WITH DETAILS OF THE

ATTACK ON BERGEN-OP-ZOOM:

BY LIEUT. J. W. DUNBAR MOODIE, H. P.

21ST FUSILEERS.

(ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED IN THE UNITED SERVICE JOURNAL.)

NARRATIVE

OF THE

CAMPAIGN IN HOLLAND IN 1814.

There are certain events in the life of every man on which the memory

dwells with peculiar pleasure; and the impressions they leave, from

being interwoven with his earliest and most agreeable associations,

are not easily effaced from his mind. Sixteen years have now elapsed

since the short campaign in Holland, and the ill-fated attack on

Bergen-op-Zoom; but almost every circumstance that passed under my

notice at that period, still remains as vividly pictured in my mind as

if it had occurred but yesterday.

Our regiment, the 21st, or Royal North British Fusileers, was stationed

at Fort-George when the order came for our embarkation for Holland.

Whoever has experienced the dull monotony of garrison duty, may easily

conceive the joy with which the intelligence was hailed. The eve of our

embarkation was spent in all the hilarity inspired by the occasion,

and, as may be supposed, the bottle circulated with more than ordinary

rapidity. Our convoy, Captain Nixon, R.N. in return for some kindness

he had met with from my family, while on the Orkney station, insisted

on my taking my passage to Helvoet Sluys, along with our commanding

officer and acting-adjutant, on board his own vessel, the Nightingale.

The scene that was exhibited next day, as we were embarking, must be

familiar to most military men. The beach presented a spectacle I shall

never forget. While the boats, crowded with soldiers, with their arms

glittering in the sun, were pushing off, women were to be seen up

to their middles in the water, bidding, perhaps, a last farewell to

their husbands; while others were sitting disconsolate on the rocks,

stupified with grief, and almost insensible of what was going forward.

Many of the poor creatures were pouring out blessings on the officers,

and begging us to be kind to their husbands. At last, when we had got

the soldiers fairly seated in their places, which was no easy task, we

pulled off, while the shouts of our men were echoed back in wailings

and lamentations, mixed with benedictions, from the unhappy women left

behind us. As for the officers, most of us being young fellows, and

single, we had little to damp our joy at going on foreign service.

For my own part, I confess I felt some tender regrets in parting with

a fair damsel in the neighbourhood, with whom I was not a little

smitten; but I was not of an age to take these matters long to heart,

being scarcely sixteen at the time. Poor A—— R—— has since been

consigned, by a calculating mother, to an old officer, who had nearly

lost his sight, but accumulated a few thousand pounds in the West Indies.

We soon got under way, with a fair wind, for Holland. Instead of being

crammed into a transport, with every circumstance which could render

a sea-voyage disagreeable, we felt ourselves lucky in being in most

comfortable quarters, with a most excellent gentlemanly fellow for

our entertainer in Captain Nixon. To add to our comforts, we had the

regimental band with us, who were generally playing through the day,

when the weather or sea-sickness would allow them. On arriving off

Goeree, we were overtaken by one of the most tremendous gales I have

ever experienced, and I have had some experience of the element since.

We had come to anchor, expecting a pilot from the shore, between two

sandbanks, one on each side of us, while another extended between us

and the land. The gale commenced towards night, blowing right on shore.

Our awful situation may well be conceived when the wind increased

almost to a hurricane, with no hope of procuring a pilot. The sea,

which had begun to rise before the commencement of the gale, was now

running mountains high, and we could see the white foam, and hear the

tremendous roar of the breakers on the sandbank astern of us. Of the

two transports which accompanied us with the troops on board, one

had anchored outside of us, and the other had been so fortunate as

to get out to sea before the gale had reached its greatest violence.

We had two anchors a-head, but the sea was so high, that we had but

little expectation of holding-on during the night. About midnight, the

transport which had come to anchor to windward, drifted past us, having

carried away her cables.

The sea every now and then broke over us from stem to stern, and

we continued through a great part of the night to fire signals of

distress. It is curious to observe on these occasions the different

effects of danger on the minds of men: the nervous, alarmed too soon,

and preparing themselves for the worst that may happen; the stupid and

insensible, without forethought of danger, until they are in the very

jaws of destruction, when they are taken quite unprepared, and resign

themselves up to despair; and the thoughtless, whose levity inclines

them to catch the external expression of the confidence or fear in the

countenances of those around them. About one o'clock in the morning,

the captain got into bed, and we followed his example, but had hardly

lain down, when the alarm was given that one of the cables was gone. We

immediately ran on deck, but it was soon discovered that the wind had

shifted a few points, and that the cable had only slackened a little.

As the day dawned, the wind gradually abated, and at length fell off

to a dead calm. A light haze hid the low land from our view, and hung

over the sea, which still rolled in huge billows, as if to conceal the

horrors of our situation during the preceding night. In an hour or two,

the fog cleared away sufficiently to enable us to see a few miles in

all directions. Every eye was strained in search of the two transports,

with our regiment on board, but seeing nothing, we all gave them up for

lost; for we could hardly conceive the possibility of the transport,

which drifted past us in the night, escaping shipwreck on this low and

dangerous coast, or of the other being able to get out to sea. By the

help of our sweeps and a light breeze, we were getting more in with

the land, when at last we observed a pilot-boat coming out to us. Our

little Dutch pilot, when he got alongside of us, soon relieved our

minds from anxiety as to the fate of one of the transports, which had

fortunately escaped the sandbanks, and was safe in Helvoet Sluys.

A Dutchman being an animal quite new to many of us, we were not a

little diverted with his dress and demeanour. Diederick was a little,

thick-set, round-built fellow, about five feet three inches in

height, bearing a considerable resemblance in shape to his boat: he

was so cased up in clothes, that no particular form was to be traced

about him, excepting an extraordinary roundness and projection "_a

posteriori_," which he owed as much, I believe, to nature as to his

habiliments. He wore a tight, coarse, blue jerkin, or pea-jacket, on

his body, and reaching half-way down his legs, gathered up in folds

tight round his waist, and bunching out amply below. His jacket had

no collar, but he had a handkerchief tied round his neck like a rope,

which, with his protruding glassy eyes, gave him the appearance of

strangulation. On his legs he wore so many pairs of breeches and

trowsers, that I verily believe we might have pulled off three or four

pairs without being a whit the wiser as to his natural conformation.

On his feet he wore a pair of shoes with huge buckles, and his head

was crowned with a high-topped red nightcap. Thus equipped, with the

addition of a short pipe stuck in his mouth, "_ecce_" Diederick, our

worthy pilot, who stumping manfully up to the Captain, with his hand

thrust out like a bowsprit, and a familiar nod of his head, wished him

"_goeden dag_," and welcomed him cordially to Holland. I observed that

our Captain seemed a little "taken aback" with the pilot's republican

manners; however, he did not refuse honest Diederick a shake of his

hand, for the latter had evidently no conception of a difference in

rank requiring any difference in the mode of salutation. After paying

his respects to the captain, he proceeded to shake us all by the hand

in turn, with many expressions of goodwill to the English, whom he was

pleased to say had _always_ been the Dutchmen's best friends. Having

completed the ceremonial of our reception, he returned to the binnacle,

and, hearing the leadsman sing out "by the mark three," clapping his

fat fists to his sides, and looking up to see if the sails were "clean

full," exclaimed with great energy, "Bout Skipp!" The captain was

anxious to procure some information regarding the channels between

the sandbanks, and depth of the water, but all the satisfaction our

friend Diederick would vouchsafe him was, "_Ja, Mynheer, wanneer wij

niet beter kan maaken dan moeten wij naar de anker komen_[44]." We soon

reached Helvoet Sluys, and came to anchor for the night.

On landing next day, we found the half of the regiment which had so

fortunately escaped shipwreck, with the transport which had drifted

past us in the night of the gale. Here we took leave of our kind

friends the captain and officers of the Nightingale, and next day

marched to Buitensluys, a little town nearly opposite to Willemstadt.

Here we were detained for several days, it not being possible to cross

the intervening branch of the sea, in consequence of the quantities of

ice which were floating down from the rivers. We soon got ourselves

billeted out in the town and neighbouring country, and established a

temporary mess at the principal inn of the place, where we began to

practise the Dutch accomplishments of drinking gin and smoking, for

which we had a convenient excuse in the humidity and coldness of the

climate. Our hard drinkers, of course, did not fail to inculcate the

doctrine, that wine and spirits were the "sovereignest remedy" in the

world for the ague, of which disease they seemed to live in constant

dread, particularly after dinner. During our sojourn at Buitensluys,

our great amusement through the day was skaiting on the ice with the

country girls, who were nothing shy, and played all manners of tricks

with us, by upsetting us, &c. &c. thus affording rather a dangerous

precedent, which was sometimes returned on themselves with interest.

We are accustomed to hear of the Dutch phlegm, which certainly forms

a distinguishing feature in their "physical character;" they are dull

and slow in being excited to the strong emotions, but it is a great

mistake to suppose that this constitutional sluggishness implies any

deficiency in the milder moral virtues. The Dutch, I generally found

to possess, in a high degree, the kindly, charitable feelings of human

nature, which show themselves to the greater advantage, from the

native simplicity of their manners. I had got a comfortable billet at

a miller's house, a little out of the village. The good folks finding

that I was a Scotchman, for which people they have a particular

liking from some similarity in their manners, began to treat me with

great cordiality, and threw off that reserve, which is so natural with

people who have soldiers forced into their houses whether they will

or not. The miller and his cheerful "frow" never tired of showing me

every kindness in their power while I remained with them, and to such

a degree did they carry this, that it quite distressed me. On leaving

Buitensluys, neither my landlord nor his wife would accept of any

remuneration, though I urgently pressed it on them. When the avarice of

the Dutch character is taken into account, they certainly deserve no

small praise for this disinterested kind-heartedness.

The ice having broken up a little, we were enabled to get ferried over

to Willemstadt, and proceed on our march to Tholen, where we arrived in

two or three days. The cold in Holland this winter was excessive, and

Tholen being within four miles of Bergen op-Zoom, a great part of the

inhabitants, as well as garrison, were every day employed in breaking

the ice in the ditches of the fortifications. The frost, however, was

so intense, that before the circuit was completed, which was towards

evening, we were often skaiting on the places which had been broken

in the morning; we could not, with all our exertions, break more

than nine feet in width, which was but an ineffectual protection

against the enemy, had they felt any inclination to attack us in this

half-dilapidated fortress, with our small garrison.

After we had been here some days, the remainder of our regiment, who

had been saved by the transport getting out to sea, joined us. They

had sprung a leak, and were near perishing, when it was fortunately

stopped, and the gale abated. The first thing we all thought of on

coming to Tholen was procuring snug billets, as we might remain some

time in garrison. With this view, I employed a German corporal, who

acted as our interpreter. He volunteered from the Veteran Battalion

at Fort George to accompany us. After looking about for some time, he

found out a quarter which he guessed would suit my taste. The house

was inhabited by a respectable burgher, who had been at sea, and still

retained the title of Skipper. His son, as I afterwards learned, had

died a few months before, leaving a very pretty young widow, who still

resided with her father-in-law. I had not seen her long before I

became interested in her. Johanna M—— was innocence and simplicity

itself; tender, soft, and affectionate; her eyes did not possess that

brightness which bespeaks lively passions, and too often inconstancy;

but they were soft, dark, and liquid, beaming with affection and

goodness of heart. On coming home one day, I found her with her head

resting on her hands and in tears; her father and mother-in-law, with

their glistening eyes resting on her, with an expression of sympathy

and sorrow, apparently more for her loss than their own; as if they

would have said, "Poor girl! we have lost a son, but you have lost

a husband." Johanna, however, was young, and her spirits naturally

buoyant: of course it cannot be supposed that this intensity of

feeling could exist but at intervals. As usual, I soon made myself

quite at home with the Skipper and his family, and became, moreover,

a considerable favourite, from the interest I took in Johanna, and

a talent at making punch, which was always put in requisition when

they had a visit from the "_Predikaant_," or priest of the parish;

on these occasions I was always one of the party at supper, which is

their principal meal. It usually consisted of a large tureen, with bits

of meat floating in fat or butter, for which we had to dive with our

forks; we had also forcemeat-balls and sour-crout. The priest who was

the very picture of good-nature and good-living, wore a three-cornered

cocked-hat, which, according to the fashion of the middle classes,

never quitted his head, excepting when he said grace. When supper was

over and the punch made, which always drew forth the most unqualified

praises of the "_Predikaant_," he would lug out a heap of papers from

his breeches-pocket, inscribed with favourite Dutch ditties, which, so

far as I could understand the language, contained political allusions

to the state of matters in Europe at the time. The burden of one of

the songs I still remember, from the constant recurrence of the words,

"_Well mag het Ue bekoomen_," at the end of each stanza. The jolly

priest being no singer, always read these overflowings of the Dutch

muse with the most energetic gestures and accent. At the end of each

verse, which seemed by its rhyme to have something of the titillating

effect of a feather on the sober features of the "Skipper," the reader

would break out into a Stentorian laugh, enough to have shaken down the

walls of Jericho, or the Stadt-huis itself. The good "_vrow_," whose

attention was almost entirely occupied with her household concerns, and

who had still more prose in her composition than her mate, would now

and then, like a good wife, exhibit some feeble tokens of pleasure,

when she observed his features to relax in a more than ordinary degree.

Soon after I had taken up my abode in the house, I observed that

Johanna had got a Dutch and English grammar, which she had begun to

study with great assiduity, and as I was anxious to acquire Dutch,

this naturally enough brought us often together. She would frequently

come into my room to ask the pronunciation of some word, for she was

particularly scrupulous on this head. On these occasions, I would make

her sit down beside me, and endeavour to make her perfect in each word

in succession; but she found so much difficulty in bringing her pretty

lips into the proper form, that I was under the necessity of enforcing

my instructions, by punishing her with a kiss for every failure. But so

far was this from quickening her apprehension, that the difficulties

seemed to increase at every step. Poor Johanna, notwithstanding this

little innocent occupation, could not, however, be entirely weaned from

her affection for the memory of her departed husband, for her grief

would often break out in torrents of tears; when this was the case, we

had no lesson for that day.

Garrison duty is always dull and irksome, and soldiers are always

glad of any thing to break the monotony of a life where there is no

activity or excitement. One day, while we lay at Tholen, a letter was

brought from head-quarters, which was to be forwarded from town to

town to Admiral Young, who was lying in the Scheldt at the time. A

couple of horses and a guide were procured, and I was sent with the

letter, much to my own satisfaction, as I was glad of an opportunity

to see more of the country. I was ordered to proceed to a certain

town, the name of which I forget, where another officer should relieve

me. It was late when I got to the town, and not being aware that it

was occupied by a Russian regiment, I was not a little surprised in

being challenged by a sentry in a foreign language. I could not make

out from the soldier what they were, until the officer of the guard

came up, who understood a little English. He informed me that they

were on their march to Tholen, where they were to do garrison duty.

On desiring to be conducted to his commanding officer, he brought me

to the principal house in the town, at the door of which two sentries

were posted. The scene in the interior was singular enough. The first

object that met my eyes on entering the Colonel's apartment, was a

knot of soldiers in their green jackets and trowsers, lying in a heap,

one above another, in the corner of the room, (with their bonnets

pulled over their eyes,) like a litter of puppies, and snoring like

bull-frogs. These were the Colonel's body-guard. The room with its

furniture exhibited a scene of the most outrageous debauchery. Chairs

overturned, broken decanters and bottles, fragments of tumblers and

wine-glasses lay scattered over the floor and table. Two or three

candles were still burning on the table, and others had been broken in

the conflict of bottles and other missiles. Taking a rapid glance at

the state of matters in passing, we approached the Colonel's bed, which

stood in one corner of the room. My conductor drew the curtains, when

I saw two people lying in their flannel-shirts; the elder was a huge,

broad-faced man, with a ferocious expression of countenance, who I was

informed was the Colonel; the other was a young man about seventeen

years of age, exceedingly handsome, and with so delicate a complexion,

that I actually thought at the time he must be the Colonel's wife. With

this impression I drew back for a moment, when he spoke to me in good

English, and told me he was the Adjutant, and begged I would state what

I had to communicate to the Colonel, which he would interpret to him,

as the latter did not understand English. The Colonel said he should

forward the letter by one of his officers, and as I could then return

to Tholen, we should proceed to that place next morning. We proceeded

accordingly next morning on our march to Tholen. The Colonel had sent

on his light company as an advanced-guard, some time before us, with

orders to halt at a village on the road, until the regiment came up.

Whether they had mistaken his orders I know not, but on coming to the

village, no light company was to be found; and on inquiry, we learned

that they had marched on. The rage of the Colonel knew no bounds, and

produced a most ridiculous and childish scene betwixt himself and the

officers. With the tears running down his cheeks, and stamping with

rage, he went among them; first accusing one, and then the other, as

if they were to blame for the mistake of the advanced-guard. Each of

them, however, answered him in a petulant snappish manner, like enraged

pug-dogs, at the same time clapping their hands to their swords, and

some of them drawing them half out of the scabbards, when he would

turn away from them, weeping bitterly like a great blubbering boy all

the while. The officers, however, began to pity the poor Colonel, and

at last succeeded in appeasing his wrath and drying his tears. He

proceeded forthwith to order an enormous breakfast to be prepared for

us immediately. It was of no use for the innkeeper to say that he had

not any of the articles they desired, he was compelled by threats and

curses to procure them, come whence they would. As our landlord knew

well whom he had to deal with, our table soon groaned under a load

of dishes, enough apparently to have dined four times our number. In

a trice we had every thing that could be procured for love or money,

and it was wonderful to observe with what alacrity the landlord waited

on us, and obeyed the orders he received. He appeared, in fact, to

have thrown off his native sluggishness, and two or three pairs of

breeches for the occasion. Before proceeding on the march, I wished to

pay my share of the entertainment, but my proposal was treated with

perfect ridicule. At first, I imagined that the Russians considered me

as their guest, but I could not discover that the innkeeper received

any remuneration for the entertainment prepared for us. The Russians

had many odd customs during their meals, such as drinking out of each

other's glasses, and eating from each other's plates; a compliment,

which in England, we could willingly dispense with. They seemed to have

a great liking to the English, and every day our men and theirs were

seen walking arm-in-arm about the streets together. The gin, which

was rather too cheap in this country, seemed to be a great bond of

union between them; and strange to say, I do not recollect a single

instance of their quarrelling. Notwithstanding the snapping between

the commanding officer and the other officers, they seemed on the

whole to be in excellent discipline in other respects. The manner in

which they went through their exercise was admirable, particularly

when we consider that they were only sailors acting on shore. There

was one custom, however, which never failed to excite our disgust and

indignation; hardly a day passed but we saw some of their officers

boxing the ears of their men in the ranks, who seemed to bear this

treatment with the greatest patience, and without turning their eyes

to the right or left during the operation; but such is the effect of

early habits and custom, that the very men who bore this degrading

treatment, seemed to feel the same disgust for our military punishment

of flogging; which, however degrading in its effects on the character

of the sufferer, could not at least be inflicted at the caprice of the

individual. We may here observe the different effects produced on the

character of men by a free and a despotic system of Government: it was

evidently not the _nature_, but the _degree_, of punishment in our

service which shocked the Russian prejudices.

We had all become thoroughly sick of the monotony and sameness of our

duties and occupations at Tholen, when we received orders to march the

next day, (8th March, 1814). As the attack on Bergen-op-Zoom, which

took place on that evening, was of course kept a profound secret, the

common opinion was, that we were destined for Antwerp, where the other

division of the army had already had some fighting. Though elated,

in common with my brother officers, with the prospect of coming to

closer quarters with the enemy, it was not without tears on both sides

that I parted with poor Johanna, who had somehow taken a hold of my

affections that I was hardly aware of till this moment. The time left

us to prepare for our march I devoted to her, and she did not even seek

the pretext of her English grammar to remain in my room for the few

hours we could yet enjoy together. We had marched some miles before I

could think of any thing but her, for the recollection of her tears

still thrilled to my very heart, and occasioned a stifling sensation

that almost deprived me of utterance. But we were soon thrown into a

situation where the excitement was too powerful and engrossing to leave

room for other thoughts than of what we were immediately engaged in.

It was nearly dark when we arrived at the village of Halteren, which

is only three or four miles from Bergen-op-Zoom, where we took up

our quarters for the night. On the distribution of the billets to

the officers for the night, I received one upon a farm-house about

a mile in the country. I had not been long at my new lodging, when

I was joined by four or five officers of the 4th Battalion Royal

Scots, who had just arrived by long marches from Stralsund, and were

billetted about the country. They had heard that an attempt to surprise

Bergen-op-Zoom would be made that same night. It is not easy to

describe the sensations occasioned in my mind by this intelligence; it

certainly partook but little of fear, but the novelty (to me at least)

of the situation in which we were about to be placed, excited a feeling

of anxiety as to the result of an attempt, in which, from the known

strength of the place, we dared hardly expect to be successful. There

is also a degree of melancholy which takes hold of the mind at these

moments of serious reflection which precede the conflict. My comrades

evidently shared this feeling with me. One of them remarked, as we

were preparing to march, "My boys, we'el see something like service

to-night," and added, "we'el not all meet again in this world." Poor

Mac Nicol, who made the remark, fell that night, which was the first

and the last of my acquaintance with him. I believe every one of us

were wounded. Learning from my new acquaintances that the grenadier

company of their regiment, (Royal Scots), which was commanded by an

old friend of mine, (Lieutenant Allan Robertson,) and whom I had not

seen for some years, was only about a mile farther off, I thought I

should have time to see him and join my regiment before they marched,

should they be sent to the attack. However, the party of the Royals

whom I accompanied lost their way, from their ignorance of the road,

and we in consequence made a long circuit, during which I heard from

an aid-de-camp who passed us, that the 21st were on their march to

attack the place on another quarter from us. In these circumstances I

was exceedingly puzzled what course to take; if I went in search of

my regiment, I had every chance of missing them in the night, being

quite ignorant of the roads. Knowing that the Royals would be likely to

head one of the columns from the number of the regiment, I took what I

thought the surest plan, by attaching myself to the grenadier company

under my gallant friend. There is something awfully impressive in the

mustering of soldiers before going into action; many of those names,

which the serjeants were now calling in an under tone of voice, would

never be repeated, but in the tales of their comrades who saw them

fall.

After mustering the men, we proceeded to the general "rendez-vous" of

the regiments forming the column; the Royals led the column followed by

the other regiments according to their number. As every thing depended

on our taking the enemy by surprise, the strictest orders were given to

observe a profound silence on the march.

While we are proceeding to the attack, it will not be amiss to give the

reader a slight sketch of the situation of Bergen-op-Zoom, and the plan

of the operations of the different columns, to render my relation of

the proceedings of the column I served with the more intelligible.

Bergen-op-Zoom is situated on the right bank of the Scheldt, and

takes its name from the little river Zoom, which, after supplying

the defences with water, discharges itself into the Scheldt. The old

channel of the Zoom, into which the tide flows towards the centre of

the town, forms the harbour, which is nearly dry at low-water. The

mouth of the harbour was the point fixed upon for the attack of the

right column, under Major-General Skerret, and Brig.-Gen. Gore. This

column consisted of 1100 men of the 1st regiment, or Royal Scots, the

37th, 44th, and 91st, (as far as I can recollect). Lieut.-Col. Henry,

with 650 men of the 21st, or Royal Scot's Fusileers, was sent on a

false attack near the Steenbergen-gate, to the left of the harbour, (I

suppose the reader to be standing at the entrance of the harbour facing

the town). Another column, consisting of 1200 men of the 33d, 55th, and

69th regiments, under Lieut.-Col. Morrice, were to attack the place

near the Bredagate, and endeavour to enter by escalade. A third column,

under Col. Lord Proby, consisting of 1000 men of the 1st and Coldstream

Guards, was to make nearly a complete circuit of the place, and enter

the enemy's works by crossing the ice, some distance to the right of

the entrance of the harbour and the Waterport-gate. This slight account

of the plan of attack I have borrowed in some degree from Col. Jones'

Narrative, who must have procured his information on these points from

the best sources. However, as I only pretend to speak with certainty

of what fell under my own immediate observation, I shall return to the

right column, with which I served on this occasion.

When we had proceeded some way we fell in with a picket, commanded by

Capt. Darrah, of the 21st. Fusileers, who was mustering his men to

proceed to the attack. Thinking that our regiment (the 21st), must

pass his post on their way to the false attack, he told me to remain

with him until they came up. I, in consequence, waited some time,

but hearing nothing of the regiment, and losing patience, I gave him

the slip in the dark, and ran on until I regained my place with the

grenadier company of the Royals. On approaching the place of attack, we

crossed the Tholen-dike, and immediately entered the bed of the Zoom,

through which we had to push our way before we entered the wet ditch.

It is not easy to convey an idea of the toil we experienced in getting

through the deep mud of the river; we immediately sank nearly to our

middles, and when, with great difficulty, we succeeded in freeing one

leg from the mire, we sank nearly to the shoulder on the other side

before we could get one pace forward. As might be expected, we got

into some confusion in labouring through this horrible slough, which

was like bird-lime about our legs; regiments got intermixed in the

darkness, while some stuck fast, and some unlucky wretches got trodden

down and smothered in the mud. Notwithstanding this obstruction,

a considerable portion of the column had got through, when those

behind us, discouraged by this unexpected difficulty, raised a shout

to encourage themselves. Gen. Skerret, who was at the head of the

column, was furious with rage, but the mischief was already done. The

sluices were opened, and a torrent of water poured down on us through

the channel of the river, by which the progress of those behind was

effectually stopped for some time. Immediately after the sluices were

opened, a brilliant firework was displayed on the ramparts, which

showed every object as clearly as daylight. Several cannon and some

musketry opened on us, but did us little harm, as they seemed to be

discharged at random. At the moment the water came down, I had just

cleared the deepest part of the channel, and making a great effort,

I gained a flat piece of ice which was sticking edgeways in the mud;

to this I clung till the strength of the torrent had passed, after

which I soon gained the firm land, and pushed on with the others to

the ditch. The point at which we entered was a bastion to the right of

the harbour, from one of the angles of which a row of high palisades

was carried through the ditch. To enable us to pass the water, some

scaling-ladders had been sunk to support us in proceeding along

the palisade, over which we had first to climb with each other's

assistance, our soldiers performing the office of ladders to those who

preceded them. So great were the obstacles we met with, that had not

the attention of the enemy fortunately (or rather most judiciously),

been distracted by the false attack under Col. Henry, it appeared quite

impossible for us to have affected an entrance at this point. While we

were proceeding forward in this manner, Col. Muller[45] of the Royals

was clambering along the tops of the palisade, calling to those who had

got the start of him, to endeavour to open the Waterport-gate, and let

down the drawbridge to our right; but no one in the hurry of the moment

seemed to hear him. On getting near enough, I told him I should effect

it if it was possible.

We met with but trifling resistance on gaining the rampart; the enemy

being panic struck, fled to the streets and houses in the town, from

which they kept up a pretty sharp fire on us for some time. I got

about twenty soldiers of different regiments to follow me to the

Waterport-gate, which we found closed. It was constructed of thin

paling, with an iron bar across it about three inches in breadth. Being

without tools of any kind, we made several ineffectual attempts to open

it. At last, retiring a few paces, we made a rush at it in a body, when

the iron bar snapped in the middle like a bit of glass. Some of my

people got killed and wounded during this part of the work, but when we

got to the drawbridge, we were a little more sheltered from the firing.

The bridge was up, and secured by a lock in the right hand post of the

two which supported it. I was simple enough to attempt to pick the lock

with a soldier's bayonet, but after breaking two or three, we at last

had an axe brought us from the bastion where the troops were entering.

With the assistance of this instrument we soon succeeded in cutting

the lock out of the post, and taking hold of the chain, I had the

satisfaction to pull down the drawbridge with my own hands.

While I was engaged in this business, Col. Muller was forming the

Royals on the rampart where we entered; but a party of about 150 men

of different regiments, under General Skerret, who must have entered

to the left of the harbour, were clearing the ramparts towards the

Steinbergen-gate, where the false attack had been made under Col.

Henry; and a party, also, under Col. Carleton, of the 44th regiment,

was proceeding in the opposite direction along the ramparts to the

right, without meeting with much resistance. Hearing the firing on the

opposite side of the town from Gen. Skerret's party, and supposing

that they had marched through the town, I ran on through the streets

to overtake them, accompanied by only one or two soldiers, for the

rest had left me and returned to the bastion after we had opened the

gate. In proceeding along the canal or harbour, which divided this part

of the town, I came to a loop-holed wall, which was continued from

the houses down to the water's edge. I observed a party of soldiers

within a gate in this wall, and was going up to them, taking them for

our own people, when I was challenged in French, and had two or three

shots fired at me. Seeing no other way of crossing the harbour but by

a little bridge, which was nearly in a line with the wall, I returned

to the Waterport-gate, which I found Col. Muller had taken possession

of with two or three companies of his regiment. I went up to him, and

told him that I had opened the gate according to his desire, and of the

interruption I had met with in the town. Not knowing me, he asked my

name, which he said he would remember, and sent one of the companies

up with me to the wall, already mentioned, and ordered the officer who

commanded the company, after he should have driven the enemy away, to

keep possession of it until farther orders. On coming to the gate,

we met with a sharp resistance, but after firing a few rounds, and

preparing to charge they gave way, leaving us in possession of the gate

and bridge.

Leaving the company here, and crossing the little bridge, I again set

forward alone to overtake Gen. Skerret's party, guided by the firing on

the ramparts. Avoiding any little parties of the enemy, I had reached

the inside of the ramparts where the firing was, without its occuring

to me that I might get into the wrong box and be taken prisoner.

Fortunately I observed a woman looking over a shop door, on one side of

the street; the poor creature, who must have been under the influence

of some strong passion to remain in her present exposed situation, was

pale and trembling. She was a Frenchwoman, young, and not bad-looking.

I asked her where the British soldiers were, which she told me without

hesitation, pointing at the same time in the direction. I shook hands

with her, and bade her good night, not entertaining the smallest

suspicion of her deceiving me; following her directions, I clambered up

the inside of the rampart, and rejoined Gen. Skerret's party.

The moon had now risen, and though the sky was cloudy, we could see

pretty well what was doing. I found my friend Robertson here, with the

grenadier company of the Royals; I learned from him that the party,

which was now commanded by Capt. Guthrie of the 33d regiment, had

been compelled by numbers to retire from the bastion which the enemy

now occupied, and should endeavour to maintain the one which they now

possessed, until they could procure a reinforcement. He also told me

of Gen. Skerret's being dangerously wounded and taken prisoner, an

irreparable loss to our party, as Capt. Guthrie was ignorant of the

General's intentions. In the mean time the enemy continued a sharp

firing on us, which we returned as fast as our men could load their

firelocks. Several of the enemy who had fallen, as well as of our own

men, were lying on the ramparts; one of our officers, who had been

wounded in the arm, was walking about, saying occasionally, in rather

a discontented manner, "This is what is called honour;" though I could

readily sympathise with him in the pain he suffered, I could not

exactly understand how, if there is any honour in getting wounded, any

bodily suffering can detract from it.

We found a large pile of logs of wood on the rampart; these we

immediately disposed across the gorge of the bastion, so as to form a

kind of parapet, over which our people could fire, leaving, however,

about half the distance open towards the parapet of the rampart. On

the opposite side of the bastion were two twenty-four-pounders of the

enemy's, which being raised on high platforms, we turned upon them,

firing along the ramparts over the heads of our own party. However

valuable this resource might be to us, we were still far from being

on equal terms with the French, who besides greatly exceeding us in

numbers, had also brought up two or three fieldpieces, which annoyed

us much during the night. There was also a windmill on the bastion they

occupied, from the top of which their musketry did great execution

among us. In the course of the night, they made several ineffectual

attempts to drive us from our position: on these occasions, which we

always were aware of from the shouts they raised to encourage each

other, as soon as they made their appearance on the rampart, we gave

them a good dose of grape from our twenty-four-pounders, and had a

party ready to charge them back. I observed our soldiers were always

disposed to meet the enemy half-way, and the latter were soon so well

aware of our humour, that they invariably turned tail before we could

get within forty or fifty paces of them. The firing was kept up almost

continually on both sides until about two o'clock in the morning, when

it would sometimes cease for more than half-an-hour together. During

one of these intervals of stillness, exhausted with our exertions,

and the cold we felt in our drenched clothes, some of the officers

and I lay down along the parapet together, in hopes of borrowing a

little heat from each other. I fell insensibly into a troubled dozing

state, in which my imagination still revelled in the scenes of night.

While I yet lay the firing had recommenced, which, with the shouts

of the enemy, and the words of those about me, seemed to form but the

ground work of my fitful dream, which continued to link imaginary

circumstances to reality. How long I might have lain in this stupor,

between sleeping and waking, I know not, when suddenly I felt the

ground shake under me, and heard at the same time a crash as if the

whole town had been overwhelmed by an earthquake; a bright glare of

light burst on my eyes at the same instant and almost blinded me. A

shot from the enemy had blown up our small magazine on the ramparts,

on which we depended for the supply of the two twenty-four-pounders

which had been of such material use to us during the night. This broke

our slumbers most effectually; and we had now nothing for it but

to maintain our ground in the best way we were able until we could

receive a reinforcement from some of the other parties. Immediately

after this disaster, raising a tremendous shout or rather yell, the

enemy again attempted to come to close quarters with us, in hopes of

our being utterly disheartened; but our charging party, which we had

always in readiness, made them wheel round as usual. In the course of

the night, we had sent several small parties of men to represent the

state of our detachment, and endeavour to procure assistance, but none

of them returned, having, we supposed, been intercepted by the enemy.

Discouraged as we were by this circumstance, we still continued to hold

our ground until break of day.

By this time the firing had entirely ceased in the other part of the

town, naturally leading us, in the absence of all communication, to

conclude that the other parties had been driven from the place. However

this may have been, the first dawn of day showed us in but too plain

colours the hopelessness of our situation. The enemy now brought

an overwhelming force against us; but still we expected, from the

narrowness of the rampart, that they would not be able to derive the

full advantage of their superiority; but in this we were deceived. The

bastion we occupied was extensive, but only that portion of it near the

gorge was furnished with a parapet. At this spot, and behind the logs

which we had thrown up, our now diminished force was collected. Keeping

up an incessant fire to divert our attention, the French (who now

outnumbered us, at least three to one,) detached a part of their force,

which skirting the outside of the ramparts, and ascending the face of

the bastion we occupied, suddenly opened a most destructive fire on our

flank and rear. From this latter party we were totally unprotected,

while they were sheltered by the top of the rampart: we were thus left

to defend ourselves from both at once as we best could. But still they

would not venture to charge us, and it would have been of little use

for us to charge them, for the moment we quitted the parapet, we would

have been exposed to a cross fire from the other bastion.

The slaughter was now dreadful, and our poor fellows, who had done all

that soldiers could in our trying situation, now fell thick and fast.

Just at this moment, my friend Robertson, under whose command I had

put myself at the beginning of the attack, fell. I had just time to

run up to him, and found him stunned from a wound in the head; when

our gallant commander, seeing the inutility of continuing the unequal

contest, gave the order to retreat. We had retired in good order about

three hundred yards, when poor Guthrie received a wound in the head,

which I have since been informed deprived him of his sight. The enemy,

when they saw us retreating, hung upon our rear, keeping up a sharp

fire all the time, but they still seemed to have some respect for us

from the trouble we had already given them. We had indulged the hope,

that by continuing our course along the ramparts, we should be able to

effect our retreat by the Waterport-gate,[46] not being aware that

we should be intercepted by the mouth of the harbour. We were already

at the very margin before we discovered our mistake and completely

hemmed in by the French. We had therefore no alternative left to us

but to surrender ourselves prisoners of war, or to attempt to effect

our escape across the harbour, by means of the floating pieces of ice

with which the water was covered. Not one of us seemed to entertain

the idea of surrender, however, and in the despair which had now taken

possession of every heart, we threw ourselves into the water, or leaped

for the broken pieces of ice which were floating about. The scene

that ensued was shocking beyond description—the canal or harbour was

faced on both sides by high brick walls; in the middle of the channel

lay a small Dutch decked vessel, which was secured by a rope to the

opposite side of the harbour. Our only hope of preserving our lives or

effecting our escape, depended on our being able to gain this little

vessel. Already, many had, by leaping first on one piece of ice and

then on another, succeeded in getting on board the vessel, which they

drew to the opposite side of the canal by the rope, and thus freed one

obstruction: but immediately afterwards, being intercepted by the

Waterport redoubt, they were compelled to surrender. The soldiers in

particular, when they found themselves inclosed by the enemy, seemed

to lose the power of reflection, and leaped madly into the water, with

their arms in their hands, without even waiting until a piece of ice

should float within their reach. The air was rent with vain cries for

help from the drowning soldiers, mixed with the exulting shouts of the

enemy, who seemed determined to make us drain the bitter cup of defeat

to the very dregs. Among the rest I had scrambled down the face of the

canal to a beam running horizontally along the brick-work, from which

other beams descended perpendicularly into the water, to prevent the

sides from being injured by shipping. After sticking my sword into my

belt, (for I had thrown the scabbard away the previous night,) I leaped

from this beam, which was nine or ten feet above the water, for a piece

of ice, but not judging my distance very well, it tilted up with me,

and I sunk to the bottom of the water. However, I soon came up again,

and after swimming to the other side of the canal and to the vessel, I

found nothing to catch hold of. I had therefore nothing for it but to

hold on by the piece of ice I had at first leaped on, and swinging my

body under it, I managed to keep my face out of the water. I had just

caught hold of the ice in time, for encumbered as I was with a heavy

great coat, now thoroughly soaked, I was in a fair way to share the

fate of many a poor fellow now lying at the bottom of the water. I did

not, however, retain my slippery hold undisturbed. I was several times

dragged under water by the convulsive grasp of the drowning soldiers,

but by desperate efforts I managed to free myself and regain my hold.

Even at this moment, I cannot think without horror of the means which

the instinct of self-preservation suggested to save my own life, while

some poor fellow clung to my clothes: I think I still see his agonized

look, and hear his imploring cry, as he sank for ever.

After a little time I remained undisturbed tenant of the piece of ice.

I was not, however, the only survivor of those who had got into the

water; several of them were still hanging on to other pieces of ice,

but they one by one let go their hold, and sank as their strength

failed. At length only three or four besides myself remained. All this

time some of the enemy continued firing at us, and I saw one or two

shot in the water near me. So intent was every one on effecting his

escape, that though they sometimes cast a look of commiseration at

their drowning comrades, no one thought for a moment of giving us any

assistance. The very hope of it had at length so completely faded in

our minds, that we had ceased to ask the aid of those that passed us on

the fragments of ice. But Providence had reserved one individual who

possessed a heart to feel for the distress of his fellow-creatures more

than for his own personal safety. The very last person that reached the

vessel in the manner I have already described, was Lieut. M'Dougal, of

the 91st Regiment. I had attracted his attention in passing me, and he

had promised his assistance when he should reach the vessel. He soon

threw me a rope, but I was now so weak, and benumbed with the intense

cold, that it slipped through my fingers alongside of the vessel; he

then gave me another, doubled, which I got under my arms, and he thus

succeeded, with the assistance of a wounded man, in getting me on

board. I feel that it is quite out of my power to do justice to the

humanity and contempt of danger displayed by our generous deliverer on

this occasion. While I was assisting him in saving the two or three

soldiers who still clung to pieces of ice, I got a musket-ball through

my wrist; for all this time several of the enemy continued deliberately

firing at us from the opposite rampart, which was not above sixty yards

from the vessel. Not content with what he had already done for me, my

kind-hearted friend insisted on helping me out of the vessel; but I

could not consent to his remaining longer exposed to the fire of the

enemy, who had already covered the deck with killed and wounded, and

M'Dougal fortunately still remained unhurt. Finding that I would not

encumber him, he left the vessel, and I went down to the cabin, where

I found Lieut. Briggs, of the 91st, sitting on one side, with a severe

wound through his shoulder-blade. The floor of the cabin was covered

with water, for the vessel had become leaky from the firing. I took my

station on the opposite side, and taking off my neckcloth, with the

assistance of my teeth, I managed to bind up my wound, so as to stop

the bleeding in some measure. My companion suffered so much from his

wound that little conversation passed betwixt us.

I fell naturally into gloomy reflections on the events of the night.

I need hardly say how bitter and mortifying they were: after all our

toils and sanguine anticipations of ultimate success, to be thus robbed

of the prize which we already grasped, as we thought, with a firm hand.

Absorbed in these melancholy ruminations, accompanied from time to

time by a groan from my companion, several hours passed away, during

which the water continued rising higher and higher in the cabin, until

it reached my middle, and I was obliged to hold my arm above it, for

the salt-water made it smart. Fortunately the vessel grounded from the

receding of the tide. Escape in our state being now quite out of the

question, my companion and I were glad on the whole to be relieved from

our present disagreeable situation by surrendering ourselves prisoners.

The firing had now entirely ceased, and the French seemed satiated with

the ample vengeance they had taken on us. As there was no gate near us,

we were hoisted with ropes over the ramparts, which were here faced

with brick to the top. A French soldier was ordered to show me the way

to the hospital in the town. As we proceeded, however, my guide took

a fancy to my canteen which still hung by my side, and laying hold of

it without ceremony, was proceeding to empty its contents into his own

throat. Though suffering with a burning thirst from loss of blood, I

did not recollect till this moment that there was about two-thirds of

a bottle of gin remaining in it. I immediately snatched it from the

fellow's hand and clapping it to my mouth, finished every drop of it at

a draught, while he vented his rage in oaths. I found it exceedingly

refreshing, but it had no more effect on my nerves than small beer in

my present state of exhaustion.

The scene as we passed through the streets, strewed here and there with

the bodies of our fallen soldiers, intermixed with those of the enemy,

was, indeed, melancholy; even could I have forgotten for a moment how

the account stood between the enemy and us, I was continually reminded

of our failure, by the bodies of many of our people being already

stripped of their upper garments. When we arrived at the hospital, I

found one of the officers of my regiment, who had been taken prisoner,

standing at the door. My face was so plastered with blood from a prick

of a bayonet I had got in the temple from one of our soldiers, that

it was some time before he knew me. In passing along the beds in the

hospital, the first face I recognised was that of my friend Robertson,

whom I had left for dead when our party retreated. Besides the wound he

received in the head, he had received one in the wrist, after he fell.

On lying down on the bed prepared for me, I was guilty of a piece of

simplicity, which I had ample occasion to repent before I left the

place. I took all my clothes off, and sent them to be dried by the

people of the hospital, but they were never returned to me. I was

in consequence forced to keep my bed for the three days I remained

prisoner in Bergen-op-Zoom.

The hospital was crowded with the wounded on both sides. On my right

hand lay Ensign Martial of the 55th regiment, with a grape-shot wound

in his shoulder, of which, and ague together, he afterwards died at

Klundert. On my left, in an adjoining room, lay poor General Skerret,

with a desperate wound through the body, of which he died next night.

It was said that he might have recovered, had it not been for the

bruises he had received from the muskets of the enemy after he fell.

This story I can hardly credit. However that may be, there is no doubt

we lost in him a most gallant, zealous, and active officer, and at

a most unfortunate time for the success of the enterprise. On the

opposite side of the hospital lay Capt. Campbell, of the 55th regiment.

He had a dreadful wound from a grape which entered at his shoulder and

went out near the back-bone. He was gifted with the most extraordinary

flow of spirits of any man I have ever met with. He never ceased

talking from sun-rise till night, and afforded all of us who were in

a condition to relish any thing, an infinite deal of amusement. I had

told Campbell of the trick they had played me with my clothes, and it

immediately became with him a constant theme for rating every Frenchman

that passed him.

In the course of the next day a French serjeant came swaggering into

the hospital, with an officer's sash tied round him, and stretched

out to its utmost breadth. He boasted that he had killed the officer

by whom it had been worn. Twice a-day two of the attendants of the

hospital went about with buckets in their hands, one containing small

pieces of boiled meat, which was discovered to be horseflesh by the

medical people, while another contained a miserable kind of stuff,

which they called soup, and a third contained bits of bread. One of

the pieces of meat was tossed on each bed with a fork in passing; but

the patient had always to make his choice between flesh and bread, and

soup and bread, it being thought too much to allow them soup and meat

at the same time. I was never so much puzzled in my life as by this

alternative. Constantly tormented with thirst, I usually asked for

soup, but my hunger, with which I was no less tormented, made me as

often repent my choice. While we lay here we were attended by our own

surgeons, and had every attention paid to us in this respect that we

could desire.

In the mean time arrangements were entered into with Gen. Bizanet, the

French commander, for an exchange of prisoners, and in consequence the

last of the wounded prisoners were removed in waggons to Rozendaal, on

the third day after we had been taken. On this occasion I was obliged

to borrow a pair of trowsers from one of the soldiers, and a coat from

my neighbour Martial, of the 55th, who being a tall man and I rather

little, it reached half-way down my legs. Altogether I cut rather an

odd figure as I started from the hospital. My regimental cap and shoes

had, however, escaped the fate of my other habiliments, so, considering

circumstances, matters might have been worse. But, one trial to my

temper still remained which I did not expect: the old rascal, to whom I

delivered my clothes when I sent them to be dried, had the unparalleled

impudence to make a demand on me for the hospital shirt, with which, in

place of my own wet one, I had been supplied on entering the hospital.

I was so provoked at this unconscionable request, that I believe I

should have answered him with a box on the ear, but my only available

hand was too well employed at the time in supporting my trowsers. There

was still another reason for my objecting to his demand: before I was

taken prisoner, while lying in the vessel, I had managed to conceal

some money which happened to be in my pockets on going to the attack;

this I had carefully transferred, with due secrecy, to the inferior

margin of the hospital shirt in which it was tied with a garter,

when we were preparing to leave the place. This treasure, though not

large, was of some importance to me, and I determined that nothing

short of brute force should deprive me of it. My gentleman, however,

pertinaciously urged his claim to the aforesaid garment, and a violent

altercation ensued between us, in which I had an opportunity of showing

a proficiency in Dutch swearing, that I was not aware of myself till

this moment. My friend Campbell came up at last to my assistance, and

discharged such a volley of oaths at the old vampire, that he was

fairly beaten out of the field, and I carried away the shirt in triumph.

We were marched out of the town by the Bredagate to Rozendaal, a

distance of about fifteen miles, where we arrived the same night. The

French soldiers who had fallen in the conflict had all been removed

by this time, but, as we proceeded, escorted by the victors, many a

ghastly corpse of our countrymen met our half-averted eyes. They had

all been more or less stripped of their clothing, and some had only

their shirts left for a covering, and were turned on their faces. My

heart rose at this humiliating spectacle, nor could I breathe freely

until we reached the open fields beyond the fortifications. All who

were unable to march were crowded into the waggons which had been

prepared for them, while those who were less disabled straggled along

the road the best way they could. As may be supposed, there were no

needless competitors for the waggon conveyance, for the roads were

rough, and every jolt of the vehicles produced groans of agony from the

wretched passengers.

On arriving at Wouw, which I took in my way, I explained my absence

from the regiment to the satisfaction of the commanding officer. I soon

heard of the fate of poor Bulteel, (2nd Lieutenant 21st Regiment,)

who fell during this ill-starred enterprise, by a cannon-ball, which

carried off the top of his head. Never was a comrade more sincerely

lamented by his messmates than this most amiable young man. His

brother, an officer in the Guards, whom he had met only a few days

before, fell the same night. The captain of my company, and kind

friend, M'Kenzie, had his leg shattered by a shot on the same occasion,

and I was informed that he bore the amputation without suffering a

groan to escape from him. Four others were more slightly wounded. The

dead had all been collected in the church, and a long trench being dug

by the soldiers, they were all next day deposited in the earth without

parade, and in silence. In a few days I proceeded to Rozendaal, where,

for the present, the prisoners were to remain.

At this place I had more cause than ever to feel grateful for the

kindness of my Dutch landladies and landlords; the surgeon who attended

me finding it necessary to put me on low diet, and to keep my bed, the

sympathy of the good people of the house knew no bounds; not an hour

passed but they came to inquire how I was. So disinterested was their

unwearied attention, that on leaving them I could not induce them to

accept the smallest remuneration. After some time we went to Klundert,

where we were to remain until our exchange should be effected.

Before concluding my narrative of the unfortunate attack on

Bergen-op-Zoom, the reader may expect some observations relative to

the plan of attack, and the causes of its ultimate failure; but it

should be remembered, before venturing to give my opinions on the

subject, that nothing is more difficult for an individual attached to

any one of the different columns which composed the attacking force,

than to assign causes for such an unexpected result, particularly

when the communication between them has been interrupted. In a battle

in the open field, where every occurrence either takes place under

the immediate observation of the General, or is speedily communicated

to him, faults can be soon remedied, or at least it may be afterwards

determined with some degree of accuracy where they existed. But in

a night-attack on a fortified place, the case is very different. As

the General of the army cannot be personally present in the attack,

any blame which may attach to the undertaking, can only affect him in

so far as the original plan is concerned; and if this plan succeeds

so far that the place is actually surprised, and the attacking force

has effected a lodgment within it, and even been in possession of the

greater part of the place, with a force equal to that of the enemy,

no candid observer can attribute the failure to any defect in the

arrangements of the General. Nothing certainly can be easier than,

after the event, to point out certain omissions which, had the General

been gifted with the spirit of prophecy, _might possibly_, in the

existing state of matters, have led to a happier result; but nothing,

in my humble opinion, can be more unfair, or more uncandid, than to

blame the unsuccessful commander, when every possible turn which

things might take was not provided against, and while it still remains

a doubt how far _the remedies proposed_ by such critics would have

succeeded in the execution.

According to the plan of operations, as stated in Sir Thomas Graham's

dispatch, it was directed that the right column, under Major-General

Skerret, and Brig.-General Gore, which entered at the mouth of the

harbour, and the left column under Lord Proby, which Major-General

Cooke accompanied in person, and which attacked between the Waterport

and Antwerp gates, should move along the ramparts and form a junction.

This junction, however, did not take place, as General Cooke had been

obliged to change the point of attack, which prevented his gaining the

ramparts until half-past eleven o'clock, an hour after General Skerret

entered with the right column; a large detachment of which, under

Colonel the Hon. George Carleton, and General Gore, had, unknown to

him, (General Cooke), as it would appear, penetrated along the ramparts

far beyond the point where he entered. The centre column, under

Lieut.-Colonel Morrice, which had attacked near the Steenbergen lines,

being repulsed with great loss, and a still longer delay occuring

before they entered by the scaling-ladders of General Cooke's column,

the enemy had ample opportunities to concentrate their force, near

the points in most danger. However, notwithstanding all these delays

and obstructions, we succeeded (as already stated) in establishing a

force equal to that of the enemy along the ramparts. But still, without

taking into account the advantage which the attacking force always

possesses in the alarm and distraction of the enemy, (which, however,

was more than counterbalanced by our entire ignorance of the place,) we

could not, in fact, be said to have gained any decided superiority over

our adversaries; on the contrary, the chances were evidently against

our being able to maintain our position through the night, or until

reinforcements could come up. "But why," I have heard it often urged,

"were we not made better acquainted with the place?" In answer to this

question, it may be observed, that though there can be no doubt that

the leaders of the different columns, at least, had seen plans of the

place, yet there is a great difference between a personal knowledge of

a place, and that derived from the best plans, even by daylight; but

in the _night_ the enemy must possess a most decided advantage over

their assailants, in their intimate knowledge of all the communications

through the town, as well as in their acquaintance with the bearings

of the different works which surround it.

Another circumstance which must have tended most materially to the

unfortunate result of the attack was, that the two parties, which had

been detached from the right column, were deprived of their commanders

in the very beginning of the night, by the fall of Generals Skerret

and Gore, and Colonel Carleton. The reader, were I inclined to account

for our failure, by these early calamities alone, need not go far to

find instances in history where the fate of an army has been decided

by the fall of its leader. There are some statements, however, in the

excellent account published by Colonel Jones, (who must have had the

best means of information on these points), which irresistibly lead

the mind to certain conclusions, which, while they tend most directly

to exonerate Sir Thomas Graham, as well as the General entrusted with

the command of the enterprise, from the blame which has so unfairly

been heaped on them, at the same time seem to imply some degree of

misconduct on the part of the battalion detached by General Cooke to

support the reserve of 600 men under Lt. Col. Muller at the Waterport

gate. This battallion, he (Colonel Jones), states, perceiving the

enemy preparing to attack them after having got possession of the

Waterport-gate, left the place, by crossing the ice. No reason is given

why this battalion did not fall back on General Cooke's force at the

Orange bastion.

The surrender of the reserve at the Waterport-gate seems to have arisen

either from some mistake, or from ignorance of the practicability of

effecting their escape in another direction, for it does not appear

that they were aware of General Cooke's situation. The loss of these

two parties seems, therefore, to have been the more immediate cause of

the failure of the enterprise; for had both these parties been enabled

to form a junction with General Cooke, we should still, notwithstanding

former losses, have been nearly on an equality, in point of numbers at

least with the enemy. As matters now stood, after these two losses,

which reduced our force in the place to less than half that of the

French, General Cooke appears to have done all that could be expected

of a prudent and humane commander, in surrendering to prevent a useless

expenditure of life, after withdrawing all he could from the place. It

would appear, in consequence of the delay that occurred before General

Cooke entered the place, and the repulse of Colonel Morrice's column,

that the plan of the attack had been altered; otherwise it is difficult

to account for the proceedings of General Skerret in his attempting to

penetrate so far along the ramparts to the left of the entrance of the

harbour, with so small a force.

In Sir Thomas Graham's dispatch, (as I have already noticed), it is

stated that the right column, under General Skerret, and the left

under General Cooke, "were directed to form a junction as soon as

possible," and "clear the rampart of opponents." From the latter words

it is evident that he meant by the nearest way along the ramparts;

consequently, according to this arrangement, General Skerret's column,

after entering at the mouth of the harbour, should have proceeded

along the ramparts to its right. In this direction, Colonel Carleton

had proceeded with 150 men, while General Skerret pushed along the

ramparts in the opposite direction; from these circumstances, it is

fair to conclude that General Skerret despaired of being able to form

a junction with the left column, and therefore wished to force the

Steenbergen-gate, and admit the 21st Fusileers, under Colonel Henry,

while Colonel Carleton should form a junction with Colonel Jones. It

is stated in Col. Jones's account that General Skerret attempted to

fall back on the reserve at the Waterport-gate, but was prevented

by the rising of the tide at the entrance of the harbour. Though it

would be rash at this distance of time to venture to contradict this

statement, I cannot help thinking that he has been misinformed on this

point; for, on my joining the party, after opening the Waterport-gate,

I heard nothing of such an attempt having been made; and if they

had still entertained the idea of retiring from their position, I

could have easily shown them the way by the foot-bridge across the

harbour, where Colonel Muller had sent a company of the Royals from

the Waterport-gate. The party were, when I came to them, at bastion

14,[47] to which they had just retired from bastion 13, where General

Skerret had been wounded and taken prisoner, and they were now

commanded by Captain Guthrie of the 33rd Regiment: it was under the

orders of the last mentioned officer that we threw up the log parapet,

which was of such use to us during the night. The admirable judgment

and coolness displayed by this gallant officer, upon whom the command

so unexpectedly devolved, cannot be mentioned in too high terms of

commendation.

In concluding my narrative, it will, I trust, be admitted, that however

much we may deplore the unfortunate issue of the enterprise, and the

unforeseen difficulties which tended to frustrate the best concerted

plan of operations, there have been few occasions during the war in

which the courage and energies of British soldiers have been put to

such a severe test, or have been met by a more gallant and successful

resistance on the part of the enemy.

[Footnote 44: "When we can't do better we must come to anchor,"—a

common Dutch saying.]

[Footnote 45: Now of the Ceylon regiment.]

[Footnote 46: This was the only gate which was opened during the night.]

[Footnote 47: See the plan at the end of the 2nd vol. of Colonel

Jones's Journals of Sieges, &c.]

END.

LONDON:

G. SCHULZE, 13, POLAND STREET.

Transcriber's Note

Pg. 56: "CHAPTER VI" changed to "CHAPTER IV"

Footnotes placed at end of respective chapter.

Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. Variations

in hyphenation have been standardised but all other spelling and

punctuation remains unchanged.