(405) On the 18th of May, our regiment and the Thirty-fourth
Massachusetts with two pieces of artillery moved from Cedar Creek,
five or six miles up the Valley to Fisher's Hill, and occupied it as a
picket. Gen. Sigel came out to our camp there. The next day the two
regiments fell back two or three miles to Strasburg and occupied an
old fort there built by Gen. Banks. We received today mail--always a
welcome receipt to the boys, the first since leaving Winchester, ten
days before. In the evening the Thirty-fourth band came to the
headquarters of the Twelfth to give us a serenade. Speeches were made
by Col. Curtis, Adjt. Caldwell and Capt. Smiley of our regiment.
(406) On the 2nd, Gen. Sigel was relieved from command here and Gen.
Hunter assigned to his place. Three days later we were reinforced at
Cedar Creek by three more regiments of infantry, the Second Maryland,
the Fourth Virginia and the One Hundred and Sixtieth Ohio, and about
this time, or a little later we were further reinforced by the Fifth
New York heavy artillery.
(407) On the 25th, we drew ten days' rations of coffee and sugar and
three days' rations of hard bread. The troops from Cedar Creek came
up, all having had marching orders. We were now about to start on the
memorable campaign against Lynchburg. Hunter had issued his famous
order announcing to his troops that they were about to enter on an
explosion of hardships, in which they would have to live off the
enemy, and if need be to eat mule meat. The infantry were required to
carry each man 80 or 100 rounds of ammunition. A little after noon of
this day the great march began of what was known as Hunter's raid. We
camped in the evening near Woodstock. On the way the cavalry burned a
house and barn, by orders of Gen. Hunter, the owner having been
engaged in bushwhacking.
(408) On the 29th we resumed our march passing through Edinburg and
Mount Jackson, crossing the Shenandoah here on a bridge newly built by
the Rebels to replace the one burnt by Sigel and camped near New
Market and the ground of the battle of two weeks before. Some members
of the regiment looked over the battle field. They found that our dead
had been buried in a heap where some stone had been quarried out. The
dead of the enemy that had not been taken to their homes, had been
buried in the cemetery at New Market. The enemy had left 31 of our
wounded at this town and vicinity, who it had appeared had been quite
well taken care of. This night our regiment went on picket on the
bridge over the river in our rear.
(409) The second day after our arrival here, two companies of the
Twelfth I and K were detailed to fill in with stone the wooden
abutments of the bridge, and the Thirty-fourth Massachusetts went out
foraging; thus making a beginning of living off the enemy.
(410) We remained here until June 2nd, when we marched at 5 o'clock
A.M. our regiment in the rear of the wagon train, arriving at
Harrisburg in the evening, our advance having driven Imboden out of
town. The Rebels left some sixty of our wounded and thirty of theirs
here, brought up from New Market. Distance marched this day 24 miles.
(411) On the 4th, we marched from here taking the pike leading to
Staunton, but Hunter finding Imboden posted about seven miles ahead at
Mount Crawford after examining this position, turned to the left
taking a side road leading via Port Republic. Seven miles from
Harrisburg we came to Cross Keys where the forces of Fremont and
Jackson fought on June 8th, 1862, and a little farther on to where the
Rebel Col. Ashy was killed. At Port Republic on the south branch of
the Shenandoah our pioneers put a pontoon bridge over the river on
which we crossed and marched about one mile on the road leading to
Staunton.
(412) Early in the morning of the 5th, we resumed our march, but did
not go far until our cavalry began skirmishing with the Rebels,
driving them and capturing a number of prisoners. It may be well to
say here that an Irish woman, who accompanied the First New York
cavalry was noticed helping tenderly to bury some of the killed "my
(her) boys" of that regiment that morning.
(413) Seven miles from Port Republic we found the Rebels in force,
consisting of the commands of Generals Vaughn and Imboden, and a
number of militia, numbering in all, as learned from prisoners,
between 8,000 and 9,000 men, all under the command of Gen. W. E.
Jones. Hunter's command consisted in all of 8,500 men, the infantry in
two brigades the First commanded by Col. Moor, and the Second by Col.
Thoburn. The cavalry were under command of Gen. Stahl, the infantry
under Gen. Sullivan.
(414) The enemy were posted on either side of the pike their right
drawn back somewhat. They had breast works of rails extending at least
from the pike to the Middle river on their left, several hundred yards
distant. Hunter made disposition for battle at once, and the
engagement that followed is known as the Battle of Piedmont. The First
Brigade was formed on the right of the pike, and the Second Brigade on
the left. The opposing forces faced each other from either side from
the edge of woods, with several hundred yards of cleared land between.
(415) The battle began. It was opened by the artillery from each side.
The Twelfth and the Thirty-fourth Massachusetts of Thoburn's brigade
were ordered forward through the woods, on the left of the pike, with
a view to charging some of the enemy's artillery; when, being
discovered they were vigorously shelled by the enemy. After awhile
they were brought back to the point where they had entered the woods.
While waiting here for the coming of the balance of their brigade
Colonels Thoburn and Curtis and Adjt. G. B. Caldwell with their
orderlies, rode out into the open ground forming a group, for the
purpose of watching the effect of the artillery fire. They were
discovered by the Rebels, who threw a shell right into their midst,
which exploding took off the fore-leg of the Adjutant's little mare.
That group immediately dispersed.
(416) The other regiments having come up, Col. Thoburn moved his
brigade forward in the open ground into a slight hollow, within 200
yards of the enemy for the purpose of making a flank charge upon him.
While the infantry were moving forward into this position, the
artillery on each side opened up a heavy fire, and the Rebel band
played "Dixie," while ours played "Yankee Doodle." Just before the
charge that gallant young officer Capt. Meigs, of Hunter's staff rode
backward and forward along the line encouraging the men to do their
duty on this charge, and the day would be ours; that they must not
hesitate or falter but go right through, that we were now a hundred
miles from our lines, and that defeat would be disastrous. The First
Brigade had made three charges right in the face of the Rebel front
and had been repulsed. But we will let Adjt. G. B. Caldwell of the
Twelfth tell the story of the battle in his graphic and enthusiastic
way, as it came red hot from his pen a few days after for the
_Wheeling Intelligencer_; or more particularly of the part taken
in the engagement by the Twelfth. The letter was written from the
headquarters of the regiment at Staunton and is as follows:
(417) This regiment moved from camp at Port Republic at 6 o'clock
A.M., June 5, 1864. Our forces marching forward towards Staunton some
four miles, our cavalry became engaged and drove the enemy a distance
of one and a half miles, suffering a loss of thirty, killed and
wounded. Capt. Imboden a brother of the general's was taken here. The
ball then opened by the loud mouthed artillery bellowing forth, both
Union and Rebel in hellish dialogue of the death answering each
other's thunderous salutations. Post the crackling and roaring of
Rebel woolen factories, consumed by flames kindled by the land of
Union retributive justice; past the roaring batteries; past Carlin's
braves stripped to the shirt sewing out iron vengeance to traitors,
the Second Brigade, our fearless, cool and sound-judging Col. Joe
Thoburn commanding, marched a mile to the very front, forming the left
of our force. The position was 150 yards from the Rebel lines drawn up
behind a fortification of fence rails, so arranged as to make perfect
protection against musketry. Here for one hour and a half in a woods
at one and one-half miles range, the two twenty pounder Parrott guns
of the enemy were served entirely against us with all possible
rapidity and great precision, amid the tremendous explosion of shell,
the profuse of rain of case shoe the fall of trees and limbs, amid
wounded and dying among all these combinations of horror, with not a
gun fired by us and no excitement to cause a wild carelessness of
danger, our line never wavered.
(418) The First Brigade (our right) being heavily pressed moved us in
retreat perhaps half a mile undetected by the enemy. This manouver was
admirably masked in the woods like our advance before in the morning.
A wide hollow whose descending sides were open fields stretched
between the First and Second Brigades. Across this we must go. Our
batteries open their fiercest fire, from hill to hill leap the
ponderous black messengers of destruction, the reverberations of half
a hundred guns on both sides, brought into action by the endeavor our
batteries make to attract the attention of the enemy's ordnance, make
earth tremble, and the air roar while we run the fiery gauntlet to
reinforce our right. With unbroken lines we march over with steady
tread.
(419) The Rebels occupy a woods in whose edge they have as on their
right, an admirably impromptu fence barricaded. Up we go to within 100
yards, lie down, fire and draw the Rebel fire. Men are struck all
along the line. Most of the enemy's rifles are empty. Springing to
their feet and cheering wildly the men rush forward and over the
parapet. Our color bearer plants that banner of holy hopes and
hallowed memories right where the sheet of Rebel flame runs crackling
along, and mounting up cries, "Come on boys here's where I want you."
Gloriously forward we go right into the woods our flag the first our
regiment the foremost, the Rebels contending in a hand to hand
struggle. Prisoners stream to the rear by the hundreds. Other
regiments come to our support.
(420) The character of the conflict is attested by bayoneted Rebel
dead. The emblematic rags of treason their battle flags, a few minutes
before planted in the dirt. They flee in utter rout and one wild shout
of "Victory is ours!" runs along for more than a mile through
infantry, artillery, cavalry, through stragglers and wagon trains,
till the very wounded in the hospitals cheer again and again. The
conduct of the men cannot be too much praising. Often a soldier would
press forward so furiously as to be enclosed single-handed among a
mass of Rebels, surrendering to be recaptured instantly by his
advancing comrades. The whole Rebel force having fled, we camped for
the night in the woods among the Rebel dead, too numerous to be buried
till the morrow.
(421) Thirty ambulances constantly running with the attendants, cannot
collect all the wounded into hospitals, even in the long hours of this
summer afternoon and evening. They have from two to three to our one
in killed and wounded, and 1,000 able bodied prisoners, 60 officers,
four or five colonels. Brig. Gen. Jones, their commanded killed, 1,700
stand of arms, four or five stand of colors and last and best Staunton
grace our triumph.
(422) And here let me pause to pay a tribute to the memory of one of
our own country's martyrs in our holy cause, our color bearer Corporal
Joseph S. Halstead. A braver spirit never bore the banner of beauty
and glory forward amid the bursting shells and the leaden rain of
death. With comrades falling all around him he went ahead of the
bravest, ahead of his brigade. The head and front of that terrific
charge into the jaws of death, he rushed forward and planted our flag
on the very parapet sheeted with flames from the enemy's rifles. Then
over and forward again goes our banner into the hand to hand conflict
in which that glorious day's fate was decided. He falls at last, but
if there be consolation in such an hour, and to a Christian and one so
wholly a soldier as he, he has it to the full a knowledge of his
country's glory and his own. In the moment of victory with a broken
and dispirited enemy flying before us with the shouts of comrades
drunk with the enthusiasm of the hour rendering the very sky, with the
valor of our arms attested by the piles of grey-clothed dead and hurt
around him with the deep heart-felt admiration of all, attracted by
his surpassing daring, with his comrades standing around him in
speechless and tearful sympathy, with prisoners streaming or crowding
to the rear, colonels and subordinates in traitor regalia, their
perjured leader stricken dead by loyal vengeance, he fell at the very
acme of our triumph, battling the flag which he had borne so royally
to glory and to victory, with blood as noble as ever coursed through
patriot veins. Poor Halstead among the brave the choicest spirit of
them all, long will his memory be cherished and his valor in that hour
of carnage and triumph be the theme of the bivouac talks of his
comrades.
(423) Col. Curtis had the pleasure of receiving the sword of a
Virginia regiment's colonel, whose surrender he demanded. One of our
Marshall county boys had the honor of bringing a Rebel colonel "to
time." He, the Marshall county boy is a young fellow of about 17.
Another from Hancock county, I. N. Cullen, (Comp.) had a grey header
Confed bring a musket to his breast with an order to surrender. He
threw the musket aside and twisted it out of the old fellow's hands,
then kicking him over the parapet and out of the woods saying, "Old
man you're too old for me to bayonet." Another Ohio county boy mounted
the parapet in the charge and looking down on the Rebs, says "Lookout
Johnnys we're coming down on you like a thousand of brick." That was
funny at such a time--It was "in the cool."
(424) In the morning before the fight, Gen. Jones drew his men up and
told them that we were going to avenge Fort Pillow, that to surrender
would be to die; and such stuff for an hour. If anything was wanting
to prove the superior humanity of the Union soldiers or the barbarism
induced in the South by slavery here it might have been found. First
Sergeant Hart Marks, of Company K, accepted the surrender of a Rebel
lieutenant and passed on to the front. The Rebel drew a revolver from
under his coat and shot him, fortunately slightly, in the back, yet
our boys spared him. I know of more such cases, several. Marks shortly
afterwards received two wounds, one in side, and one in the shoulder,
the last having passed through a twisted blanket, while charging the
woods, the Rebels being behind the trees. Another of our regiment, the
eccentric Barney Wyles, pressed ahead too far and was surrounded; he
surrendered but his captor shot at him after surrender, with a
revolver, cutting his clothes. Our men rushed on him, wrested the
revolver from him, and then spared him. All evening could you see
Union soldiers feeding wounded Rebels, and food was scarce with us
then, having to come all in the shape of forage. In every regiment a
number of instances can be given of such treachery as above. Could any
contrast be greater?
(425) The day after the fight we came to this place. I wish that some
of our copperheads, who have "nigger on the brain" could come here.
You have heard that southern people are darkened by their sun. One can
hardly tell which are the whites--not that the whites are so black,
but that the blacks are so white. Miscegenation is played out. At this
place 1,700 rifles were captured and therewith a government armory;
cotton factories, commissary stores, railroad buildings and bridges
were burnt. A brass field piece was found here all right. Two 100
pound guns were rendered useless, by the trunnions being broken off.
But I cannot enumerate one-half the damage, and will leave that to
more general correspondents.
(426) I append a list of killed and wounded in this regiment. In
addition to this list David Severe, Company G, was killed. I have just
heard on picket this morning, that Corporal W. L. Herbert and Frank
Metz were captured, both of the same company as Severe.
(427) Returns of killed and wounded and missing of the Twelfth
regiment. West Virginia Volunteer Infantry in the battle of Piedmont,
Virginia, on the 5th of June, 1864.
COMPANY A.
_KILLED_--First Sergeant Wm. H. Leach, Privates Lawis Manning, Geo.
L. Jones and Reuben G. Boyd.
_WOUNDED_--Capt. Hagar Tomlinson, left leg flesh wound; Sergeant
John G. Jones, fourth finger, left hand off; Corporal George Orum,
head slightly; Private Thos. M. Turner, left thigh, severely; Private
Wm. F. Magers, right hand, slightly.
COMPANY B.
_WOUNDED_--James B. Manning, left thigh, flesh wound.
COMPANY C.
_WOUNDED_--Corporal Benjamin Chambers, left arm, flesh wound;
Corporal Wilson Chambers, upper part left breast, not dangerous; Wm.
H. Ambercrombie, shot through both cheeks, severely; Francis M. Gray,
left thigh broken, dangerously; John Dacon, left breast, dangerously;
Geo. Barnes, right arm, flesh wound; Isaac N. Fisher, second finger
right hand; Harmon Crow, right hand, slight.
COMPANY D.
_KILLED_--Sergeant A. R. Gilmore, Corporal Joseph S. Halstead, color
bearer; Privates C. W. Hamilton and Robert J. Anderson.
_WOUNDED_--Corporal Daniel Maxwell, top of head, severely, but not
dangerously; Corporal E. M. Adams, left shoulder slightly; Jno. W.
Murray, right arm, severely.
COMPANY E.
_KILLED_--Corporal Jno. H. Wildham.
_WOUNDED_--Privates Jno. H. Bennett, right leg, severely; and James
Bachus, shot through cheeks, dangerously.
COMPANY F.
_WOUNDED_--Privates Henry Fortney, left leg, severely; Robert
Heiskill, right fore finger; Ezra Wallace, left thigh, severely;
Abia Warmsley, left fore arm, severely; A. M. Shroyer, left fore
arm severely and Calvin L. Flemming, right thigh, slightly.
COMPANY G.
_KILLED_--Private Wm. H. Garrittson.
_WOUNDED_--Private Alphens Wyer, abdomen dangerously.
COMPANY H.
_KILLED_--Corporal Ed. O. Haymond.
_WOUNDED_--Privates Archer Wood, left elbow, severely, and left
side slightly; Jacob Noes, right ankle, severely; Adam Price,
shoulder, seriously; James W. Thomas, left, thigh, slightly; Frank
McVicker, left side head, slightly; Jno. R. Wolfe, side head,
slightly.
_MISSING_--Henry Bichur.
COMPANY I.
_KILLED_--Joseph R. Lyons, Wm. Beal, Andrew Daugherty, Joseph B.
Durbin.
_WOUNDED_--Wm. H. Moore, right side, severely; Wm. B. Campbell, left
shoulder, severely; Jno. R. Baxter, right breast, slightly; S. H.
Minor, left thigh, flesh wound.
COMPANY K.
_KILLED_--A. W. White.
_WOUNDED_--First Sergeant T. H. Marks, flesh wound in side and
shoulder, slight; Joseph Macks, left hand, not dangerous; Wm. H.
Holbintter, right side, (shell) mortally, died; Alex. McVoneha, left
arm and wrist, flesh wound.
_MISSING_--Corporal J. E. Fleming.
Total--Eighteen, killed; 41, wounded, and two missing.
(428) In addition to the foregoing letter from Adjutant Caldwell, a
few further details and observations regarding the battle may not be
unworthy of mention. A member of Company D, in a manuscript history of
the company says that "early on the morning of June 5th, we were
ordered into line before some of the boys breakfasted. After marching
a short distance, we were halted, brought to a front and ordered to
load at will. We were then informed by Col. Curtis that the enemy was
near and that every man was expected to do his whole duty. The
file-closers were ordered to take their positions in the rear of their
companies. In looking along the line a determined expression on the
countenances of both men and officers was notable, which boded no good
to the enemy; and Adjt. Caldwell remarked, 'The boys are full of fight
today.'"
(429) This fighting spirit manifested by the regiment is perhaps
explainable in part by the belief confirmed by information got from
the citizens in coming up the Valley that we came near whipping in the
New Market battle, and the consequent resolution, having come so near
it then, to whip altogether this battle. And there the fact that our
cavalry were driving the enemy's cavalry this morning, doubtless had
something to do in working up the fighting mood of the men.
(430) Col. Curtis having been mounted all day on a very fine horse
wanted to try him in battle and see if he would be manageable under
fire. When the order was given to charge he mounted him and looking
over into the Rebel works he discovered that something had occurred to
raise great excitement among the enemy. He repeated the command just
given by Col. Thoburn to charge and shouted "Go in boys they're
whipped." The position of the brigade, from which the charge was made
was such that in making it the Twelfth would strike the right flank of
the Rebel breast works extending from the pike to the river, at about
the center of the regiment, compelling one-half of the men to climb
over the breast works. But they went on cheering and shouting as they
went, lighting among the Rebels when a hand to hand struggle for
victory ensued for a few minutes when the Rebel line gave way, falling
back toward the river, which was fordable at that point. The Twelfth
followed the Johnnys briskly, capturing prisoners and killing those
who refused to surrender.
(431) About midway between the pike and the river, the Forty-fifth
Virginia infantry under command of Col. Brown held its position at the
breast works until the Twelfth attacked it. Col. Brown was a graduate
of West Point; but after being educated by the government was now
trying to destroy it. A private by the name of Shinn, of Harrison
county, it appears, ordered him to surrender; which he refused to do,
because the order came from a private, but the private had the drop on
him and was about to shoot him when he, Brown, observed Col. Curtis
mounted on his horse which he had jumped over the breast works, moving
along the line with his regiment. Brown threw up his hands giving
Curtis a sign which the latter understood, exclaiming "I will
surrender to you." The boys were ordered to take him to the rear with
the other prisoners, and on his way back he took a very fine revolver
from his belt and handing it to the boy said, "Give this to your
Colonel with my compliments." The boy was honest and gave it to him
and it was still in the possession of Col. Curtis at the time of his
death.
(432) After the surrender of Col. Brown and his regiment the rout
became general. Col. Halpine, Hunter's chief of staff is further
authority for saying that the forces engaged in this battle were about
equal, counting of the Rebels about 1,500 militia. Halpine says:
(433) "The fight though not large in numbers was singularly obstinate
and fluctuating; the enemy beating back repeated charges of infantry
and cavalry under Generals Sullivan and Stahl, and it was quite late
in the afternoon after a long and sweltering day of battle, when the
movement of the gallant Col. Thoburn's division across the narrow
valley and its charge up the hill upon the enemy's right flank decided
the contest in our favor. But for the coming on of night and the
broken heavily timbered nature of the country, the famous feat of
"bagging" that army--so popular with congressional orators and
enthusiastic editors--might have been easily accomplished; for a worse
whipped or more utterly demoralized crowd of beaten men never fled
from any field."
(434) Gen. Jones, the commander of the Rebel force, was shot in the
head and fell dead upon the field. This was what caused the apparent
excitement among the Rebels, noticed by Col. Curtis, as before
mentioned. The Rebel leader was shot just as he was getting his troops
ready for a charge. He fell in front of the Twelfth, and it was
supposed that some member of it fired the fatal shot. Among the
prisoners captured was Capt. Boyd Faulkner, of Gen. Jones' staff. The
demoralized and routed Rebels many of whom ran into and across the
river, making their escape in that way, reported on their retreat, so
we learned the next day, that the Yankees before the battle had been
dosed and mad drunk with whisky and gun powder, so that they fought
recklessly and charged upon their works regardless of the slaughter
made in their ranks.
(435) A comrade of Sergt. Halstead's company records a striking and
touching incident concerning him, showing his devotion to patriotic
duty. He was mortally wounded in the battle, falling upon the flag and
staining it with his blood just after he had crossed the enemy's
breast works. He was carried off the field of battle and cared for by
his comrades. He lived until about 8 o'clock that night. Just before
he died he sent for Col. Curtis to come and see him. The Colonel came
immediately and kneeling by his side and taking his hand, said,
"Sergeant, you are badly wounded." "Yes," Halstead replied, "I feel
that I have but a few minutes to live, but before I die I desire to
know if I have done my duty as a soldier." The Colonel answered, "Yes,
you have gallantly sacrificed your life for your country; you could do
no more." Halstead said, "Then I am ready to go," and died soon
afterward.
(436) This battle of Piedmont was the third engagement for the Twelfth
and its first victory. It having been our fortune up to this time to
fight our battles in the Shenandoah Valley, in which the Union arms
had hitherto met with an almost uniform series of disasters, and which
had indeed become a valley of humiliation to us owing to the fact that
we had generally out numbered, the Twelfth had hitherto met with
defeat. This time the day was ours, and we got to view the battle
field instead of having to yield that privilege to the Johnnys; and
that the regiment behaved so gallantly as it did in this battle is all
the more creditable to it that it did so in spite of the demoralizing
tendencies of previous defeats.
(437) Gen. Hunter was a large dark visaged stern man of severe aspect;
a man not at all of a sympathetic genial disposition, who was
calculated to win the personal attachment of men generally. He was not
only severe in appearance but he was really so. On one occasion on the
march to Lynchburg, a man was noticed as the army passed by, tied up
to a tree by order of Gen. Hunter it was said. It is not remembered
that any other general under whom the Twelfth served ever punished a
soldier in like manner, by direct personal order. Notwithstanding
Hunter's lack of popular qualities, now that he had won a victory, he
was at this time popular with the boys; and they were disposed to
cheer him when he made his appearance before them. They were thus
merely paying a tribute to success.
(438) That night after the battle, we slept in the woods held by the
Rebels during the battle, and owing to the great reaction of feeling
after the fight--the letting down of the high tension of excitement
kept up all the long day of strength, the boys generally slept well,
though in some instances the moaning of an enemy wounded beyond relief
could be heard nearby. In the morning we marched for Staunton some 11
miles distant, which place we reached that day after an easy day's
march. After having gone about four miles on the way toward Staunton,
we met an aid who informed us that the enemy had fled from that place,
and that we now had communication with Generals Crook and Averell, who
had moved from the Kanawha Valley, when cheer after cheer went up all
along the line over the announcement.
(439) On nearing Staunton we passed one or more houses where the
occupants had hung in front of their homes white cloths as indicative
of submission or with a view to securing protection. When we got into
the town the women seemed dreadfully frightened; some of them were in
the streets wringing their hands and crying as if they were afraid the
Yankees might eat them alive. Their conduct was in strong contrast
with that of the women of Winchester to whom the Yankee was no new
sight; they being not in the least afraid of him, having learned that
he was no dread monster. But rather they were, in some cases, haughty,
defiant and saucy. If we had stayed awhile in Staunton these women
would soon have got over their dreadful alarm, finding that they were
as safe as with their own.
(440) We were the first Union soldiers that had ever set foot in
Staunton as victors. This early summer of 1864 was marking a distinct
advance or progress of the Union cause. Grant was planting himself
firmly before Petersburg never to yield his ground. Sherman was moving
on toward Atlanta and before long would capture that important point,
we of Hunters command had pushed farther up the Shenandoah Valley,
than any Union army had ever done before and we were soon to menace.
Lynchburg, an almost vital point to the enemy, and a place that had
never been seriously threatened before; thus causing the enemy to
detach heavily from his force at Richmond to send troops into the
Valley and to thereby prepare the way for Sheridan to gain, in the
fall of the year, his important and telling victories, and thus make
his great military reputation.
(441) After arriving at Staunton in the evening the Twelfth went into
camp on a hill east of the town. That night the prisoners captured at
Piedmont were confined in the stockade which the Rebels had used for
the confining of our men. The next day, the 7th, our regiment was sent
on the march for what reason it is not known on the road leading to
Beverly, W. Va. When about six miles on the way while we were stopping
for a rest, orders came to us to return and we marched back to
Staunton. While remaining at this place, the large number of prisoners
we held, and our surplus wagons, with some of our not too severely
wounded in them, were sent in charge of Major Samuel Adams, a
quartermaster, from here to Webster on the Baltimore and Ohio railroad
guarded by the Twenty-eighth Ohio infantry, whose time had expired.
(442) On the morning of the 9th, Col. Curtis received orders from Gen.
Hunter to proceed with his regiment to a certain point on the railroad
leading to Richmond to burn the brides, tear up the track, and make
the road as difficult to repair as possible. In performing this work,
the ties and rails were so piled up that when the ties were set on
fire, the rails would be so bent it would require much labor to make
them serviceable again. The men engaged heartily in this work.
(443) On the morning of the 10th we set out on the march to Lexington
our division taking one road and Crook's division, it having joined us
two days before, another road to the right of ours. At Staunton large
quantities of the enemy's tobacco had been by authority thrown into
the streets. Nearly every man had picked up more than he could
conveniently carry and for a day the army might have been tracked by
the tobacco plugs strewn along the road. When seven miles on the road
toward Lexington a courier came to us bearing the news that a large
wagon train was coming with coffee and sugar for us, and that Grant
had driven Lee inside of his intrenchments around Richmond. The boys,
of course, cheered this news heartily. We camped this night at a place
called Midway, 18 miles from Staunton, and the same distance from
Lexington which place is situated on the north branch of the James
river, and is the seat of the Virginia Military Institute. When near
this latter town we were rejoined by Crook's force. Before we reached
the town the Rebels burned the bridge leading across the river to it.
After some skirmishing and a few shells thrown from our side the
Johnnys who were still in the town left. But we did not enter the town
this day.
(444) The next morning we crossed over the river on a bridge
constructed by the Pioneer corps and camped near the town. The
Institute, where about two hundred cadets were attending at the time,
Governor Letcher's house and some houses belonging to Rebel officers
were burned at this place by order of Gen. Hunter. There were also
some iron works burned here. Stonewall Jackson's grave is here at the
head of which there was a pole, bearing a flag when we entered the
town; but the flag and pole somehow soon thereafter disappeared. We
remained at Lexington two days and during this time the supply train
referred to with rations and quartermaster's stores came up.
(445) At 5 o'clock on the morning of the 14th, we marched taking the
road leading to Buchanan in Botetourt county on the south branch of
the James river. We passed within two and a half miles of the Natural
Bridge over Cedar Creek and arrived at Buchanan a little after dark.
The Rebels had burned the bridge over the river before leaving, but
the pioneers soon made another in its stead, on which we crossed.
According to an account by W. W. Foreman, of Company D, a spy, was
taken this day, and after a court martial was shot the following
morning.
(446) This past day we had had a long hard march, considering the heat
of the weather. Pertinent to this matter of hard marching this
anecdote which should have been told sooner, is given. It will be
remembered that when Hunter set out on this expedition the men were
required to carry from 80 to 100 rounds of ammunition per man. Grant
in assuming command of the armies of the United States ordered the
heavy artillerymen to be armed as infantry and sent into the field.
Some of these soldiers were sent to Hunter. They were given to
straggling considerably, not being used marching, and besides many of
them wore tightly fitting boots, which they had worn while in the
fortifications, making the matter worse. One day one of these soldiers
who was straggling behind, as we marched somewhere, in the Valley, was
accosted by an officer, doubtless with the intent to reprimand him,
and asked to what command he belonged. The soldier in allusion to the
heavy amount of ammunition he was carrying, answered with a big oath.
"I belong to Gen. Hunter's ammunition train."
(447) The next day, the 15th, we resumed our march; but Crook's
division taking the advance we did not get started till late in the
day and marched only 11 miles this day, camping for the night at the
Peaks of Otter. Our route today led over the Blue Ridge on which we
saw a dead man in citizen's dress by the roadside, who had been shot
by our men. It appeared that he with others had been felling trees
across the road in front of us, and had been killed in the act.
(448) Early the next morning we were en route, and a march of nine
miles brought us to Liberty, a pretty little town on the Virginia and
Tennessee railroad. A great many wounded Rebels from Lee's army were
in the hospital here. After doing considerable damage to the railroad,
and burning the depot here, we passed on five miles farther, on the
road toward Lynchburg and camped. The next day at an early hour we
pushed on toward this city. We were now in an apparently fine country.
It was this day or the afternoon of the day before, that a fine
residence near the road was burned by order of Gen. Hunter, it
appearing that our troops had been fired on from it. We passed through
the town of New London. About 4 o'clock P.M., when some three miles
from Lynchburg, Gen. Crook whose division was in advance, engaged the
enemy at an outpost driving him from his intrenchments there to his
inner line of defense and captured about 70 prisoners and two or three
pieces of artillery. We camped upon the field.
(449) The next morning, the 18th, we moved forward, our skirmishers
driving the Rebel skirmishers, until we could see the enemy's
fortifications within two miles of the city. Our division, or at least
the part of it to which the Twelfth belonged, was on or across the
Bedford road. There was no considerable fighting except skirmishing
and shelling until about 2 P.M., when heavy firing was heard on our
left, Hunter having attacked there in force. There was no fighting on
our part of the line just at this time, but soon thereafter, the
Rebels being observed to be getting ready to sally out of the works to
charge us on the Bedford road, we here, at a brigade were massed on
the left of the road in five close lines in the edge of some woods,
with clean open ground between us and the Rebel works, some 500 yards
distant. Soon the Rebels were ready and charged us; and at the same
time they began shelling us. The most of the shells, however, crashed
through the tree tops above our heads doing little harm. We opened
fire on the charging column before it had come far and kept up a
steady and continuous roaring of musketry until the Rebels broke and
"skedaddled" back to the works, which they did before they got half way
to our lines. We repulsed them easily. Some soldiers, who were in the
rear during this charge said afterward that they had never before
heard so heavy musketry and that they thought from the tremendous roar
kept up that we must be getting slaughtered. Hunter failed to capture
any of the enemy's works this day; but the Rebels thought best to keep
on the defensive. Our loss was about 200 hundred and it was thought
the enemy's was heavy.
(450) When the Rebels charged us on the Bedford road a number of men
in the front line about opposite the center of the Twelfth, broke
making quite a gap a dozen or so of them trying to get behind one
tree. A number of the Twelfth boys ran forward to the gap and fired on
the advancing Rebels. And here at this point it is desired to pay a
tribute to an enlisted man, Sergt. Thomas J. Ormsby, of Company C. The
soldier in the ranks has not been without praise but it is doubtful if
he has had his full due relatively with the officers. Ormsby ran the
gap going perhaps 30 feet in advance of the front line trusting that
our own men would not shoot him. He was the one man, it is believed,
who thus went forward of the 2,000 or more massed men. He wanted to
watch the progress and outcome of the fight. When the Johnnys began to
break he turned toward our ranks and said laughing, "They're running
boys."
(451) This same sergeant when a battle seemed imminent was in the
habit of talking to the men of his company in an encouraging way,
telling them to not fear, that we would whip them and all that. He was
no bully nor braggart, but simply wanted to inspire the men with his
own confidence. A soldier in another company called this peculiar
habit of Sergt. Ormsby "preaching." One day when a fight was
threatened this soldier called the attention of a comrade to the
sergeant's conduct saying, "Did you ever notice Ormsby when there is
likely to be a fight? Listen to him preaching to Company C.--He's the
d----dst man ever I saw." Sergt. Ormsby seemed almost devoid of fear.
The soldier who drew attention to the sergeant, was afterward killed
in the Valley of Virginia under Sheridan.
(452) After the repulse of the Rebel charge we were moved from the
woods and reformed into line. There was no more fighting except
skirmishing. The spirit of the men was still good, as was evidenced by
the way they were disposed to expose themselves to the Rebel fire.
Hunter, however, was just one day too late attacking Lynchburg, for
the very day he arrived before the city, Early's corps arrived in it,
and all night thereafter the Rebels were beating drums and cheering
over more reinforcements. It seems almost certain that if Hunter had
been only one day earlier in his attempt against Lynchburg, the place
would have fallen. But after all the result as it was may have been
best, for it led to Sheridan's opportunity to establish his great
ability as a commander, to his signal victories in the Valley as
before written, and thereby, very probably to the hastening of the
downfall of the rebellion.
(453) Hunter having satisfied himself that Early's corps had come to
the defense of the city started just after dark on the retreat. We
marched all night stopping at Otter creek in the morning, the 19th, to
rest and prepare something to eat, having marched 18 miles. After
breakfast we marched on, passing through Liberty and camped three
miles beyond along the line of the Virginia and Tennessee railroad.
Now that Hunter had failed in his attempt against Lynchburg he was
compelled to abandon his Shenandoah line on account of Early's having
the shorter route to it, and retreat to Charleston on the Kanawha by
way of Buford's Gap, following the railroad from Liberty to Salem, at
which point 36 miles from Liberty the railroad was left.
(454) We left camp near Liberty about 2 o'clock in the morning the
20th, passing through Thoxton's and Buford's stations, at which places
some subsistence was obtained and going on after a march of 17 miles
we stopped in Buford's Gap in the Blue Ridge to eat of our scant
supply and rest. A little after dark we resumed our march. Shortly
after the infantry started, our cavalry staying behind for a time
captured about a hundred of the Rebel cavalry, in the pass, who had
been harassing our rear. We marched all night reaching Salem in the
morning. Here we halted to meal, breakfast and dinner. While here the
enemy attacked our rear. The attack not very serious, was repulsed.
The wagon train and some artillery were sent ahead, some cavalry
having gone ahead a while before.
(455) About three miles from Salem the rear of the train which from
oversight or want of precaution had little or no guard with it, was
attacked by McCausland, capturing or killing a number of horses,
cutting down the carriages of five guns so that they had to be
abandoned and getting off with three guns. The infantry were hurried
up from the rear and he was driven off with a loss to us of thirty
men. After this affair with the Rebels we marched on ten miles
farther, passing over a mountain and camped for the night of the 21st,
to have our first good rest. We had marched in the last twenty-four
hours 26 miles, and in all for the last three days 70 miles doing most
of the marching after night though the nights were short, with little
or no sleep. The men were so worn out for want of sleep that when a
short stop was made for a rest, they would fall asleep and were hard
to waken up. Though our march had thus been rapid the bridges,
stations, and water tanks along the railroad as far as we followed it
were pretty thoroughly destroyed by our men.
(456) Near the summit of the mountain over which we had just passed on
the road in our rear up which the Rebels were expected to come our men
had placed in position two pieces of artillery to give them a salute
if they should venture up the mountain. In the night cavalry were
heard coming and when they were near enough the artillery was opened
on them, sending them down the mountain flying. The Rebels followed us
no farther.
(457) We remained in camp at the foot of the mountain till 1 o'clock
P.M., when the 22nd, we resumed our march. We passed through New
Castle, over Middle Mountain, Peter's Mountain, through Sweet
Springer, over Allegheny Mountain, through White Sulphur Springs where
the men being so hard pressed for something to eat pulled up growing
potatoes and ate the old tubers; crossed the Greenbriar River, passed
through Lewisburg, over Little Sewell Mountain, and over Big Sewell
Mountain, camping at its foot. It was on coming up one of these
mountains that many dead horses were seen. So many were they, it
seemed that, for a mile or two, there was one to every rod or two.
They had given out from want of feed and were shot to keep the enemy
from getting them.
(458) It was now the 27th, the 9th day since we had left Lynchburg. We
had marched from that time 168 miles. For the last three or four days
we had had in the way of subsistence little or nothing except coffee,
sugar and very poor beef, of which latter the men became very sick,
getting it only partially cooked by roasting it over a fire. We had
got to that extremity that we were glad to get bran or raw corn to
eat. It was said that an officer in one case at least, offered a
dollar for a pint of corn. Here at the west base of Big Sewell,
however, the train of supplies which had been promised us for a day or
two, finally came up to the great gladness of all. And the race for
rations was now at an end.
(459) The next day we pushed on and passed the Hawksnest on the New
River, the 29th, an almost perpendicular precipice of rocks, eleven
hundred feet high, overlooking the river; crossed the Ganley River the
same day at its junction with the former river, the two streams
forming the Kanawha river, and camped. We remained here two days,
being now within easy reach of supplies, and were mustered for pay
while here. July 2nd, we marched to Camp Piatt on the Kanawha ten
miles from Charleston, having marched 227 miles from Lynchburg.
(400) Col. Strother, Gen. Hunter's chief of staff in his report of the
expedition, gives these results: "About 50 miles of the Virginia
Central railroad had been effectually destroyed. The Virginia and
Tennessee road had been destroyed to some extent for the same
distance; an incredible amount of public property had been buried,
including canal boats and railroad trains loaded with ordinance and
commissary stores; numerous extensive iron works, manufactories of
saltpetre, musket stocks, shoes, saddles and artillery harness, woolen
cloths and grain mills. About three hundred muskets and twenty pieces
of cannon with quantities of shells and gun powder fell into our
hands, while immense quantities of provisions, cattle and horses were
captured and used by the army." Col. Strother claims also the
infliction of a loss of 2,000 killed and wounded on the enemy, besides
the taking of 2,000 prisoners with a total loss of only 1,500 men and
eight guns in Hunter's command (see Pond) Hunter, however, lost a
great many horses, mules and wagons by reason of lack of subsistence
for the horses and mules.
(461) It appears that a far greater result was achieved by Hunter's
expedition than any or it may be, of all those given by Col. Strother;
for Jefferson Davis explained to the people of Georgia after the fall
of Atlanta that "an audacious movement of the enemy up to the very
walk of Lynchburg had rendered it necessary that the government should
send a formidable body of troops to cover that vital point, which had
otherwise been intended for the relief of Atlanta."
(462) Hunter regarded the achievements of his command as valuable. He
sent a dispatch from Lomp Creek near Ganley Bridge, June 28th, saying
that, "the expedition had been extremely successful inflicting great
injury upon the enemy." He added, "The command is in excellent heart
and health." Gen. Hunter, who had kept up during the raid a rather
luxuriant table, comparatively sumptuously supplied, was perhaps
himself in pretty good health and heart; but that his troops in
general--who had suffered much deprivation and hardship, having to
live mainly on meat for some days inferior no doubt to good mule meat,
and having been so exhaustively marched that a few days before we
reached rations he ordered those of the command, who could not keep up
to keep in squads so that they could defend themselves from
bushwhackers--would agree with this opinion is hardly to be believed.
(463) July 3rd, the Twelfth with a considerable portion of Hunter's
infantry besides, took steamboats at Camp Piatt on the Kanawha for
Parkersburg on the Ohio, to take cars of the Baltimore and Ohio
railroad back to the Shenandoah Valley again. We passed down the
Kanawha and up the Ohio getting along pretty well till we came to
Buffington's Island where we had to go ashore and foot it a short
distance on account of the boats not being able to pass the shoals
there with her load of passengers. After passing the shoals we boarded
the boats again. From this point we got along pretty well till we got
to Blannertassett's Island, about six miles from Parkersburg, where we
had to go ashore again on account of low water, and march to that
city, arriving at a village opposite the 4th, having marched up on the
Ohio side of the river and camped for the night.
(464) We crossed the river the next day and took the cars for the
Valley. It was five days later when we reached the village of
Hedgersville on the western skirt of the Valley, having been detained
on the way on account of the Rebels having burnt several bridges east
of Cumberland, Md., which had to be rebuilt before the trains could go
on. At this village we began to hear reports and rumors as to the
nearness and strength of the enemy; but notwithstanding whatever the
commanding general may have known the troops generally seemed to have
no definite information as to the strength of the Rebels near us.