(317) March 12th, Maj. Gen. Franz Sigel arrived here and took command
of the department. During this month the arrangement was made for the
raid against Lynchburg, Gen. Sigel to command the force in person, to
be moved it was first intended from Webster, near Grafton on the
Baltimore and Ohio railroad but as finally decided from Martinsburg up
the Valley. He carefully inspected the troops here intended to go on
the expedition. In his inspection which was minute and almost
individual in character, he passed closely along the lines of men,
looking sharply into their eyes, apparently to see if there was fight
there.
(318) On a Sabbath day shortly after Sigel's arrival here. A few weeks
later McNeil's and Woodson's men parade, he and his staff rode up to
the camp and quietly took position behind the Colonel, and witnessed
the efficiency with which the men executed the orders given them; and
when the parade was over Gen. Sigel rode up to the Colonel and
complimented the regiment on its high attainment in drill, stating
that he had no idea that there was so well drilled a regiment in that
department.
(319) Lieut. Col. Northcott, having recently rejoined the regiment,
from being a prisoner in Libby prison, on the occasion of a dress
parade on the 27th, gave us a short speech. Gen. Sigel was also up to
the camp at the time and spoke briefly to the regiment. Officers and
men were all pleased to see the Lieutenant Colonel once more with the
regiment; and he no doubt, was no less glad to exchange life in a
Rebel prison for his accustomed duties with the boys.
(320) Adjt. Gen. Pierpont, our former Major between whom and the
Twelfth, there had always been a strong, mutual attachment came from
Wheeling on April 2nd, to pay the regiment a visit and greet his late
comrades again.
(321) The next day, the 3rd, the regiment was ordered to proceed to
Webster, W. Va., by the way of the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, where
a force was concentrating to start on the expedition against
Lynchburg, by the way of Beverly to Staunton, Va., at which place it
was to form a junction with Gen. Crook's forces, moving from the
Kanawha Valley. Gen. Sigel ordered the Twelfth to start in the advance
with 250 head of cattle in their charge for the soldiers to subsist
upon. The regiment succeeded in getting the cattle through to Beverly
42 miles from Webster. This being the first opportunity the members of
the regiment had of playing the part of "cow boys" they performed the
task with the zeal of novices and had a jolly time of it. We found the
Tenth and Eleventh West Virginia and the Twenty-eighth Ohio infantry
at Beverly.
(322) By the time the Twelfth had arrived at this place with the
cattle, Sigel was convinced that it would be impossible to get his
artillery through on this route; and he changed the plan of moving
against the enemy, to marching up the Valley. We stayed here two
nights and one day, when the regiment was ordered to return
immediately to Webster with the cattle. We, on the return, reached
Philippi, the 11th. Four companies C, E, G and I, remained here a few
days under the command of Maj. Brown. The rest of the regiment went to
Webster with the cattle, in the morning. This was a hard and worse
than useless march of 84 miles from Webster to Beverly and back. The
weather was very rainy and we had to march through deep mud well
mixed, by the driving of 250 head of cattle over the road. The boys
talked sarcastically about it, saying that they did not understand it,
but that they supposed this movement was strategy.
(323) On our return in passing through Belington, a small town between
Beverly and Philippi, a lieutenant, who was in command of the post
there asked Col. Curtis where he intended to camp that night. The
Colonel informed him that in coming out he had noticed a farm that was
supplied with a long high fence of new rails; and that was the point
he intended to make as it would give the boys an opportunity of
conveniently getting good fuel to keep up ample fires. The Lieutenant
replied, "That is the very place you should go into camp. You can't
punish them half enough, they are the meanest d----d Rebels in the
state. They assisted a gang of Rebel soldiers in capturing a large
train of wagons loaded with commissary and quartermaster stores, on
their way to Beverly taking all the goods and horses, and burning the
wagons."
(324) The regiment proceeded to the point designated and went into
camp along the line of fence. One of the young men of the family came
to us while arrangements were making for camping. He looked as though
he had just left Mosby's gang of guerrillas. The Colonel approached
him and inquired if he could procure some straw for the men to sleep
on, stating that the ground was damp and cold, and he would like to
make them as comfortable as possible since they had no tents or
shelter of any kind. He replied: "No, we have nothing of the kind on
the farm. Everything has been taken from us, and we have been
compelled to cut the limbs from the trees to browse our cattle on to
keep them from starving." Of course, the young man expected that this
statement would be accepted as the truth.
(325) However, the Colonel concluded knowing the capacity of the
Twelfth boys to make themselves comfortable, that they could be
trusted to take care of themselves; and that there was not much
likelihood that they would sleep on the bare ground that night. This
conclusion was justified about one hour after the camp was located. At
that time a line of men could be seen with great bundles of straw
coming into camp.
(326) Before this the Colonel had walked to the house to get quarters
for himself and Surgeon Bryon. He procured a room from the old lady.
She appeared to be boss of the ranch. He inquired of her if she would
sell him some meat, as he had been informed by the cook of his mess,
that the supplies of meat was about exhausted. She replied: "No, we
have not a bit of meat for our own family."
(327) About 8 o'clock at night there was a racket out at the chicken
roost. The chickens were fluttering and squalling as though the owls
had attacked them. The old lady's daughter ran out to learn what had
caused the disturbance, and returned very shortly saying: "Mam, them
Yankees are stealing all our chickens." The boss of the ranch ordered
the Colonel to go out and stop the men from stealing her chickens. He,
very obediently complied with the orders, and returned pretty soon
reporting that he failed to see anyone about the chicken roost and
took his seat. About an hour afterwards, the same racket of fluttering
and squalling was repeated. The girl ran out again, and after making a
general inspection of the chicken roost ran back and exclaimed: "Mam,
them infernal soldiers have stole every chicken we have but old
speck." And then the old sharp-nosed thin visaged Boss, with a tongue
apparently loose at both ends, rattled her slang at the Colonel at a
terrible rate, calling him and his men all kinds of vile names. But
her troubles did not end here.
(328) The next morning just at day break the Boss rushed into his bed
room, and seizing him by the shoulders and shaking him shouted: "Get
up, your men have stolen all my meat." He replied: "Why, Madam, you
told me you had no meat about your house." "Yes," said she, "but I
had, and your men have undermined my smoke house and took all I had."
He informed her that she had done wrong in telling him a falsehood in
saying that she had no meat. She should have asked for a guard to
protect it. She then demanded that a guard be sent to search the
regiment to see if it could be found. This was done, and the guard
returned in due time, reporting that he had thoroughly searched the
camp and no meat could be found. He may have made a correct report;
nevertheless, when the Colonel joined his mess for dinner that day, he
found a very fine roast of ham prepared for the meal. But he could not
learn where it came from.
(329) While the four companies before named were at Philippi, there
was a considerable amount of government revenue stamps stolen. It
seemed conclusive that some soldier had done the deed; and Maj. Brown
had a careful and earnest search made of every man of the four
companies, but the stamps were not found. The officers and men
generally of the detachment were indignant that any one of the Twelfth
had committed such a crime, feeling that it brought dishonor upon the
whole command. They would have been pleased if the guilty one should
have been found and properly punished. Many months afterward, it is
said, it became pretty generally known who had done the deed.
(330) The detachment, on the 20th, marched to Webster, joining there
the rest of the regiment, and the next day in accordance with orders
the regiment marched to Grafton, taking the cars there to go by the
way of the Baltimore and Ohio railroad to Martinsburg, arriving there
the 22nd, in the evening, and camped near the First Virginia infantry
camp. We remained at Martinsburg several days, and there were
inspections and a general review of all the troops here. In the
meantime there was organized in the second brigade, consisting of the
Thirty-fourth Massachusetts, the Fifty-fourth Pennsylvania, the First
Virginia, and Twelfth West Virginia under command of the gallant Col.
Joseph Thoburn.
(331) We had now got started on a season of hard campaigning which was
to run into the late fall. We were about to start up what had hitherto
been in the main and what was to continue to be for a time, with some
bright exceptions, the Valley of defeat and humiliation; but which was
in the end to be the Valley of glorious victory for the arms of the
Union.
(332) The 28th, the command received orders from Gen. Sigel,
commander, to be ready to march at 8 o'clock in the morning with five
days' rations in our haversacks. We set out on the march in the
morning at the appointed time on the Winchester pike, and marched to
Bunker Hill, ten miles distant, and remained there till May 1st, when
we marched through and to a point about two miles beyond Winchester.
All along the pike from Martinsburg to Winchester on the march between
the two towns, could be seen the graves of soldiers of the one or the
other side who had fallen as victims of the cruel, bloody, wicked war.
There was perhaps not a mile of the whole route over which we passed
along which there could not be seen a soldier's grave; and at
Winchester there were thousands buried. Everywhere could be seen the
destructiveness and paralyzing effects of the war. Fences were torn
down, farms were stripped of live stock, high grass was growing up to
the edge of the towns, and it seemed as if the country was deserted by
its inhabitants. Everything and the condition of things generally were
object lessons teaching of the baleful effects of war.
(333) On this day we passed through the historic and memorable old
town of Winchester and camped about two miles beyond the town. The
next day we had brigade drill under the supervision of Gen. Sigel. We
remained here about a week during which time the organization of the
army was completed. Our stay here afforded the boys of the Twelfth an
opportunity to walk over the old battle ground of the Winchester
battle fought on our side under Gen. Milroy. The boys examined the
scene of the battle with considerable eager curious interest.
(334) While we were at this point, there were extra precautions taken
against a surprise. Strong picket forces were kept out, five companies
being sent out on some of the roads, at least, and orders were given
to keep one-third of the men up at night all the time, showing that
Gen. Sigel was a vigilant careful commander. This alertness and these
precautions indicated that we were drawing near the enemy, and gave a
hint of coming clash of arms, which indeed was not far in the future.
(335) The command on the 9th, moved up the Valley, our brigade in
advance under Col. Thoburn. We marched 13 miles on this day and camped
in the evening at Cedar Creek. The bridge across this creek had been
destroyed, and it had to be rebuilt before the command could proceed
farther. The bridge being rebuilt, we resumed our march on the 11th,
passing through Strasbourg, and camped one mile short of reaching
Woodstock, the distance marched being 14 miles.
(336) It perhaps should have been noted that when the command reached
Fisher's Hill after leaving Cedar Creek, it was halted and the men
were ordered to load. Those who had been under fire before, felt the
gravity of the outlook, and it was noticeable that more than one brave
man looked very serious as he tore the paper from his cartridge.
(337) We remained at our camp near Woodstock one day with nothing
unusual occurring, when on the next day our regiment with two pieces
of artillery was ordered up the Valley about seven miles, one mile
south of Edinburgh, as an advance picket. Some Rebel cavalry were seen
here at a distance. Company S was deployed across the road leading
south with orders to allow no one to pass. Soon two young ladies, in
passing from home to town discovered the pickets, a member of the
company relates, and turned to run. They were captured after an
exciting chase and sent to town, and ordered to remain there till the
next morning. There was a pouring rain that night and the soldiers got
a taste of the beauties of soldier life, getting thoroughly soaked
with rain. Some tried to sleep; others preferred to stand or sit
around roaring fires. In some cases those who tried to sleep found the
water collecting in pools around their bodies.
(338) It was at this place and time or near it, it is believed, that
an incident occurred which shows, as far as it goes, that a soldier
would better obey orders. The writer of this was for the night,
assigned to Company C, to go with it on picket, there being only one
commissioned officer of the company present at the time. All was quiet
at the picket post in the night and in the morning John W. Crow and
another soldier asked Capt. Bartlett of the company, if they might go
to a house several hundred yards distant to get some bread. He said
that they might go, but told them to not go any farther. It was a
spider-and-the-fly-case--they did not come back again. At all events
we did not see them for several months afterward, when they came back
as exchanged prisoners. They then told that when they went to the
house mentioned, the mistress said that she had no bread, but she
thought they could get it at a house a little farther off, probably
knowing what would happen if they went there. They went and were
captured. No doubt they often deeply regretted their disobedience of
orders.
(339) The Twelfth was relieved from picket in the morning by the One
Hundred and Twenty-third Ohio and the Eighteenth Connecticut, and we
returned to our camp near Edinburgh, the rain still falling. On our
way we met the First Virginia and the Thirty-fourth Massachusetts
going up the pike. It began to look as though things were approaching
a crisis. In the morning at 2 o'clock May 15th, Companies A, B, F, and
I, were ordered back to Edinburg to take the place of the regiments
that had relieved us the morning before, in order that they might go
to reinforce the First Virginia and the Thirty-fourth Massachusetts
which had met some of the enemy, and had had considerable fighting
with them the evening and night of the 14th.
(340) About 8 o'clock A.M. the rest of the force came up and we
rejoining our regiment, all pushed on to Mount Jackson about 14 miles
from our camp at Woodstock.
(341) At Mount Jackson we went into camp, but were ordered to move out
in less than thirty minutes. The four regiments in advance having
engaged the Rebels at New Market six miles farther up, we marched in
the direction of the fighting.
(342) The morning had been clear, but soon after crossing the
Shenandoah at Mount Jackson it began raining. Cannonading could be
distinctly heard in our front, telling of serious work going on there
and presaging a share of it for us, the regiments moving to the
assistance of our comrades. We crossed the North Branch of the
Shenandoah about one mile from Mount Jackson. The marching after
leaving this place had been rapid and laborious through rain and mud,
but soon we were ordered to double quick which we kept up for a few
miles, till at about 2 o'clock P.M. we reached the field of battle,
and were hastily formed in line of battle under the fire of the enemy,
their balls at this time, however, passing harmlessly over us.
(343) Our entire brigade under Col. Thoburn was formed on the right of
the pike, the two regiments which had been with Col. Moore at the
front having returned to their own brigade, Thoburn's. Col. Moor with
two regiments of his brigade, the Eighteenth Connecticut, the One
Hundred and Twenty-third Ohio infantry with a small body of cavalry
was left something in advance. The two other regiments of his brigade
were a considerable distance in the rear with the wagon train.
(344) The Twelfth as best can be gathered from a M.S. by Col. Curtis,
was first formed in line at some considerable distance in rear of the
three other regiments of our brigade; but this was scarcely more than
done "when we were withdrawn" as Col. Curtis says, and formed close in
the rear, say within 60 yards of the Thirty-fourth Massachusetts, and
the First Virginia, except two companies, A and B, which were sent to
the right to support Carlin's battery.
(345) The eight companies had scarcely thus formed in line when we
heard in our front for the first time the much mentioned Rebel yell.
Gen. Breckinridge in command of the Rebel force had moved to the
attack with about 5,000 men, and overlapping Moor had soon driven him
to the rear. With scarcely a halt he moved on to the attack of
Thoburn's brigade, the main line, but was repulsed by a gallant charge
made here.
(346) Just where the Rebels raised the yell in making their charge,
Gen. Sigel rode up to the eight companies of the Twelfth and ordered
it into column by division to resist the charge; but when the charge
was repulsed, we were put into line again, and ordered to lie down.
The Twelfth had a bad position. We were placed where we could do no
good and yet where we suffered seriously, a more trying position on a
soldier than where he has a chance to return the fire. There are no
data at hand showing the loss of the regiment, but the compiler's own
company lost in killed and wounded seven men in this engagement.
(347) The battle was short, sharp, the losses heavy on each side and
for a while the result doubtful. It was quite generally said by our
men after the battle that at one time just before our line gave way,
the Rebel line was breaking. The Rebel account goes to sustain this
statement. Col. J. Stoddard Johnston of Breckinridge's staff says,
according to Pond's _The Shenandoah_ in 1864, that "when his
(Breckenridge's) line had reached within two hundred yards of the
enemy, the position was very critical, and for a time it seemed
doubtful as to which would be the first to give way." It is thus seen
how near we were to gaining a victory. Had Moor's two regiments been
drawn back and formed in line with the rest of the infantry and not
left where they could do little or no good; and if Sigel had formed
his infantry in our line as the enemy were, according to the authority
mentioned, it is no violent presumption to say that the victory would
probably have been with our troops.
(348) The doubtful struggle was finally decided by our line giving way
in some confusion and Sigel ordered a retreat. We fell back slowly.
Imboden's official report confirms this, saying: "Sigel's entire line
retired slowly." The enemy did not press us much; for if we had
suffered severely they had also. The Lexington cadet battalion of 250
lost more than one-fourth their number in killed and wounded. That one
fight seemed to do them; they were not present at the battle of
Piedmont, three weeks later, though it was nearer home. In fact, they
were never heard of in battle again. It is remembered that a
Harrisburg newspaper obtained as we went up the Valley, two weeks
after the battle of New Market, under Hunter, I lamented the heavy
loss of the Cadets in that battle; and urged that they should not be
put into another engagement, saying that the young men or boys should
be saved for the next war.
(349) When we had retreated as far as Rude's Hill, a mile or two, we
met the two regiments, the One Hundred and Sixteenth, and the
Twenty-eighth Ohio infantry that had been in the rear and were not in
the engagement; and they covered the retreat from this point to Mount
Jackson, where we crossed the river, halted and formed in line of
battle. The Rebels came close enough to throw a few shells but not
close enough to be within musket shot. After dark we resumed the
retreat and continued it, with stops for rests and meals, until we
arrived at Cedar Creek the next day, the 16th, when our retreat came
to an end.
(350) There is nothing so successful as success; but it seems that
there is no excuse taken for failure in war, neither by those in or
out of authority. Col. Curtis records that the boys of the Twelfth in
going up the Valley were constantly singing "We Fights Mit Sigel" but
on the retreat their song was changed to "We Fights no more mit
Sigel." One of the things that the officers and men of the Twelfth
were displeased with and which they criticised severely was the fact
that we were so placed in that battle that we could not fire on the
enemy without firing into our own men, and yet so close to the front
line that we suffered severely from the enemies fire.
(351) It will be seen, however, from the following letter from Gen.
Sigel which tells why the battle was fought just when and where it
was, and other details which the survivors of the Twelfth will read no
doubt with eager interest, that he disclaims responsibility for the
regiment's final bad position on the field of battle. And it is
inferred from Col. Curtis M.S. before mentioned wherein he speaks of
our being "withdrawn" from our first position and placed in our final
one, that he supposed this was done by competent authority. It appears
that no one knows who was responsible for the blunder. Sigel's letter
is given nearly in full:
(352)
New York, August 19th, 1891.
Lieut. Wm. Hewitt, Linton, Ohio.
Dear Sir:
The advance of my forces up the Shenandoah Valley was made for the
purpose of assisting Gen. Crook's movement from the Kanawha Valley, by
inducing Breckinridge, who commanded in southwest Virginia, to detach
a part of his forces against me. To attain this object we advanced as
far as Woodstock. From this place Col. Moor was sent forward on a
reconnoitering expedition in the direction of Mount Jackson to
ascertain the movements of the enemy, as from the telegraphic
dispatches captured at Woodstock, we found that Breckinridge was
moving down the Shenandoah Valley against us.
(353) In the evening and during the night of the 14th of May, it was
ascertained that Col. Moor had passed Mount Jackson and had met a part
of Breckinridge's forces; I, therefore, moved forward to Mount
Jackson, to be nearer him (Moor) and for the reason that I intended to
await Breckinridge's attack at that place. We arrived at Mount Jackson
on the morning of the 15th, and found that Moor had gone as far as New
Market, seven miles from Mount Jackson; that Breckenridge was near
him, and had made an attack on him during the night of the 14th, which
was repulsed.
(354) Made aware of the exposed position of the little force of Moor,
I immediately sent orders for him to return to Mount Jackson, and to
Gen. Stahl to move forward with the main force of our cavalry to cover
the retreat of Moor, and retard the movement of the enemy. But this
movement was executed so slowly and the distance from Mount Jackson to
New Market was comparatively so great, that I resolved to move forward
with my whole force, after having waited over an hour for an answer to
my orders sent to Moor and Sullivan.
(355) While the troops were in motion I rode forward myself,
accompanied by an aid, as far as Rude's Hill; and on my way was met by
Capt. Alexander, who had been sent by Col. Moor and he reported that
his (Moor's) troops were in an excellent position and that I should
come to their assistance. Under these circumstances, I sent back to
our troops to hasten their march towards New Market; while I went
forward to meet those of Moor and Stahl. I arrived near New Market
about noon, and before the enemy began his attack.
(356) It now became clear to me that all the troops could not reach
the position close to New Market; I therefore ordered Col. Moor to
evacuate his position slowly, covered by cavalry, and to fall back
into a new position, which was selected about three-quarters of a mile
north of New Market right and left of the turn pike leading to Mount
Jackson. During this time I sent two officers, Captains McEstee and T.
G. Putnam back to Gen. Sullivan who was in command of the infantry
division, with orders to bring forward all his troops without delay,
and at the moment when Col. Moor was approaching the new line from his
position in advance, it was reported to me by Capt. R. G. Pendergast,
commander of my escort, whom I also had sent back to hurry the troops
up that all the infantry and artillery of Gen. Sullivan had arrived
(the head of the column being in sight) and that they were waiting for
orders.
(357) Supposing this report to be correct, I formed the line of
battle, Col. Thoburn's brigade and two batteries on the right, while
Col. Moor was ordered to form on the left of Thoburn. The Twelfth West
Virginia, and Dupont's battery took position behind the right of
Thoburn's brigade as a reserve, and two companies of the Twelfth West
Virginia were posted behind the batteries on the right for their
support, Von Kleiser's battery was in the center of the line, Ewing's
on the left, and the cavalry behind the extreme left and some behind
the center. My own position during the battle was in the line between
the batteries on the right, and the Thirty-fourth Massachusetts (Col.
Wells) as on the right the principal attack of the enemy was directed.
With me was an orderly, a young man of 17 years who held bravely out
during the whole fight. My staff officers were some distance behind
the line, near Dr. Rice's house.
(358) The battle which now followed has been described in "Battles and
Leaders of the Civil War," and therefore, I need not go into details.
I simply desired to show that I was neither surprised, nor did I
accept the engagement without good reason and full deliberation. But
in accepting it on the place and ground it was fought, I was misled by
the report of Capt. Pendergast in whom I trusted, as he was an
efficient and brave officer. He reported two regiments the One Hundred
and Sixteenth and the Twenty-eighth Ohio present and awaiting orders,
while we found them, after the battle, at Rude's Hill, one and a half
miles back from our line. I am ignorant up to this day of what was the
unfortunate cause which kept them back, as I was relieved soon after
the battle, and had no opportunity of investigating the matter.
(359) There were some other disadvantages against us in this battle,
but after all, our troops fought bravely and so did those of the
enemy. We lost 93 in killed and 552 in wounded, the enemy 42 and 522
respectively.
(360) After the battle we retreated to Rude's Hill, formed line and
remained about half an hour, whence we withdrew to Mount Jackson,
which was done slowly and in perfect order. We remained there for two
hours, during which time as Lieut. Col. Lincoln says in his "Life with
the Thirty-fourth Massachusetts Regiment," the men ate their supper,
the injured were looked up, their wounds examined and dressed and the
slightly wounded placed in ambulances for transportation. Those more
severely wounded were disposed of in the hospital buildings of Mount
Jackson, and left under charge of Asst. Surgeon Allen of the
Thirty-fourth. These arrangements completed at about 9 P.M., the
column was again put in motion, the Thirty-fourth bringing up the
rear.
(361) It will be seen from these statements that we did not "flee in
disorder" from our position at Rude's Hill to Mount Jackson and Cedar
Creek, nor lose or burn any wagons, nor "forsake" our sick and
wounded, as was publicly proclaimed at the time, nor did the enemy
capture any muskets except those of our killed and severely wounded,
left on the field.
(362) We were beaten but not disheartened. We went back to Cedar
Creek, because all our ambulances were filled with the wounded whom we
could not transport without a strong force of protection, and for the
purpose of disengaging ourselves of a train of 200 wagons destined for
Gen. Crook. We reached Edinburg at 7 o'clock in the morning and
Strasburg at 5 in the evening of the 16th.
(363) On the 17th an ambulance was sent to Mount Jackson by flag of
truce loaded with supplies for our wounded. On the 18th, a detachment
of infantry, cavalry and artillery, under Col. Wells of the
Thirty-fourth Massachusetts, was sent to Strasburg and the cavalry
advanced to Fisher's Hill, the pickets of the enemy retiring before
them. On the same day reinforcement were approaching from Harpers
Ferry, and I sent a telegram to Gen. Crook on the Kanawha to prepare
for an advance. On the 20th, Gen. Hunter arrived and on the 21st, I
was relieved from the command of the department and by the request of
Gen. Hunter took command of Reserve Division, with headquarters at
Harpers Ferry.
(364) As to the Twelfth West Virginia, it consisted of good and brave
officers and men. It was very well drilled in the manual of arms; but
as was natural, considering the little time they had practiced it,
deficient in battalion drill; so that it was difficult for me at the
commencement of the battle to bring them from line into column and
vice versa. This created considerable trouble at the beginning of the
fight when they left their position in reserve, came forward and fired
over the heads of the Thirty-fourth Massachusetts. I do not believe
that Col. Curtis gave them the order to do so. * * * But such things
happen sometimes with inexperienced troops, and I am very glad to know
that the regiment, under its same brave commander, fully redeemed its
honor by its gallant conduct in the battle of Piedmont and on other
occasions.
(365) Our whole campaign and especially the battle of New Market, were
a wholesome lesson for them and prepared them to become what they
afterward were.
(366) I think I have now given you the most important facts and
features of the case; and assure you that I shall always remember with
kindness and gratitude the services of the Twelfth West Virginia.
Very Truly Yours,
F. SIGEL,
Late Maj. Gen. of Vols.
(367) According to Pond before cited, General W. S. Lincoln, of the
Thirty-fourth Massachusetts infantry shows that the aggregate of
Breckinridge's infantry the day after the battle was 4,047. We
therefore must have had about 4,500 infantry in the battle as
according to Rebel authority (See Pond) they had no reserves. It would
appear therefore that we were out numbered, we having only five
regiments of infantry so disposed and handled as to be effective;
while the enemy had three brigades and the Cadet battalion of
infantry. Our infantry and artillery had to stand the brunt of the
battle and it is no disparagement to them under the circumstances that
they were worsted in the engagement.
(368) Whatever may be said of Sigel's generalship regarding the battle
of New Market, it must be said that he acted bravely; was right in the
thick of the fight all the time and after the battle began did the
best he could to save the day. And in view of the heavy losses
sustained on each side in the battle, and our slow and orderly retreat
to Cedar Creek, the following message sent to Grant by Halleck: "Sigel
is in full retreat on Strasburg. He will do nothing but run; never did
anything else," is markedly untrue and undeserved, and so far as it
seems to imply that Sigel was cowardly, is grossly unjust, as his
entire command at New Market would testify.
(369) A day or two after Sigel's command had fallen back to Cedar
Creek. He called on the Twelfth to furnish a squad of volunteer scouts
to go up the Valley and learn what the strength of the enemy in our
front was. Corporal De Bee, of the regiment and six or eight men
volunteered to go. They went to Sigel's headquarters for instructions.
He told them to go into a house and put on citizens cloths and go
right into the enemy's camp and learn their strength. The boys answer
"Yes," as if to say that they understood and would do so; but at the
same time there was an unexpressed conclusion that they were not
anxious to wear citizens cloths on that trip and they would forego
that pleasure.
(370) The scouts started out on that expedition traveling nearly all
of that day, along on North Mountain, it is believed. After they had
traveled a while, three or four of the squad concluded that they would
turn back, which they did, but the rest of the boys being more plucky
kept on, and in the evening they came in sight of the Rebel camp. In
the morning the boys found such a position as from which they could
view the entire camp of the enemy, and they carefully counted the
number of tents they had, and then started on the return to Cedar
Creek, arriving there sometime during the day. When they reached our
pickets they (the latter) not being of the Twelfth and not knowing the
scouts, sent them into camp under guard. The scouts reported to Sigel
that they had found the Rebel camp, giving its locality and said that
they counted the number of tents in it, telling the number, Sigel
complimented Corporal De Bee and his comrades for what they had done
saying that they had given him more information than he had got from
all the cavalry that had been out scouting.
(371) Here is a humorous incident of the battle of New Market that was
current among the boys afterward. As well as can be recalled it was
told thus: Col. Wells of the Thirty-fourth Massachusetts was a strict
disciplinarian, but in defiance of this fact the boys of his regiment
would sometimes fire off their guns in camp. In such cases he was want
to say "Orderly, orderly go and ascertain who fired that gun and
report him to me immediately."
(372) This order of the Colonel's having been repeated in the same
stereotyped language at different times impressed itself upon the
minds of the boys of the Thirty-fourth and became a matter of remark
and jest among them. Well at the battle of New Market when the battle
was opening and the first gun or so was fired, some fellow that
regiment with characteristic American humor, who was bound to have his
joke if it was to be his last on earth yelled out, "Orderly, orderly,
go and ascertain who fired that gun and report him to me immediately."
(373) Comrade Jas. N. Miller, of Company A, taken prisoner at the
battle of New Market tells of an incident of the battle, and his
prison experience as follows:
(374) The first man killed in Company A, if I remember rightly, was
John A. Christman. He was a recruit, who came to us at Harpers Ferry,
in the winter of 1863-64. He was a light hearted fellow, somewhat
reckless, who carried a fiddle often playing and singing. At the
battle of New Market as we were going into the fight, Christman and I
were in file together. The battle had begun and the cannons were
booming. He said to me in his jovial way, "Hickory"--that was the
nick-name the boys gave me because I was "tough" physically--"I hope I
will be killed to day." I said to him as calmly as I could for my
heart was up in my throat like a great lump. "Christman, you oughtn't
to talk that way." "Well," he replied, "I don't care."
(375) We lay down along side of a battery which was firing and I saw
Gen. Sigel on his horse giving orders to "fire percussion!" The
fortune of war threw Christman in the front rank and he being a large
man, and I a slender boy, I crouched down behind him. The Rebels were
charging upon us, and about the first ball that came near us struck
Christman in the breast; and he died without a sound. After the fight
in which I was captured, I helped to carry his body off the field and
into a little stable or some kind of an out building, and I supposed
it was buried by the Rebels.
(376) After the death of Christman and before we got a chance to
return the fire of the Rebels our company was ordered to the right of
the line to prevent a flank movement. This threw us over a hill into a
woods, and we did not notice that the main line was being driven back
until it was quite a distance away. Then when we discovered this we
"skedaddled" as fast as our legs would carry us.
(377) Becoming exhausted I fell behind. Seeing three fellows in blue
cloths in a field to the right, I supposed they were some of our boys,
and got over a fence next to them. They aimed their guns at me and
yelled out to surrender. I first thought I would jump back over the
fence and try to escape, but I saw it was no use, and held up my hand.
They had on homespun cloths of blueish color. One of them, a sergeant
of a Georgia regiment, took me to the rear, and treated me very kindly
allowing me to pick up a haversack and a blanket, and this latter
probably saved my life.
(378) I reached Andersonville the 29th of May, and endured with others
the oft-told horrors of that place. It took the scurvy and the
diarrhoea but on the 10th of September I managed to "flank out," in
company with Sergeant Rodgers and Col. Cooke of the Eighteenth
Pennsylvania cavalry, who had known me at Waynesburg in their state.
Instead of being exchanged I was sent with others to Florence, Ala.
Here there was no prison ready for us, and by getting some of the pure
air of that place and also some vegetables I got better of the
scurvy. Sergeant Rodgers ran the guards here and got away, and I
would have gone with him, but my leg was bent nearly double with the
scurvy, so that I knew that I would hinder him and we would both be
captured.
(379) On the 8th of December, I was paroled with a thousand of the
sick and sent to Charleston Harbor, S.C., and transferred to our
lines. I never was exchanged, so I suppose I am still a prisoner of
the Southern Confederacy.
(380) The hardest thing in all my prison life was to feel that as a
soldier I was practically useless except to aid in keeping some Rebel
soldiers out of the field. While our regiment was winning its first
victory at Piedmont and enduring the terrible march from Lynchburg and
helping the peerless Sheridan to send Jubal Early "whirling" up the
Valley, I was lying in the sands at Andersonville and Florence,
missing all the glorious record of the regiment. But it was the fate
of war. So far as the chances of death were concerned, however, the
percent of mortality was greater in prison than in the field.
(381) I could write many pages of incidents in prison life but one
must suffice. At Florence there was some clothing sent through the
lines to us by our Sanitary Commission. It was given out to the most
needy, and there wasn't much choice. I tore my only shirt (which I
hadn't washed for three months) up into strips so that it barely hung
together, in order that I might get a new one. The first day of the
distribution I gave it to one of my companions--I think it was Freeman
Youkin--and he went up to where the clothing was being distributed,
and came back with a new shirt which he got on the strength of his
(my) old one. The next day my detachment was called and when the
distributing officers reached me he asked me if that was my only
shirt. I replied that it was. "Well," he said, "you had better get a
needle and thread and sew it up, for you can't get another new shirt
on the strength of that one." So I got left.
(382) Private W. C. Mahan of Company I, tells the story of his being
taken prisoner and his prison life as follows:
(383) At the battle of New Market Private Wm. Thompson of my company
was badly wounded, his leg being broken by a musket ball. Another man
of the company and I started to carry him off the field. We were told
that we would find the ambulances at a certain place, but we failed to
find them; and having to carry the wounded man we fell behind, and
were captured. At night, we the able prisoners, were allowed to go
under guard out over the field to hunt up our wounded. A Captain of
the Thirty-fourth Massachusetts, who was himself wounded, found his
brother on the field wounded. I recall to mind that I saw the Rebel
Gen. Breckinridge talking to this Captain. Some of our wounded were
put into an old house that night and our unwounded carried water to
them.
(384) We, the prisoners, were taken via. Staunton to Lynchburg. We
were kept at this latter place for a few days. Here one day two of our
men got to talking about somebody with whose conduct on the way here,
I believe they were displeased, using some pretty severe terms about
him. The guard who was nearest them, a quite young fellow, thinking or
pretending to think that they were talking about him though they were
neither talking to, nor about him, shot one of the men, killing him.
It seemed as though this young Rebel thought that he had done a great
thing in killing a Union soldier, for he, insisting on doing so,
followed the box with the corpse, to the grave. Some of the other
Rebels condemned the conduct of this young fellow as being barbarous
and brutal.
(385) We were taken from here to Andersonville by rail. We got along
very slowly, being detained on the way by the enemy's use of the road
in carrying their own soldiers and etc. We were perhaps a week or ten
days on the way. At one time, we were two days without food. During
one of our delays on the route the Rebel women brought food for their
own men, but none for us. They had a little darkey boy with them, who
waved a Rebel flag at us. Both he, and the women seemed to enjoy the
demonstration very much, he grinning and they laughing as he waved.
(386) The prison camp at Andersonville was enclosed by a stockade
about 16 feet high of heavy timbers set on end, and so closely fitted
together that you could scarcely see between them. Inside of this was
the "dead line," 40 feet distant perhaps. It was marked by a row of
posts and stringers of timber extending along on top of them from post
to post. On top of the stockade of intervals there were sentry boxes
placed, in which the sentries or guards stood. Outside this stockade,
at a suitable distance there was another stockade, commanding the
first with loop holes in it through which to fire at the prisoners, in
case they should try to scale the inner one.
(387) The prisoners were formed into companies of 90 men each. Three
of these companies were formed into a division, and the companies were
subdivided in squads of 30 each. At first I believe it was not the
case that they were thus formed; but the necessity of having a divide
of the scant rations, approaching somewhere near fairness, demanded
some sort of organization among the prisoners.
(388) It was necessary for a prisoner to know to what company and the
number of the squad to which he belonged in order that he might get
his rations, or even get out to be exchanged. When a lot of prisoners
was to be sent out of camp to be exchanged or supposedly so, if a
prisoner were not present to answer his name, someone else would
answer for him and get out, and the prisoner named would be left.
Getting out in this way was called "flanking out."
(389) Whenever a lot of prisoners arrived they would right away be
organized as above, each division company and squad having a chief
chosen. When the rations were to be divided the chief of a division
would divide them into three lots, one lot for each of his companies.
He would then have the chiefs of the latter turn their backs to the
ration; when he would ask each: "Will you take this lot?" and they
would choose without seeing which lot was indicated. The companies and
squads divided in the same way, the latter dividing among the
individuals. The squad chiefs were frequently changed, because they
would often inform a friend before hand which ration to choose.
(390) We got raw rations (corn meal) and cooked week about. The flies
here were very bad, and when the Rebel cooks would make up a batch of
dough and lay it down, the flies would gather thickly on it, then they
would slap another batch on the first to kill the flies. In this way
our bread got full of flies and looked like bread with currants or
raisins in it. The same wagons that were used to haul our dead were
used to haul our bread.
(391) The trading instinct was not altogether devoid of exercise here.
Enterprising soldiers would trade bread for meal and get more meal
than made the bread. Sometimes a soldier would be heard asking "Who
will trade a bone for meat?" Those who wanted bones claimed that by
breaking, boiling and making soup of them they got more nourishment
from them than they could get from the meat. Some of our men would
even make bargains with a sentry, although, of course, it was not
allowed. They would give him money to buy something which he would
perhaps do and give it to the prisoner furnishing the money, the next
time he, the guard was on duty. Sweet potatoes got in this way would
sell for 25 cents each.
(392) There was a stream of water which ran through the camp, and as a
matter of course it got very dirty, there being so many thousands of
men in the camp. The prisoners would therefore sometimes reach under
the dead line where the stream crossed it for water. One would reach
under one foot, another two, someone else a little farther in order
that they might get less filthy water. Perhaps the sentry on duty
nearest the stream would permit this crossing of the dead line; but
when another came on duty there he might fire upon the prisoner over
the dead line without a word of warning. Many were killed in that way.
(393) Everybody knows something of the many deaths daily occurring in
prison here. Our men used to be anxious to get to carry the dead out
of camp, in order that they might thus get some fire wood. This
privilege was permitted for awhile, but when the Yankees began to play
the trick of carrying out late in the evening a comrade assuming
death, and the Rebels would go out in the morning to bury him and find
him gone, this privilege was stopped, commandant Wirtz declaring that
he would have to get to putting ball-and-chains on the d--d dead
Yankees, as some of them would run off after they were dead. Another
scheme of the prisoners in order to draw the rations of a dead
comrade, and thus add to the aggregate, of the scanty supply of their
squads, was to not report his death. The Rebels learning of this
practice of the prisoners in order to prevent it, resorted to frequent
counting of them.
(394) One of the prisoners with whom I became acquainted was a member
of the Ringgold cavalry, which was from Washington County,
Pennsylvania. He was of a jovial disposition and was called "Happy
Jack." He used to stand at the gate where the dead were taken out,
count their numbers for a day--the great mortality seems to have
suggested this idea--and from the total he would calculate when his
chances for being taken out a corpse would come.
(395) For a time there was much stealing in camp, incited no doubt
largely by the dire necessities of the men; but after awhile we got
police appointed to stop the stealing, which they did, and to attend
to other matters. For instance the "Hundred Days Men" seemed to not
endure the hardships here so well as the old soldiers. They would mope
and set around and they died relatively much faster than the old
soldiers. When the police would see one of those dispirited fellows
they would fasten on his back a wooden contrivance that they called a
"spread-eagle" to keep him from sitting down, and they would make him
move about for his health.
(396) We were kept somewhat informed as to the progress of the war by
the arrival from time to time of some of our men who had been recently
made prisoners.
(397) There is no tragedy so dark but it has its relieving features.
And one of the comic ways the prisoners had of beguiling the time was
this: One of them would run his hand into his shirt bosom and say
inquiringly to another: "Grey back or no grey back?" as if he were
playing "Odd-or-even." The addressed would perhaps answer "No grey
back," when the proposer of the guess would likely say, "You have
missed it," pulling out one.
(398) After being kept here for some months, though I did not get so
like a skeleton as some, my flesh became in so unhealthy a state from
having the scurvy, that when I would press my finger on it, the print
would remain for a long time as if my flesh were putty. I got to be
one of the very sick.
(399) At the end of my imprisonment here of about four months, the
sickest of the prisoners, or a part of them, were taken out to be
exchanged. I came very nearly not getting out that time, for my name
was close to the end of the list of names called. We were taken first
to Millin, Ga., and we stayed here a few days, the sicker part of us
on one side of the camp, and the others on the other side. The
prisoners would while here sit around fires all night, and in the
morning many of them would be found dead where they had sat.
(400) Once while here I went after some water. I was so weak that I
had to use a cane. Coming back I fell and spilled the water. I was too
weak to go for more, was discouraged, felt like giving up, and do not
know what I should have done if an artillerymen of a Wheeling battery
had not brought me the water. He and I parted promising to write to
each others friends when we should get home. A part of us myself
included, were taken to Savannah where we were exchanged, changing our
clothes here.
(401) We were taken from here to Annapolis where we again changed
clothing. Once more we were in God's country! At Annapolis we were
restricted for a few days as to the amount of food we got. One day at
my meal I did not want my meat and a comrade nearby eyed it eagerly.
At last he inquired, "Are you going to eat that meat?" I told him that
I was not when he snapped it up quickly.
(402) When I got to Annapolis one of the first men I saw was "Happy
Jack." He was much changed by his hardships but I knew him by his
black curly hair. His buoyant spirits had brought him through.
(403) I got home after the frosts of the fall of the year had come. I
wrote according to promise to the Wheeling artilleryman's friends. His
sister answered my letter that he was killed on board of a government
steamer on his way home up the Mississippi by its explosion.
(404) Thus ends my story of prison life at Andersonville. No attempt
is made to give anything like an adequate account of it--that could
not be done--but rather I have tried mainly after 27 years have passed
to recall some of the matters concerning it, that I do not remember to
have read about in any account that I have seen.