PROPOSED FORM OF THE RELIEVING OFFICER'S REPORT BOOK.

|Present Relief|

| Names of| Date| |______________|The circumstances

No. I |Dependent| of |Residence|Money. | Bread|

| Family. |Birth| |s. d. | lb. |

|_____|_________|_______|______|

| | | | |

| | | | |

| | | | |

| | | | |

| | | | |

| | | | |

| | | | |

| | | | |

The cause } |

and date of } |

first } |

application. } |

|

The FACTS of } |

the history of } |

the case, } |

abstracted to } |

the date of } |

the last visit } |

|

|

Relations who, } |

according to } |

law, should } |

assist. } |

|

Friends who } |

do assist, or } |

are likely } |

to do so. } |

|

|The circumstances as Orders of

|they existed when the Board,

|visited by R. O.,&c. and Remarks

| ___________

|

|Visited Dec. 16, 1846.

|

|

|Visited, &c.

|

|

|Visited.

This report is prepared from the actual visit of the relieving officer

at the home of the applicant, and by coincidental inquiry. Upon its

first reading, there would appear the names of the heads of the

family--the names of their children who may be dependent upon them, and

the several dates of birth, the residence, the occupation of the several

members of the family, their actual condition, the admitted cause of the

application for relief, and a statement of such facts as a single visit

may disclose respecting their past history. This would form a basis for

a future report, and would lead the guardians to make comparisons, and

judge whether the case is rising or falling, having reference not only

to weeks, but years. The practical man will perceive, that the chief

point of difference between this form of Report Book and that enforced

by the Commissioners, is, that the latter speaks of the present only,

while the proposed form speaks of the past as well,--an addition of

vital importance, if character is to be considered. It is clear, if the

past and present condition of the applicant be stated, together with the

main facts of his history, the mental act of classification will follow

inevitably, and will require merely the mechanical means of expression.

It may be stated generally with reference to this book: _First_, Every

case must be visited, and reported upon by a statement of facts, not

opinions. _Second_, The report must be made returnable on a given

day--this would be secured by the Chairman's Diary. _Third_, Each

applicant must appear personally before the Board, unless distance or

infirmity prevent.

With these books in our possession, we may begin to separate the poor

into masses, and collect them into groups. The facts contained in the

Report Book would enable Boards of Guardians to decide in which class

the applicants ought to be placed. But in order to preserve the classes

in their distinctness, a ready and simple mode of grouping them in a

permanent manner must be devised; and as it is desirable that old and

existing materials should be used in preference to new, the "Weekly

Out-Door Relief List," now in daily use, may be made the basis of an

improved form.[2]

How are we to proceed? Let the reader call to mind a parish or union

with which he is acquainted, and make it the scene of his labours. That

period of the year when the demands upon the attention of the Board of

Guardians, and its officers, are at zero, may be selected for making the

first step in advance. The most convenient season of the year would

probably be a late Easter; for at that time the weekly returns for

in-door and out-door relief are rapidly descending. The winter is losing

its rugged aspect and is rapidly dissolving into spring: and labour is

busy in field and market. And so it continues until the fall of the

year, except when the temperature of the summer may be unusually high,

and then low fever and cholera prevail in low, marshy, crowded, or

undrained districts. Those cases which have received relief for the

longest period may be taken first. The technicalities of the report may

be made up from existing documents. The history of each case may not be

so readily prepared. It being a collection of facts, they may be added

slowly. The space allotted to this important matter is amply sufficient,

unless the officer should unfortunately be afflicted with a plethora of

words. The whole number of ordinary cases may be reported upon, and

their classes apportioned, before the winter sets in. In the month of

November, the _medical list_ would begin to be augmented. And as the

dreary season for the poor advances, the _casual applications_ would

multiply. In two or three years the names of all persons who ordinarily

receive relief, or are casually applicants, would be found in the Report

Book: and the facts having been recorded there, the labours of the

officer would then decrease, and be confined to the investigation of

existing circumstances.

The reader may have inquired, upon observing the number of classes into

which the recipients of relief are proposed to be arranged, how can

accuracy be ensured--how can they be preserved intact? It is admitted,

that unless the grounds of the distinctions are clearly defined, and the

facts of frequent occurrence, the classes will manifest a tendency to

amalgamation. If the reader will take the trouble to refer to the form

of "Weekly Relief List" below,[3] he will perceive that the fourth,

fifth, and sixth classes, have but one column. This was done, because it

might be deemed that the distinctions which are there noted might escape

the observation of Boards of Guardians. It is not our opinion. We have

great confidence in the yeomanry and gentry of England, of whom Boards

of Guardians are composed; and we believe that much of the bitter

animosity manifested by the local boards against the triumvirate at

Somerset House, owes its existence to the authoritative attempts on the

part of the latter to prevent these boards from recognising in any

practical manner these very distinctions. Independently of this, the

period for which the relief is ordered may be so determined as to allow

of a particular time for each class; this will be made clear as we

proceed. And, lastly, a brief and accurate description of each of the

classes may be printed at the head of each of the pages of the Diary,

Report Book, and Relief List.

The first class consists of aged and infirm persons who have no natural

relations, but are enabled to eke out a subsistence with the aid of an

out-door allowance from the parish. The poor of this class are

frequently in receipt of other relief. It may be a tribute of memory

from a child she nursed, from a family he served, an occasional donation

from the church they attend, or a weekly trifle from one of those

benevolent societies that assist the aged poor to retain their

accustomed dwelling, or to enjoy the unexpensive luxuries which habit

has made necessary. The circumstances of each of the individuals in

these classes are presumed to be known through the report of the

officer; and as each case, when health and vicinity of residence permit,

appears personally before the board, it may be _carried forward for

revisal that day twelve months_. The whole of the cases belonging to

this class would be so treated. They may be distributed over a given

number of Board days, and during a particular month of the year. In the

month of July all the names of the poor of this class would appear in

the Diary; and the reports of the relieving officer would then be called

for, in the order in which the names are entered. Of course, if any

change of circumstances should occur in the interval, application may be

made to the officer; and as they are paid at their homes in the majority

of instances, the application may then be made. At the end of twelve

months, each case is formally revisited and reported. It would then

appear that some are dead, some are bed-ridden, some are childish, and

require an asylum--second childhood has commenced, and they require the

nurture of children; they are therefore admitted into the Union. A few

others have lost a bounty through the death of a friend, and their

allowance requires augmentation.

The entrance to this class should be carefully guarded against admission

by accident or undue influence. For instance, a lady not indisposed to

relieve human suffering, receives an indirect application from a

respectable elderly female, for charitable aid. Her charitable list is

full, but she does not like to send her empty away, although she knows

nothing of the person except through the excellent note of introduction.

Temporary relief is given. The lady's husband has an intimate friend,

who is a guardian. And, through this medium, the female becomes an

applicant for parochial relief. Forms are complied with. A sketch of her

circumstances is entered in the Report Book, with such accuracy as the

fact of the report being required at the next board meeting permitted.

Her name appearing at the end of the page of the Diary which now lies

before the chairman, and her turn having come, the guardian blandly

informs the meeting, that a case has come to his knowledge, of whose

fitness to be a recipient of their bounty he is credibly informed there

can be no doubt; and the chairman is only too certain that a case so

brought before them should be liberally responded to. An unusual amount

of relief is given, and the name put on the yearly list. And thus, a

decent person, who had by sometimes working, and by sometimes receiving

those occasional aids to which her long life of probity and prudence had

given her a title, is beguiled into that which it had really been the

great object of her life to avoid. Thousands who have been accustomed to

a life of labour, and especially those females who have lived in decent

servitude, regard the workhouse with horror. Now, to avoid errors of

this kind, and also to ensure that the necessities of the case are

thoroughly known, it ought to be a "standing order" of the board that no

case shall be draughted into the yearly list, without having been

visited and reported upon six several times.

The second class consists of those aged and infirm persons who possess

relations who are legally liable to be made to contribute towards their

support, or who have friends and relations who, in virtue of those

social ties which bind men together, may be reasonably expected to

assist them. The separation of the individuals of this class from those

of the former one, is not made on the single ground that, according to

law, sons and unmarried daughters, and grandchildren, call be compelled

to support their sires. If the parochial authorities had no stronger

appeal than that which the law of Elizabeth affords, the pauper list

would soon be filled to overflowing. The law is more correct in

principle than efficient in practice. Fortunately, the natural feelings

of humanity effect that spontaneously, which the law with its penalties

cannot compel. It is a matter of daily remark by those who mix much and

observantly among the poor--not the class merely who struggle hard to

preserve a decent appearance, and to drive destitution from their

dwelling's but those who have no qualities which can engage, whose

ordinary habits are those of intemperance, whose manners are rough, and

whose language is coarse and obscure--and to a class still lower, who

are steeped in vice and crime, who seem regardless of God or man, and to

whom society appears to have done its worst; that even in these rude,

uncultivated, and depraved human beings, a strong under-current of

natural feeling wells up and flows perpetually. So strongly are these

feelings sometimes manifested in such characters, that they appear to be

developed with an intensity proportionate to the extent to which the

other feelings have been wrecked, and to the loss of sympathy which

these miserables have sustained from the world. It is too often

forgotten by those who are concerned for the poor, that these

feelings--the love of parents for offspring, and the reverence of

children for parents--are instinctive, and that their activity depends

upon the fact, whether there are children to be loved and parents to be

revered. And this being so, we may be satisfied that they are not

extinct in any case. They may not be expressed in good set terms, or in

the ordinary language of endearment. The conversation of these persons

may sound harsh to unaccustomed ears, and the acts may often coincide

with the words. But the bond of union is seen in acts of mutual defence,

in acts of mutual aggression, and in acts of mutual assistance. The true

ground of separation is, that it would be highly inexpedient, and

prejudicial to public morals, if the duties of these relations were to

be forgotten or superseded. And, therefore, when it appears from the

relieving officer's report that such connexions exist, the cases should

be relieved of course; but it should be intimated that these parties are

expected to assist; and it should be formally declared, that they are

legally and morally bound so to do. In the majority of instances, the

result would be satisfactory. This is not said because a trifle might be

saved to parishes. It would most frequently happen, that all these

parties could do would be to add a luxury very dear to the aged person,

but which the parochial board could hardly grant. A daughter in service

may send an article of apparel, a son-in-law may give a Sunday's dinner,

and a son may make a weekly contribution of grocery. In general, it

being presumed that the several boards of guardians present a fair

average of human nature, no reduction of allowance would ensue. In many

instances the result flowing from this method would be still more

satisfactory. It so happens in the strife for subsistence, that each

striver is so occupied by his own affairs--and even when increased

ability or established probity and diligence, has led, to the receipt of

a higher wage, the mind is either so entirely absorbed by the new duties

and increased responsibilities, or luxuries have so stealthily slipped

from their places and become necessities--that he is apt to forget his

poorer brethren, who, less fortunate than himself, or unblessed with his

own patience and steadiness--

"Poor wights! nae rules nor roads observin',

To right or left eternal swervin',

They zig-zag on,

'Till, curst with age obscure and starvin',

They aften groan."

The attention of this prosperous relation must be arrested. Here is a

fact. A man at the advanced age of seventy-six years, and his wife still

more aged, applied for relief. He is a mechanic. He had never applied

for relief during the threescore years and ten, and upwards, to which

his life has spun out. Assistance was rendered. The law of settlement

intervened, occasioned much trouble, and prevented the case from being

dealt with permanently. This hinderance afforded an opportunity for the

relations to consult and arrange. One son is at work in a distant

county. Another is a mechanic with a full wage; he has four

children--but he is industrious and temperate. The daughter is married

to a clerk in a lawyer's office, and has already two children. No

magistrate would make an "order of maintenance" upon the sons, and the

daughter being married is not liable. But a consultation is held of

relations and friends. That member of the family upon whom there can be

no legal demand, and whose circumstances are the least flourishing, is

the first to make a proposal. He will take the old lady home: she can

have a chair in the chimney-corner, and mind the children when their

mother is away. The son in the country will give one or two shillings

weekly, according as work is abundant. The son in town will guarantee

the payment for the old man's lodging. The right to a meal is not

thought of--it is a matter of course. The old man had supposed that his

work on earth was done; and he had therefore fallen into despondency.

But the events of the last week have restored him to that elasticity of

mind which had sustained him through many trials. Hope is again in the

ascendant, and pours upon him her genial influence. His helpmate is

provided for; and he has a home secured to himself, and is not in danger

of starvation. He now says, "There is some work left in me yet." He can

no longer be the first in the throng, but he can take his place in the

crowd. He can do all sorts of odd, light, casual jobs; and by the

exercise of that perseverance and care, which enabled him during his

long life to drive want from his homestead, he can provide for the

future. He is no longer an applicant for parochial relief. This class

may be easily distinguished, practically, from the former one, and from

all others, without making any distinction or reference to the mode or

value of the relief. Each case, after it has been visited and reported

upon by the officer six several times, in the same way, and for the same

reasons as class number one, must be carried forward in the chairman's

Diary to that board day in the summer months which has been appropriated

for the class. _This class would undergo revision twice in the year._

The reports of the officer would especially refer to the circumstances

of relations, and state the assistance which they do or are able to

render. All this would become matter of routine.

The third class differs from the two former, in respect that the

individuals who compose it are not aged, but are likely to be permanent

burdens on parishes, from malformation of brain, or a disturbance in the

sensuous system. They are idiotic, fatuous, blind, deaf or lame, or

permanently disabled by chronic disease. It has been said that the

workhouse is the best place for such persons; and in some localities it

may be so. But there are places, where benevolent expedients have been

adopted, which have saved these unfortunates from that stagnation of

soul approaching melancholia, to which they would have been otherwise

doomed. They may now hold converse in books. They are taught trades.

They receive assistance which enables them to enter fields of

competition with their more perfectly organised fellows. But this aid is

often-times withheld, or it is insufficient, and so they become

chargeable to parishes.

The fourth class consists of those widows with families upon whom the

officer, after a series of visits, is enabled to report facts which must

satisfy the guardians that she is industrious, temperate, and of strict

probity. Her thoughts as a wife were confined to two great domestic

questions,--how can my husband's income be economised, without making

his home no home? and how can I qualify my children to fill their

appointed stations in life? During the lifetime of her husband, her

mind was so entirely absorbed by her household and family duties, that

now she feels and acts like one who has just been disturbed from a long

and troubled dream. Death has now turned the channel of her ideas. The

change was one of bitter suffering. And now she must provide bread for

her children by her own "hand-labour,"--without the habitude of labour.

Death acts thus daily; and yet the number of widows so circumstanced,

who apply for parochial relief, bears a very small proportion to the

total number of persons thus bereaved. The fact is curious; and as sound

methods of dealing with pauperism can be discovered only from a minute

and comprehensive knowledge of the anatomy and pathology of the lower

classes of society, the facts must be studied. The widows who compose

this class were, previous to their marriage, either trusted servants in

quiet families, daughters of respectable shop-keepers, or younger

daughters of widows with small annuities: and their husbands were

probably members of religious communities. Suppose the condition of the

widow to have been that of a decent servitude. She performed her duties

with credit; and her name is not forgotten. During the state of

wifehood, intercourse was kept up by the exercise of kindly greetings on

the one side, and respectful inquiries on the other. Her present

circumstances excite sympathy. "Something _must_ be done for poor Ann!"

But she desires to subsist by labour rather than by gifts of charity.

This is thought of by the reflecting patron, who knows full well how

benefits unearned weaken the moral powers. But there are many ways by

which the feeling of charity may be manifested without moral injury. A

son may be in chambers, and who can so well clean and arrange them, as

the nurse of his infancy? She may be intrusted with the care of an

office; or she may be recommended to friends, who have hitherto taken

labour from the labour market, at the lowest market price, and are just

beginning to perceive that the moral qualities manifested in a prudent

carriage, strict honesty, and taciturnity with respect to private

affairs, are valuable, and have yet to learn that they are not common,

and to be obtained must be paid for. The recommendation is well-timed.

And although this friend of the family may miss the moral points of the

matter, and would, if the patroness had not fixed her wages, by the

force of example, tell the widow how little she gave the other "person,"

and offer the same. The widow's eyes now sparkle. She has reason to be

grateful, and is not absolutely dependent. She is now in a fair way to

gain an honest livelihood. The parish has not once been thought of. Then

she may be a member of a religious body: which congregation is not a

question of moment. As a member of the Established Church she has many

advantages. Did you, reader, ever hear of a member of the Society of

Friends being an applicant for parochial relief? The question may be

repeated with respect to the Jews; not, however, with the expectation of

an universal negative; but, having regard to the precariousness of their

callings, the answer must be--_No!_ The widow is a Wesleyan methodist.

She is united with a religious body which includes within its pale many

of those who compose the middle--or rather the lower middle--and lower

classes of society. The members of it are closely cemented

together--spiritually and temporally. As a member of a "class meeting,"

her hopes and fears, her temptations, and trials, are known; not only to

the members of her own section, but to the minister, and the members of

the congregation. It may be true that the class system engenders

spiritual pride and hypocrisy: that is not in point. We are dealing with

facts. And it is a fact, and one which might be predicated from the

circumstances, that the frequent meeting together of persons in nearly

the same social position, to converse and advise upon practical

religious matters, from which personal interests and temporalities, when

they bear down the spirit, cannot be excluded, does exert an important

influence on the fortunes of the distressed. In the Church of England, a

minister may not mix so freely with his flock. His social position--his

language, is different. But although that sense of common interest and

common danger, which opens the flood-gates of the soul, and allows it to

pour forth an uninterrupted tide of emotion, cannot exist when one order

of mind stammers to another order of wind, yet there are compensating

circumstances. Learning does not necessarily enervate the active powers.

And in these latter we find a common ground of meeting, chords which

vibrate sympathetically. "One touch of nature makes the whole world

kin." Then the clergy are the almoners of the rich. These influences,

with many kindred ones, might be investigated with advantage; but enough

is said to indicate why this class of poor, who at first sight appear so

helpless, are not sustained by the poor-rate. But they are sometimes

applicants, and as such form a class. It happens that, from the number

of her family, her wants are greater than her limited connexions can

relieve; or she may be alone. It must be again repeated, that the duty

of a board of guardians is not only to relieve destitution, but likewise

to check pauperism. This being so, the widow must not be allowed to sink

so low as to drive hope away. Her projects, her means, and her actual

necessities must be ascertained. _Relief in money is the best mode of

relief to this class_; and it should be given liberally. It will not be

given in vain. Of course there are many in this class not gifted with an

active temperament, or a strong, mind. To such the warning from the

chairman, that parochial assistance can only be temporary, must be

frequently given: and sometimes her views and progress may be

scrutinised and commented upon. The relief would be continued from time

to time and in descending amounts, until it vanishes altogether. By this

method of treatment an increase of expenditure may be occasioned for a

time; but the widow will be delivered from her affliction, _and her

children's names permanently erased from the black roll of pauperism_.

The fifth class includes those widows who have, throughout their lives,

been accustomed to labour. They have not the advantages of the former

class, as regards connexions. They have been "dragged"[4] up. As an

infant, "it was never sung to: no one ever told it a tale of the

nursery. It was dragged up, to live or die, as it happened. It had no

young dreams: it broke at once into the iron realities of life. The

child exists not for the very poor as any object of dalliance; it is

only another mouth to be fed, a pair of little hands to be betimes

inured to labour. It is the rival, till it can be the co-operator, for

food with the parent. It is never his mirth, his diversion, his solace;

it never makes him young again, with recalling his young times. The

children of the very poor have no young times. It makes the very heart

bleed to overhear the casual street-talk between a poor woman and her

little girl, a woman of the better sort of poor, in a condition rather

above the squalid beings which we have been contemplating. It is not of

toys, of nursery-books, of summer holidays, (fitting that age); of the

promised sight, or play; of praised sufficiency at school. It is of

mangling and clear-starching, of the price of coals, or of potatoes. The

questions of the child, that should be the very outpourings of curiosity

in idleness, are marked with forecast and melancholy providence. It has

come to be a woman before it was a child. It has learned to go to

market; it chaffers, it haggles, it envies, it murmurs; it is knowing,

acute, sharpened: it never prattles." Such was the child. The passage

from the single to the married state, which generally changes the course

of woman's life, has to her been nothing more than a brief interval of

pleasure. She soon joins the bands of the busy daughters of care. So the

loss of her husband has been to her but a tragedy. The last act is over;

the curtain has fallen: she is now in the outer world again; she is

oppressed by sadness, vague and undefinable; but the noise and bustle

around her, the tumult of her own thoughts, and her continued labour,

afford that alleviation which the solitary and the unemployed seek for

in vain. Those who would step in and, relieve her of her toil, may be

well-meaning persons; but, they are interfering in matters they do not

understand. They would spend their money more beneficially, and with

greater regard to the principles of Christian charity, if each would

take care that those who do for him any kind of labour, receive an

adequate remuneration. It may be a politico-economic law, that we buy in

the cheapest market, and sell in the dearest; and, by a sophistical

process, the limits of the principle may have been enlarged, so as not

only to include raw materials, but manufactured products, and the labour

which we ourselves employ. But it is forgotten, that a law which

expresses merely what men do, has not the universality or fixity of a

law of matter, but is liable to variation from the action of moral

causes. The law may be partially true, as eliminated from a study of the

present age. It is an age of calculators and economists. In a moral age

it would be false. It is false in the present day, when moral men have

to do directly with their lower and ruder brethren. This is an

individual and personal matter, and each one will find that he has

enough of his own work to do in his own sphere. This widow is an

applicant for parochial relief. Repeated visits, and a succession of

reports, at brief intervals, have enabled the officer to present an

accurate narration of facts, both with reference to her past life and

her present condition. It becomes clear that this widow differs from the

other, in respect that she has greater habitude for labour, and that her

mind is cramped down to the hard matters of the present hour: she goes

to her work in the morning, and she returns home fatigued in the

evening. To-morrow's meal is secured, and the scene of to-morrow's

labour is known. Within the narrow limits of a week is her soul penned

up. It is clear, then, what the duties of the guardians are. If their

wish is to check pauperism, they must attend to that which this widow's

limited capacities prevent her from doing. In her young day, reading and

writing were accomplishments; but the world has jogged on a little since

then, without her knowing it. Reading and writing, as one of the

mechanical arts, have become indispensable to every boy and girl. The

same economic reasons which lead to the inference, that a girl should be

taught to darn her own stockings, or mend her own frock, would also show

that a boy and girl should be taught to read and write. The spread of

education is something very different from the diffusion of knowledge.

So, then, the officer's report would show whether the children are duly

sent to school; their progress might also be tested. At a future period,

it might appear that the girl is strong enough to enter service, and the

boy fit to be apprenticed either to a trade, or to the sea. In either

case, the fitness of the master or mistress is ascertained and reported.

A premium or outfit is given; and the particulars of the case are duly

entered in the appropriate book, according to the existing method, and

the master and child visited from time to time. The widow would thus be

relieved in that particular respect in which she is least qualified to

help herself, and her children are saved. She would soon discover that

the time occupied in waiting for relief could be more profitably

employed, and she soon ceases to apply.

The sixth class consists also of widows; but they are remarkable for

idleness, intemperance, or improvidence. We know of no means of washing

the Ethiop white. To this class, money-relief is the most objectionable

form of relief. An allowance of bread should be given for brief periods,

and given in instalments. Sometimes it may be necessary to intimate that

work may be required for the value given, and at other times the order

may be made. It will, however, be found that the individuals of this

class are careless about every thing. If they are dealt with leniently,

they take advantage of the supposed imbecility of the guardians: if they

are dealt with too severely, they become familiarised with the interior

of a prison; and the instant the gloomy portal of the county jail loses

its terrors, they place themselves in attitude of defiance. As the

inmates of workhouses, they are dangerous spies, and are regarded with

awe by master and matron; as recipients of out-door relief, they are

insolent and full of threats. Perhaps the best mode of dealing with

these cases may be ascertained, by allowing the attention to become

abstracted from the mother, and concentrated upon the children. The

mother is like a wild beast, whose nature and habits cannot now be

subdued; but her cubs, her little ones, may still be tamed and

humanised. At this point, reference may be made to a document which has

not emanated from the Poor-law Commissioners, or from any parochial

board, but from the magistrates of the county of Middlesex. It appears

that a committee was appointed, in April last, to "inquire into the best

means of checking the growth of juvenile crime, and promoting the

reformation of juvenile offenders." At a meeting of the magistrates of

Middlesex, on the 3d of December, the report of the committee was read,

and "received amidst repeated cheering." The committee recommend that a

bill should be introduced to Parliament, a draught of which is given in

the report. The preamble states, "that the fearful extent of juvenile

depravity and crime, in the metropolitan districts, and in large and

populous towns, requires general and immediate interference on the part

of the legislature; that the great causes of juvenile crime and

depravity appear to be ignorance, destitution, and the absence of proper

parental or friendly care; and that all children above the age of seven

and under the age of fifteen years, suffering from these and similar

causes, require protection, to prevent their getting into bad company,

acquiring idle and dissolute habits, growing up in vice, and becoming an

expense and burden on the county as criminals, and that such protection

should be afforded by the county." There are fourteen clauses: the first

and fifth may be quoted--"1_st_, That an asylum for unprotected and

destitute children be founded in and for the county of Middlesex by

legislative enactment, and placed under the direction and management of

the justices of the peace for the county." "5_th_, That unprotected and

destitute children shall be deemed to include all children above seven,

and under fifteen years of age, under the following circumstances:

--Children driven from their homes by the bad conduct of their parents;

children neglected by their parents; children who are orphans, and

neglected by their friends; children who are bastards; and children who

are orphans, and have no one to protect them, or to provide for them, or

for whom no one does provide; children who, from their own misconduct,

have no protection or provision found them; children who are idle and

dissolute, and whose parents or friends cannot control their bad conduct;

children who are destitute of proper food, clothing, or education, owing

to the poverty of their parents or friends, but whose friends or parents

do not apply for, or receive parish relief; children who are destitute of

employment; and children of the class which become juvenile offenders

generally."

It is probable that a plan of this description might have a great and

beneficial effect in diminishing juvenile crime; and it is conceivable

that the clauses of the bill may be so framed as to develop all the

good, and avoid the evil. It is to be feared, however, that the bill is

founded on partial views. The children who agree with the descriptions

given in clause number five, are the offspring of those who reside in

poor neighbourhoods, where the inhabitants are already paying high

rates,--high in proportion to the poverty of the locality. If this be

so, then every possible species of opposition, which can be offered

legally or illegally, will be directed against the bill, and against its

being carried into operation. The authorities of these poor and populous

parishes already find it a matter of extreme difficulty to collect the

rates, and are overwhelmed by the number of those poor housekeepers who

apply to be "excused their rates" on the ground of poverty. All the

schemes of the present day have one good point only, or it may be

discovered by minute observation that the original idea was a good one.

The bill is brought forth with a grand display of benevolent feeling;

and it is passed, after suffering further distortion in Parliament. The

law is, after all, found to be inoperative, from the omission or

misapprehension of a plain obvious matter of detail, or because it

originated from partial views, or came directly from the brain of an

unpractical theorist. It is, however, admitted, in the case of the

magistrates' bill, that the _original idea_ is a good one. And if it

should be realised, the children of the class of widows now under

consideration, might in this "County Juvenile Asylum," find a home, and

be saved from destruction.

The seventh class consists of women who have cohabited with men, and

have families. The individuals composing it generally resemble those of

the two classes last mentioned--_i.e._ they are industrious or idle,

intemperate or sober. Generally, this class requires relief more

urgently than the several classes of widows; because by their past

conduct they are shut out from any participation in many of the

charities. It is needless to say that strict investigation into their

circumstances and proceedings is necessary.

The eighth and ninth classes consist of single women. The eighth is

composed of women who have had two children, and are prostitutes; the

ninth of those who have only committed the first offence. The inquiries

of the officer, in the ordinary routine, would develop the facts. The

utility of this distinction is, that it would afford boards of guardians

an opportunity of dealing fairly with the latter class: the fact of the

distinction being noted in all the books would attract their attention

to the point. To confound these cases together, and to act with, equal

severity to all, is obviously unjust. In those unions where the

prohibitory order has been issued, all the individuals of both these

classes are relieved only in the house. In the case of their admission,

the cognisance of this distinction, not casually, not specially, because

a guardian may have had his attention drawn to a particular case, but as

a matter of routine, would necessarily lead to a good result. No board

of guardians, when their attention has been regularly and officially

directed to the facts of the case, could compel both classes to herd

together in one common room.

The medical relief list is composed of poor persons who are suffering

from acute disease, and are, in consequence of their illness and extreme

poverty, receiving relief in money or food. Those who are in the receipt

of other relief by order of the board, and who belonged to one of the

other classes, would be excluded from this list. There are two modes of

regulating the medical out-door relief in kind. One mode is to require

the medical officers to attend the meetings of the boards of guardians.

It is their duty to report upon the state of health of each out-door

sick person at specified times, and to state the kind of nutriment

adapted to each case. The board is thus furnished with a sanatory report

from one officer, and a report upon circumstances from the other. This

is a satisfactory system. The other mode is, for the medical officer to

report to the relieving officer in a prescribed form, that A B is ill

with consumption, and requires ---- food per diem. The relieving officer

has a veto. If, upon visiting the case, he is satisfied that the head of

the family can supply the articles recommended, the relief is withheld.

The case is reported to the next board, who issue the necessary

instructions thereon. The first plan is undoubtedly the preferable one,

in all those parishes or unions where the population is large and the

area small. But in all large rural unions, where the medical officers

are many and their labours great, from bad roads and extent of district,

the plan would be inapplicable. As regards the second method, it would

be found to prevail as a rule, that, in the majority of cases, the

recommendation of the medical officer is regarded by the relieving

officer as tantamount to an order. The exception would be in those

unions where the board is infested by persons who know of no means of

estimating the value of an officer excepting by his supposed power of

reducing expenditure; and in those parishes where the inhabitants are

poor and embarrassed. And it is to be feared that this evil, against

which the press exclaim so loudly, will continue to predominate so long

as the existing unequal charge upon parishes continues. The magnates of

St. George, Hanover Square, can afford to be magnanimous and humane. In

St. Luke, Middlesex, or St. Leonard, Shoreditch, where the rate-payers

are poor, it is a different matter altogether. And yet it is in these

poor neighbourhoods that the poor live; and where they live, there they

must be relieved.

The administration of the relief given in consequence of poverty and

illness requires great care. The list contains the most meritorious of

the poor: and as the relief given is of the greatest value, it is the

relief most sought after by "cadgers" and impostors. The great abuses

which creep into the administration of out-door relief do not arise from

the relief of the able-bodied, but from affording relief to persons who

allege that they are suffering from bodily ailments without proper

investigation. In ordinarily well managed parishes, impostors, cadgers,

and mendicants have no chance of obtaining relief in money. Therefore

the whole of their practised cunning is brought to bear upon this more

valuable form of relief. Now, from the peculiar habits of this class of

persons, there is often strong ground for the claim. They will starve

three days, and complete the week in revel and debauchery. Those

periods, which they consider days of prosperity, are too often occasions

for emaciating their bodies by drinking gin and eating unnutritious

food. A chilly, foggy, November night is the time when the supposed

widow can parade her children on the highway with the best chance of

exciting the compassion of the passersby; and it is the time, too, when,

if there is any predisposition to disease, the circumstances are most

favourable for its development. It is to this class that the workhouse

may be offered--as an infirmary. It is a fact, however, that those of

this class who suffer from external diseases, and especially those which

may be exposed with impunity, do not desire to enter a workhouse, and

will not remain there until they are completely cured. And then, with

reference to children who are exposed at night in the streets,

notwithstanding the parents may be warned that they are sowing the seeds

of incurable disease in the bodies of these infants, and are offered

relief sufficient to constitute the greater part of their support; yet,

however they may promise, they will continue to sleep in the day-time,

and prowl about as homeless outcasts in distant neighborhoods at night.

It is useless to offer them the workhouse; they will refuse it, and

make, the offer a ground of appeal to the benevolent. As regards the

children, the medical officer declares that his medicines are useless,

and even dangerous. They are taken in the morning, the child is exposed

in the evening, and in a few months it dies--_a natural death_? Here is

lower depth of crime and misery which baffles the benevolent and

wise.[5]

The aged, the infirm, the sufferers from chronic disease, the

permanently disabled, the several classes of widows, the single women

who have one or more children, and those who are chargeable mainly from

temporary illness, have been collected and separated from the dense mass

of pauperism. Who are those that remain? There is much error abroad upon

this question. They are legion, whether they be regarded in connexion

with the causes which have led to their impoverishment, or with

reference to their various modes of obtaining a livelihood. Reference

has already been made to that portion of the population of England who

are in a transition state--_i.e._ those whose ordinary employment has

been superseded by more rapid and cheaper methods, and who have thereby

lost their ordinary means of livelihood, and been drifted down from

stage to stage until they have reached the lowest depth, and have at

last been compelled to ask for a morsel of bread at the workhouse door.

Then it will appear upon inquiry that each separate locality will

present its peculiar species of casual poor, who fall into a state of

destitution from the action of peculiar causes. It frequently happens

that the individuals were never trained to any ordinary species of

labour. At an early period of their lives, they were put in the way to

learn a trade, but from early habits of idleness, from the criminal

neglect of masters or parents, from natural incapacity for the

particular trade, or from an unconquerable dislike to it, they have

never been able to earn "salt to their porridge," as the saying is. They

never received a regular or an average amount of wage. If they are

tailors, they compete with old women in making "slopwork" for the lower

class of salesmen. Or they convert old coat tails into decent cloth

caps, and may be industrious enough to supply a tribe of women with a

Saturday night's stock. As cobblers, they ply the craft of

"translation"--a trade, even in this lower acceptation of the term,

peculiarly liable to abuse. To the unlearned, it may be necessary to

state that translation is the act of converting old boots into new ones,

and is done with thin strips of varnished leather, and plenty of wax and

large nails. There are carpenters, whose ingenuity is confined to the

manufacture of money-boxes, cigar-cases, and children's stools. Smiths,

male and female, forge garden rakes, small pokers, and gridirons, as the

season may suggest. And then their wives and children, or other men's

wives and children, hawk them for sale in populous neighbourhoods on

market evenings. Tin funnels are sold "at the low price of a halfpenny."

Minute and useless candlesticks, wire forks, children's toys, and old

umbrellas, are a few specimens of this miscellaneous merchandise, the

sale of which brings bread to hundreds of families. They live in

foetid alleys, are not cleanly, and are sometimes intemperate; hence

they are peculiarly liable to the attacks of disease. During illness,

there are many things which the sick man craves which a parochial

officer cannot grant, and which a medical man could neither recommend

nor allow. The desire is gratified by the sale of a useful and

indispensable tool; and thus, by degrees, he exits off his own means of

subsistence. Then, like manufacturers of a higher grade, he may mistake

the public wants, and the articles he has made may remain unsaleable on

his hands, or he may fall into the error of over-production like a

Manchester house. Then, in seasons when those commodities which

constitute the common diet of the poor are scarce and dear, the persons

who deal in them who are unable to buy, or uncertain to sell, are thrown

back upon the few shillings which compose their capital. In large cities

and towns, and in the neighbourhood of great markets, there are crowds

of poor persons who gain their livelihood by the purchase and sale of

the articles of daily food, and their combined purchases form a large

item in the business of those markets. The costermongers, or

costardmongers, consist of various grades. That brisk-looking man, who

is riding so proudly in his donkey-cart, with his wife at his elbow, may

be a very mean person in the estimation of the passer-by, but, in his

world, he is a man of importance. He watches the "turns of the market,"

and being either in the possession of capital himself, or in a position

to command it, he is able to compete with large dealers. He is a

money-lender; and, if security be left with him--a poor woman's marriage

certificate, or her wedding-ring is sufficient--he will enable her to

buy her "little lot." Through him many are able to procure a stock at a

trifling expenditure, who otherwise would be unable to buy in sufficient

quantities to satisfy the original salesman. This class has its peculiar

casualties, and in consequence become chargeable to parishes. Their

habits may be irregular and intemperate. Or a poor woman may have

expended her last farthing in the purchase of a tempting basket of fish.

Her child falls ill, or she herself is unable, from the same cause, or

from an accidental injury, to stand the necessary number of hours in the

drenching rain; and so her stock is spoiled, and she suffers a greater

calamity in her sphere than the brewer whose consignment of ale has

turned sour on an India voyage.

In the vicinity of cathedrals and abbeys, in districts where dowagers

and elderly maiden ladies most do congregate, and in

"Those back-streets to peace so dear,"

there is always to be found a great number of kindly-disposed people,

who have wherewithal to make life flow smoothly, leisure to listen to

tales of wo, and the ability and inclination liberally to relieve. Now

wherever these benevolent persons may be located, there will a troop of

jackals herd, and run them down. Wherever public or private charities

exist, there do these persons thrive. Their organisation, the degree to

which they endure occasional privations and exposure, the recklessness

with which they endanger the health and lives of those connected with

them, is so passing strange, and, if fully expatiated upon, would be a

chapter in the history of man and society, so disgusting, as to be unfit

and morally unsafe to publish. Among the beings who infest these

neighbourhoods, are men and women of keen wit--too keen, in truth--who

have been well educated. Clerks who have been discharged for peculation.

Women who, from the turbulence of their passions, have descended from

the position of governesses, and who possess talent and tact equal to

any emergency. They can write petitions in the highest style of

excellence, as regards composition and penmanship. And they can also

write letters on dirty slips of paper, in such a manner as that the

homely phrase and the supposed ignorance of the petitioner shall be

correctly sustained. They know all the charitable people of the

district. They know the species of distress each person is most likely

to relieve, and the days and hours they are most likely to be seen. They

are in a position to instruct the several members of the fraternity as

to the habits and foibles of the "gentlefolks." One is open-handed, but

apt to exact a large degree of humility, and must be approached with

deference. Another, if applied to at the wrong time, may give liberally

to rid himself of their importunities. Another is rough and noisy; but

if the applicant can endure it--which these people can, but decent

people cannot--a largess is certain. With one, clean linen, a

well-starched front, or a neat cap-border, is a desideratum, because it

is supposed to indicate that the wearers were once in a better sphere.

Another will only relieve those who are clothed in well-patched rags, or

"real misery;" and then the appearance must be that of squalid

destitution.

It happened the other day that an individual, in the regular exercise of

his duty, was engaged in making inquiries in one of these

neighbourhoods. The cooped-up dwellings were situated in the centre of a

mass of buildings, round which a carriage might roll in five minutes,

and yet nothing would appear to excite suspicions that within the area

of a few hundred yards, so much real distress, and so much deceit, vice,

and crime were in existence. The visitor has left the crowded

thoroughfare, and entered a narrow cutting which leads to the heart of

the mass of houses. In former days the street was the abode of the

wealthy. Many of these aristocratic dwellings are still standing. They

large and high. The rooms were once magnificent. Their great size is

still visible, notwithstanding the partitions which now divide them. The

elaborate, quaint, and, in some instances, beautiful style of ornament

on the ceilings, the massive mouldings, and richly carved

chimney-pieces, satisfy the observer that, in former days, they were the

abodes of wealth and luxury. They are now tottering with age: the other

day, the interior of one of them fell inwards. These houses may be

entered, one after another, without intrusion. To the uninitiated, the

rooms present the appearance of an unoccupied hospital. All the rooms on

the upper floors are entirely filled with beds. If they are entered at

the close of a cold winter evening, the aspect is cold and desolate. If

you pause on the landing, you may hear sounds of voices. The whole of

the occupants of these rooms are congregated at the bottom of the

building. You should not enter, for, at the sight of a stranger, they

would instantly reassume their several characters. If you look through a

chink in the partition, you will see an assemblage of men, women, and

children, in whose aspect and mien--if you can read the biography of a

human being by studying the lines on the countenance--you may read many

a tale and strange eventful history,--illustrating the adage that "truth

is stranger than fiction." If the hour be midnight, and the season

winter, the large hall will be lit up by a blazing fire. Around it are

grouped men and women of all ages. Some are dressed as sailors. In a

corner, some Malays are eating their mess alone. They pay their

threepence, and are not disturbed:--they are supposed, with truth, to be

unacquainted with the rules of English boxing, and to carry knives.

Their white dresses and turbans, their dark but bright and expressive

countenances, their jet-black hair, and strange language, give an air of

romance to the scene. There are widows with children, traveling tinkers,

and knife-grinders. All these are talking, laughing, shouting, singing,

and crying in discordant chorus. There is no lack of good cheer; and it

is but justice to add, that the less fortunate, providing they are "no

sneaks," are allowed a share. At the door, or busily employed among the

guests, is mine host, and his female companion:--"old cadgers" both, but

stalwart, and able to maintain the "respectability" of the house.

The visitor passes on, and turns down a lane. By day or night, it hath

an ancient and a fish-like smell. Apparently the dwellings are inhabited

by the very poor. In the day time there are no noises, except that of

women bawling to their children, who are sitting in the middle of the

causeway, making dikes of vegetable mud and soap-suds. There are no

sewers;--the commissioners have no power to make them,--and do not ask

for it. There is nothing outwardly to indicate that the inhabitants are

other than honest. If you open the doors, you may perceive that the

staircases are double and barricaded, that rooms communicate with each

other, and that, in the rear, there are facilities for hiding or escape.

If you stroll about this place at night, you may be surprised by the

sight of two policemen patrolling together. You will be an object of

scrutiny and suspicion,--notwithstanding your respectable appearance.

And then, as you appear to have no business in the neighbourhood, you

will be civilly greeted with, "You are entering a dangerous

neighbourhood, sir!" In the newspapers of the following day, you may

read of a gang of housebreakers, or coiners, having been secured in this

spot. And if it be revisited when a group of felons have just left the

wharf, you will find it a scene of drunken lamentation.

In this lane is a _cul-de-sac_. It is inhabited by persons with respect

to whose actual condition the shrewdest investigator is at fault. The

visitor enters a dwelling, and climbs the narrow staircase. Upon

entering the small room, he is almost stifled by the foetid smells. In

one corner, on a mattress, lies a man, whose gaunt arms, wasted frame,

milky eye-balls, and dry cough, sufficiently indicate the havoc which

disease is doing at the seat of life. A fire has been recently kindled

by the hand of charity. Near it, and seated upon a tub, is a woman,

busily employed in toasting a slice of ham, which is conveyed rapidly

out of sight upon hearing the ascending footsteps. Her dress is gay, but

soiled, and her face is familiar to the pedestrian. Upon the entrance of

the visitor, the Bible is hastily seized, and an attitude of devotion

assumed. The question the visitor asks, is, Are you married? "Oh yes, I

was married at a village near Bury, in Suffolk; I was travelling as a

mountebank at the time." The tale is not well told. After a few

interrogatories, and the utterance of a score of lies, the truth

appears,--he was never in the county of Suffolk in his life. In a few

days he makes a merit of his confession, and marries,--a week before his

death.

Within a few yards, another scene is presented. This is a case of a man,

his wife, and his large family. The visitor is shown into a miserable

apartment, destitute of furniture; and, upon some loose shavings in a

corner, a child has been left to cry itself to sleep. The case is

relieved as one of great suffering. Relief flows freely. The wife

appears ill; and the medical man is much puzzled by her account of the

symptoms. Apparently she has been intemperate; but, according to the

symptoms, it should be something between rheumatism and tic-doloreux.

By-and-by a quarrel ensues, about the division of the spoil. An

anonymous letter is received, declaring that the party has several

residences,--that the room in which such a scene of destitution was

presented, was not their ordinary place of habitation,--that they are in

the receipt of fixed charities, names being given, and concluding with

the allegation, subsequently verified, that their weekly receipts

exceeded a mechanic's highest wage. The bubble bursts, and the family

migrates.

It is hardly necessary to remark, that this order of applicants require

strict attention on the part of the parochial officers. It is of

importance to ascertain whether the several applicants really do any

work,--whether they cannot get it, or are likely to be disconcerted at

the offer of it. If they belong to the orders last described, the fact

of visitation from an officer, with a note-book in his hand, would, of

itself, be a disagreeable circumstance, not to be endured unless

necessity compelled. It is frequently a matter of difficulty to collect

the facts; and appearances are very deceitful. Idleness assumes the garb

and language of industry. Idleness can take the part of industry, and

perform it with technical accuracy; and it will be rendered more

interesting than the original. When an industrious man falls into

misfortune, he is more disposed to conceal, than to expose it

ostentatiously. His language is often abrupt and rude: betraying a

conflict with his own feelings of independence and pride. This a

judicious and accustomed eye can discern. But it must not be forgotten

that the relieving officer's inquiries have no legitimate reference to

features, or doubtful signs, but to places and facts. These facts being

added together, as they are collected from time to time, in the

appropriate page in the report book, the board of guardians would have

no difficulty in estimating the real character and circumstances of

these applicants.

With the further consideration of the casual poor, the subject of

_Out-door employment_ may be usefully connected. We may state at once as

our opinion, that any scheme which proposes to test destitution by

offering the workhouse with its terrors, on the one hand, or which

offers out-door employment _indiscriminately_ to the able-bodied on the

other, is detrimental to the interests of society. It is admitted that

the offer of work to the well-disposed independent labourer may scare

him away; he will consume his savings, sell his furniture, and break his

constitution, rather than accept the relief on the terms offered. And

some may be content with this. They may rejoice at the sight of the

shillings saved. But it will soon be found, that when work has been

offered indiscriminately, and after the lapse of time, that a large and

yearly increasing number of labourers of various classes will accept the

relief and do the work. This fact indicates with accuracy that the moral

feelings of the labouring population are in process of deterioration.

Then how unjust it is! Here is a stout, broad-shouldered, hard-handed,

weather-tanned railway navigator, who would perform the hardest task

with the greatest case and indifference; but it is a very different

matter to the sedentary Liliputian workman of a manufacturing town. We

can understand why the smooth-fingered silk-weavers of Spitalfields

complained of being set to break stones. It is still presumed that the

great object is to diminish pauperism. It is not a question of this day

or this year, or of a parish or union; but of the age and nation. This

being so, we have to ascertain which of two modes is the preferable one:

should labour be offered to all comers, or should the right to make the

performance of labour a condition of receiving relief, be reserved as a

right, and used with caution and discrimination? Let us inquire. Among

the higher classes of society, the gradations of rank are distinctly

marked. Among the middle classes, the gradations and varieties of social

position are more numerous, less distinctly marked, and therefore fenced

round with a world of form and ceremony. And as we descend, and enter

the lower ranks, and approach the lowest, the distinctions and grades

multiply. To the common observer, these distinctions may be unworthy of

regard; but to the parties themselves, they are of importance. The

higher grades among the poor have attained their position by the

exercise of tact and talent, and by hard labour. Not that the accident

of birth, or the position of the parents, are circumstances destitute of

force--the son often follows the employment of the father, and the

eldest son in many trades is permitted to do so, without the sacrifice

of expense and time involved in an apprenticeship. There is a broad line

of demarcation drawn between the skilled and unskilled trades. There are

lines, equally as distinct, drawn between skilled trades, which

correspond with the ancient guilds of cities. And in the present day,

when the several ancient trades are so minutely divided, and subdivided,

there are grades of workmen corresponding. Reference is not made to

those distinctions which are recognised by the masters, but to those

especially which obtain among the men themselves; for it is with their

feelings we have to do. Now, these distinctions do not involve questions

of difference and separation merely, but those also of resemblance and

unity. Each "tradesman"[6] stands by his order; and that not only to

preserve its dignity and privileges inviolate, but to render mutual aid.

Many vanities may be associated with this, and many mummeries may be

enacted, at which many who believe themselves wise may fancy they blush;

but the mechanic is only guarding in an imperfect manner an ancient

institution. It is when we look at labour from this point of view, that

we begin to conceive how it happens that so few regular labourers, in

proportion to the mass, become chargeable to parishes; and this,

notwithstanding the vicissitudes of their several employments. This

inwardly sustaining power, of which the world in general is ignorant, is

worthy of study. The intensity varies as we descend. In a populous

parish, there are many who, from the action of a thousand disturbing

influences, drop from the ranks. Now, is it not obvious, that to offer,

with the eyes of the understanding and judgment firmly closed, to each

able-bodied applicant a degrading employment, must drag him to its

level? In most cases the feeling of repugnance on the part of the head

of the family against applying for relief in person--a rule in all

parishes--is so intense, as to require the fact of his family being in a

state bordering on starvation, to weaken it. If he is required to do

labour for the relief proffered, in a place where he is known, and among

an order of workmen who are pauperised and below him, who would welcome

him with sneers and derision, the chances are that he will not accept

the relief on the terms offered. Is pauperism checked thereby? Wait and

see. It is likely he will not remain in a place where all his cherished

associations have been so rudely broken up. Home he has none. The four

naked walls, the mattress on the floor, the single rug, his sickly and

fretful children--and these regarded with a jaundiced eye, are not the

objects and associations which make up the idea of home. He hears

strange tales from trampers about an abundance of work in other places,

and misguidedly he wanders, with or without his wife and children, in

search of the imaginary spot. He travels from town to town, and subsists

on the pittance which the trades allow, so long as he journeys to the

south. His original feeling of independence has become weakened: its

main prop has been removed. The apprehension of what the denizens of our

little world may say, is frequently a powerful auxiliary to a steady and

moral course of action. This houseless man, by leaving his native

village, or his usual haunts in the crowded city, has deprived himself

of this sustaining power; and he falls, morally and socially. Another,

with less strength of body, is subdued by his privations, and receives

that relief as a sufferer from low fever or incipient consumption, which

was withheld from him while in health. All this is natural, and it is

true in point of fact. The inference is, that no able-bodied applicant

should be set to work, until it formally and clearly appears from a

statement of facts, in the relieving officer's report book, that he is

idle or drunken. In the regular order of business, the man would be

charged with the fault by the chairman, and should be allowed the

benefit of any doubt. The applicant may say, "I worked last for A. B. at

----, and I left with others when the job was finished." Let him have

relief without labour, until the fact is ascertained. And as a page is

opened to each case in the report book, the statement resulting from the

inquiry is recorded, and is either for, or against him. If he pleads for

another chance, give it him. Let the labour be regarded in all cases as

a _dernier resort_.

What work should be given? This is mainly a local question: a few

general remarks may, however, be made. Under the old system, the

out-door work done by paupers, gradually assimilated with that performed

by independent labourers, and at last became undistinguishable. It

appears to have been a practice, if a man alleged that he was unable to

support his family, to set him to work; and the parishioners were

required to employ the labour. Now, the parishioners already employed as

much labour as they required, and the individuals they preferred, and

the necessity of employing the pauper labour, had the effect of reducing

the wages of the independent labourer: he was either employed less, or

paid less. Thus the labourer, who by his industry, and the exercise of

temperance and frugality, had saved, and was therefore in a position to

weather a long and dreary winter, by the influence of this baneful

system, was reduced to the level of the idle and intemperate. This evil

maybe averted. The old abuses were attributable to the fact, that the

several parishes and hamlets were so small, and so poor, as to, render

it impossible to adopt any system of management. The work given should

be hard work, and preserved as distinct as possible from that performed

by the independent labourer; and, in course of time, a wholesome feeling

of aversion would grow up respecting it, similar to that which was

entertained against the workhouse, before it became the compulsory

residence of the casually unfortunate, as well as of those who had sunk

morally and socially. The work given should be public work; or work

which has a remote reference to a private good, but which no individual

under ordinary circumstances would perform. For example, there is

stone-breaking, and the general preparation of materials for the repair

of the highway; the levelling of hills, and the raising of valleys; the

clearing of main ditches; the draining of mosses; the dredging of

rivers; the reclaiming of lands from the waste, or the sea; the

collecting of certain manures; the raising of embankments to prevent the

overflow of rivers; the cleansing of streets and the performance of

certain kinds of labour for union-houses and other institutions

supported at the public expense; and if the highway trusts should be

consolidated, and placed under competent management, it is likely that

some of the labour required might be performed by paupers.

The labour done must be tasked and estimated. This is indispensable. To

allow an able-bodied man to lie upon his back, and bask in the mid-day

sun, while he lazily picks up grass and weeds with his outstretched

hands, and throws it in the air, may be considered as employment; but to

call it labour is absurd. Pauper labour is proverbially unproductive,

_i.e._ it costs nearly its value in superintendence. But, if it is

resorted to, it must be watched with care, or its introduction will be

injurious. Now, during the last few years, a class of men have arisen

from the labouring class, who might be found qualified to superintend

this labour. Railway enterprise has developed a certain order of skill

which might be rendered available. It is well known that the several

miles of railway are divided into a number of contracts, which are again

divided, and taken by sub-contractors, and the sub-division proceeds

until yards of work are taken by the men who engage or govern the lower

class of labourers. A similar class of men is to be found on the banks

of rivers, who are known as gangers. Then there are discharged sergeants

and corporals, and even privates, who can produce their discharge with a

favourable report upon character endorsed upon it. We know the severity

of the army, in this particular. A discharge, with that portion of it

cut off on which the endorsement favourable to the soldier's character

should have been, ought not to lead necessarily to the inference that

his character has been bad in a civil point of view. But, if the

endorsement exists, we may rest assured that he has been staid in his

deportment, clean in his person, careful in the performance of his duty,

and regular as regards time. The classes of sergeants and corporals have

the additional advantage of being accustomed to order, as well as to

obey. Discharged soldiers generally require an active employment, or

they sink morally and socially. Men from this class might be selected

with advantage.

But some may exclaim, what an expense! Possibly! It remains, however, to

be seen whether the weight is not felt because the pressure is unequal.

A guardian of an ancient parish and borough, in an agricultural

district, observed the other day, "This new removal act is a serious

matter to us,--as the cottars in the out-parishes die off, the cottages

are pulled down, and this impoverished borough will have to support the

children, because they reside here." Of course, while the inducement to

such proceedings exists, and the poor are compelled to support the poor,

every attempt at permanent improvement will meet with either active

opposition or passive resistance. Then, again, it is said, that as the

manufacturing system has created a weak and dangerous population, and

one likely to be suddenly impoverished by the vicissitudes of the

system, they should be compelled to relieve it when those adverse

periods arrive. Does the rating of the manufacturer bear any proportion

to his capital, the extent of his business, or his profits? His

poor-rate receipt records an inappreciable item of expenditure. The

pressure of the rate is not upon him, but upon the householders of the

suburbs where the poor reside. It is not just that the manufacturer who

owns a mill, or he who merely owns a warehouse, and employs out-door

work-people--that the dealer in money, the discounter, the various large

agencies, the merchant who transacts his business in a single office and

sends his ship all over the world, and the great carriers, because their

business happens not to be rateable according to the law, should bear no

greater burden than the shop-keepers in a great London thoroughfare. It

is likely that there would be a _temporary_ increase of expenditure; but

then justice would be done to the aged, the infirm, and the sick. In

this respect the expenditure would increase; but as regards the

able-bodied there would be a reduction, and in this way: If a man is

thrown out of work, and his habits being known, he is relieved; he is

thereby sustained, and when work begins to abound he starts fairly. If

he is compelled to sink, the chances are he will never rise. Every

guardian in the kingdom knows, from personal observation, how difficult

it is to dispose of a family which has been forced into the union-house,

and has lost a home. It is confidently expected, if out-door relief,

accompanied by labour, be given only to those able-bodied applicants who

are known, from the facts of their history as officially reported, to be

idle, dissolute, and intemperate;--if the labour required to be done be

public work; if it be apportioned and tasked by judiciously chosen

task-masters, and given to each individual at a low rate of prices,

lower than those of ordinary labour, and paid in food, or even in

lodging when specially applied for and deemed necessary,--then, as

regards the able-bodied applicants, the nearest approach will have been

made to a perfect system. And if the system here sketched, or rather if

the hints which have been dropped from time to time in the progress of

this article, be collected and arranged, it is believed, that inasmuch

as they have reference to the moral principles of our nature, as well as

to the physical condition of the pauper, they will operate beneficially

upon the poor of England. And if it should appear, from the statistics

officially reported by a _minister_ in the regular exercise of his duty

in parliament, that the number of poor receiving relief who belong to

the first three classes have slightly increased, that report should be

considered as highly satisfactory, and not as a disclosure injurious to

national honour. It is not a matter of which Englishmen ought to be

ashamed, or a subject to be bewailed, that the aged, the infirm, and the

sick among the very poor, are not allowed either to perish, or to have

their cherished habits and associations destroyed. Then, as regards the

class of widows, if it should appear that the numbers do not go on

increasing in the ratio of deaths, but continue nearly stationary, the

report would be still satisfactory; because the inference from it would

be, that, as new cases have been added, old ones must have discontinued.

And the report respecting the two great divisions of the

able-bodied--those who are not set to do work, and those who are--would

be pregnant with information. And lastly, that part of the report which

discloses the number of cases which have not been distributed in the

several classes, would be of great value, as indicating the quarter

where the inspectors under the orders of Government might most

advantageously make their inquiries.

The classes and orders of poor that ordinarily become chargeable to

parishes have been commented upon; and a few of the peculiar traits have

been sketched of that motley group, which cannot be classified in any

other way, than as persons who, from their admitted idleness, ought to

be set to labour; or as persons to whom the exaction of labour in return

for relief would be detrimental,--and not only detrimental to their

personal interests, but to those of society. We have also stirred up and

exposed the dregs of society: an operation neither pleasant nor useful

under ordinary circumstances. But our inquiries have been pathological.

And it is the duty of the physician or surgeon to probe the wound, and

examine minutely the abscess, and then to institute inquiries equally

minute and more general into the habits and constitution of the patient.

Then the physician may have occasion to comment, in the lecture-room,

upon this class of diseases; and he would then show how many

circumstances must be considered and estimated before the true mode of

treatment can be known. And as quacks thrive upon ignorance and

credulity, he might gratify the curious student by an exposition upon

the facility with which imaginary cures might be effected. He might show

that by the employment of quack medicines the diseased part might be

made to assume the appearance of health. The abscess can be closed; but

the corruption, of which the open wound was only the outlet, will still

circulate through the system, deteriorate the blood, and at last

seriously derange the vital organs. The reader will apply these remedies

in the proper quarter. And then, as in the consideration of the first

series of classes we had occasion to dwell mainly upon those

characteristics of the poor which attract regard and sympathy, it became

necessary, in order that the general idea might be in accordance with

the general bearing of the facts, to conduct the reader into strange

scenes, and among classes of human beings, which might otherwise have

been disregarded or unknown. The reader now sees distinctly that which

the clamour and clash of rigourists and universal-benevolence-men might

have led him to overlook, viz.--_that pauperism includes in its legions

the most virtuous, the most vicious, the most industrious, and the most

idle_; and refers to decent, honest poverty as well as to squalid

destitution. We may conclude by averring, that the tendency of an

extended system of out-door relief, administered in the manner, and

according to the principles laid down, would be, to raise one class from

the state of pauperism,--to confront distresses which the complexity of

civilised society, and the extension of the manufacturing systems have

occasioned, boldly, firmly, and humanely,--to distinguish between the

honest industrious poor, and the lazy vagabond--to give one a fair

chance of obtaining employment, and to remove inducements from the other

to prowl about and live upon the public. And if this can be in any

degree attained, it will so far stand out in bold contrast to the

doctrines of _The Edinburgh Review_, and the practice of the Poor-Law

Commissioners, which have reference only to the health of the animal

fibre, and not to the soul which gives it life.

Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, Volume 61, No. 377, March 1847 · 第 3 / 44 题