ON PAUPERISM, AND ITS TREATMENT.

"If I oft

Must turn elsewhere--to travel near the tribes

And fellowships of men, and see ill sights

Of maddening passions mutually inflamed;

Must hear humanity in fields and groves

Pipe solitary anguish; or must hang

Brooding above the fierce confederate storm

Of sorrow, barricadoed evermore

Within the walls of cities--may these sounds

Have their authentic comment!"

WORDSWORTH.

In order to deal effectively with pauperism, it is necessary to know the

causes which lead to the impoverishment of individuals and masses of

individuals, and to be familiar with the condition, manners, customs,

habits, prejudices, feelings, and superstitions of the poor.

We do not propose to institute an elaborate inquiry into the _causes of

pauperism_, or to make the topic a subject of separate investigation.

Our chief object will be, to collect into classes those of the poor who

are known, from personal observation, to become chargeable to parishes,

which process will afford abundant scope for remark upon the causes

which led to their impoverishment. We may require the company of the

reader with us in the metropolis for a short space, and may satisfy him

that he need not travel ten miles from his own door in search of

valuable facts, and at the same time convince him _that pauperism is not

that simple compact evil_ which many would wish him to believe. We might

also show that, in the metropolis and its suburbs, there exist types of

every class of poor that can be found in the rural and manufacturing

districts of England; just as it might be shown, that its inhabitants

consist of natives of every county in the three kingdoms. Its fixed

population, according to the quarter in which they live, would be found

to resemble the inhabitants of a great town, a cathedral city, or a seat

of manufactures. And that portion of its inhabitants which may be

regarded as migratory, would complete the resemblance, except that the

shadows would be deeper and the outline more jagged. These persons make

London their winter-quarters. At other seasons they are employed by the

farmer and the grazier. It is a fact, that the most onerous part of the

duties of the metropolitan authorities are those which relate to these

migratory classes. Among them are the most lawless and the most

pauperised of the agricultural districts. Others, during the spring,

summer, and autumn months, were engaged, or pretend that they were

engaged (and the statement cannot be tested,) in the cutting of

vegetables, the making of hay, the picking of pease, beans, fruit, and

hops, and in harvest work. Or they travelled over the country,

frequenting fairs, selling, or pretending to sell, knives, combs, and

stay-laces. Or they were knife-grinders, tinkers, musicians, or

mountebanks. As the winter approaches, they flock into the town in

droves. There they obtain a precarious subsistence in ways unknown; some

pick up the crumbs that fall from the rich man's table, others overcrowd

the workhouses. It would lead to many curious and useful results if this

matter were fully investigated. The reader's company is not, however,

required for this purpose; at the same time, the previous remarks may,

in some measure, prepare his mind for the consideration of kindred

topics. It may introduce a train of reflection, and prompt him to

inquire whether the wandering habits of these outcasts have been in any

degree engendered by the strict workhouse system and workhouse test

enforced in their native villages, by the destruction of cottages, and

the breaking up of local associations, and whether these habits have

been fostered by the facilities with which a bed and a mess of porridge

may be obtained at the unions, without inquiry into their business and

object in travelling.

Let us steer our course along the silent "highway," the Thames, and make

inquiries of the few sailor-looking men who may still be seen loitering

at the several "stairs;" we shall learn that not many years since these

narrow outlets were the marts of a thriving employment, and that there

crowds of independent and privileged watermen plied successfully for

fares. These places are now forsaken, and the men have lost their

occupation. Some still ply; and the cry at a few stairs, of "Boat, your

honour?" may still be heard. Others have been draughted into situations

connected with the boat companies, which support them during the summer

months. A large number swell the crowds of day-labourers, who frequent

the legal quays, the sufferance wharves, and the docks. And the rest,

unfitted by their age or habits to compete with labourers accustomed to

the other fields of occupation, sink lower and lower; sustained for a

time by the helping hands of comrades and old patrons, but at last

obliged to seek a refuge at the parish workhouse. Death also does his

part. At Paul's Wharf stairs, a few inches above high-water mark, a few

shrubs have been planted against the river wall--and above them is a

small board, rudely cut, and on it are inscribed these words,--"To the

memory of old Browny, who departed this life, August, 26, 1846." Let us

stroll to the coach offices. Here again we see a great change--great to

the common eye of the public, who miss a raree show, and a still greater

one to the hundreds and thousands of human beings whose subsistence

depended upon the work done at those places. A few years ago, the reader

may have formed one of a large group of spectators, collected at the

"Peacock" at Islington, to witness the departure of the night mails, on

the high north road. The cracking of whips, the blowing of horns, the

prancing horses, the bustle of passengers and porters, and the

consciousness of the long dreary distance they had to go, exercised an

enduring influence upon the imagination and memory of the youthful

observer. Now, a solitary slow coach may be sometimes seen. In those

days, all the outlets of the metropolis presented similar scenes. Then

call to remembrance the business transacted in those numerous, large,

old-fashioned, square-galleried inn-yards; and reflect upon the hundreds

who have been thrown out of bread. The high-roads and the way-side inns

are now forsaken and silent. These remarks are not made merely to show

that there is an analogy between the several districts and employments

in the metropolis, and those of the country. If this were all, not

another word would be written. But it so happens that the comparison

affords an opportunity, which cannot be passed over, of referring to the

changes which are going on in the world; and forcibly reminds us, that

while some are rising, others are falling, and many are in the mire,

trodden under foot, and forgotten. It is with the miserable beings who

are in the last predicament, that poor-laws have to do.

The political economist may be right when he announces, that the

introduction of machinery has, on the whole, been beneficial; and that

the change of employment from one locality to another, depends upon the

action of natural laws, of which he is merely the expositor. It may be

the case, too, that he is attending carefully to the particular limits

of his favourite science, when he occupies his mind with the laws

themselves, rather than with their aberrations. But those who treat upon

pauperism as an existing evil, to be dealt with now, should remember

that they have to do not with natural laws, as they are separated and

classified in the works of scientific men, but with the laws in all

their complexity of operation, and with the incidents which arise from

that complexity.

The coachmen, the guards, the ostlers, the horse-keepers, the

harness-makers, the farriers, the various workers in the trade of

coach-builders, and the crowd of tatterdemalions who performed all sorts

of offices,--where are they? The inquirer must go into the back streets

and alleys of London. He must search the records of benevolent

institutions; and he must hold frequent converse with those who

administer parochial relief. But his sphere must not be confined to the

metropolis. Let the reader unroll his library map of England, and devote

an entire afternoon to the study of it. Trace the high-roads with a

pointer. Pause at every town, and at every stage. Refer to an old book

of roads, and to a more modern conveyance directory. Let memory perform

its office: reflect upon the crowds of persons who gained a subsistence

from the fact that yourselves and many others were obliged to travel

along the high-road on your way from London to York. There were

inn-keepers, and waiters and chambermaids, post-boys and "boots." Then

there were hosts of shop-keepers and tradesmen who were enabled to

support their families decently, because the stream of traffic flowed

through their native towns and villages. Take a stroll to Hounslow. Its

very existence may be traceable to the fact that it is a convenient

stage from London. It was populous and thriving, and yet it is neither a

town, a parish, nor a hamlet. Enter the bar of one of the inns, and take

nothing more aristocratic than a jug of ale and a biscuit. Lounge about

the yard, and enter freely into conversation with the superannuated

post-boys who still haunt the spot. You will soon learn, that it is the

opinion of the public in general, and of the old post-boys in

particular, that the nation is on the brink of ruin; and they will refer

to the decadence of their native spot as an instance. The writer was

travelling, not many months ago, in the counties of Rutland,

Northampton, and Lincoln; and while in conversation with the coachman,

who then held up his head as high, and talked as familiarly of the "old

families," whose mansions we from time to time left behind us, as if the

evil days were not approaching, our attention was arrested by the

approach of a suite of carriages with out-riders, advancing rapidly from

the north. An air of unusual bustle had been observed at the last

way-side inn. A waiter had been seen with a napkin on his arm, not

merely waiting for a customer, but evidently expecting one, and of a

class much higher than the travelling bagmen: and this was a solitary

way-side inn. We soon learnt that the cortege belonged to the Duke of

----. The coachman added, with a veneration which referred much more to

his grace's practice and opinions than to his rank,--"He always travels

in this way,--he is determined to support the good old plans," and then,

with a sigh, continued, "It's of no use--it's very good-natured, but it

does more harm than good; it tempts a lot of people to keep open

establishments they had better close. It's all up."

It is not necessary to pursue this matter further. Nor is it required

that we should follow these unfortunates who have thus been thrown out

of bread, or speculate upon their fallen fortunes. Nor need we specially

remind the reader, that this is only one of many changes which have come

upon us during the last quarter of a century, and which are now taking

place. Space will not permit a full exposure of the common fallacy,

that men soon change their employments. As a general rule, it is false.

The great extent to which the division of labour is carried, effectually

prevents it. Each trade is divided into a great many branches. Each

branch, in large manufactories, is again divided. A youth selects a

branch, and by being engaged from day to day, in the same manipulation,

he acquires, in the course of years, an extraordinary degree of skill

and facility of execution. He works on, until the period of youth is

beginning to wane; and then his particular division, or branch, or

trade, is superseded. Is it not clear that the very habits he has

acquired, his very skill and facility in the now obsolete handicraft,

must incapacitate him for performing any other kind of labour, much less

competing with those who have acquired the same skill and facility in

those other branches or trades?

The most important preliminary inquiry connected with an improved and

extended form of out-door relief is, how can the mass of pauperism be

broken up and prepared for operation? We are told that the total number

of persons receiving relief in England and Wales is 1,470,970, of which

1,255,645 receive out-door relief. Without admitting the strict accuracy

of these figures, we may rest satisfied that they truly represent a

dense multitude. It is the duty of the relieving officers to make

themselves acquainted with the circumstances of each of these cases, and

to perform other duties involving severe labour. The number of relieving

officers is about 1310. This mass is broken up and distributed among

these officers, not in uniform numerical proportion, but in a manner

which would allow space and number to be taken into account. The officer

who is located in a thickly populated district, has to do with great

numbers; while the officer who resides in a rural district, has to do

with comparative smallness of numbers, but they are spread over a wide

extent of country. The total mass of pauperism is thus divided and

distributed; but division and distribution do not necessarily involve

classification, and they ought not to be regarded as substitutes for it.

To the general reader, the idea of the classification of the many

hundreds of thousands of paupers, and the uniform treatment of each

class according to definite rules, may appear chimerical. To him we may

say, Look at the enormous amount of business transacted with precision

in a public office, or by a "City firm" in a single day. All is done

without noise or bustle. There is no jolting of the machinery, or

running out of gear. There is that old house in the City. It has existed

more than a hundred years. And it has always transacted business with a

stately and aristocratic air,--reminding us of Florence and Venice, and

the quaint old cities of Ghent and Bruges. The heads of the house have

often changed. One family passed into oblivion. Another, when nature

gave the signal, bequeathed his interests and powers to his heirs, who

now reign in his stead. But, however rapid, or however complete the

revolutions may have been, no sensible interruption occurred in the

continued flow of business. The principles of management have apparently

been the same through the whole period. Yet, as times changed, as one

market closed and another opened, as new lands were discovered, trading

stations established and grew into towns, as the Aborigines left the

graves of their fathers, and retired before the advance of

_civilisation_, and as India became English in its tastes and desires,

so did the business and resources of the old house expand, and its

machinery of management change. Once in a quarter of a century, a group

of sedate looking gentlemen meet in the mysterious back-parlour; a few

words are spoken, a few strokes of the pen are made, a few formal

directions are given to the heads of departments, a new book is

permitted, an addition to the staff is confirmed, and the power of the

house is rendered equal to the transaction of business in any quarter of

the world, and to any amount. Now, look at this great house of business

from the desk. Study the machinery. A young man, perhaps the eldest son

of a senior clerk, enters the house, and takes his seat at a particular

desk: and there he remains until superannuation or death leaves a

vacancy, when he changes his place, from this desk to that, and so on,

until old age or death creeps upon him in turn. He is chained daily to

the desk's dull wood, and makes entry after entry in the same columns of

the same book. This is his duty. He may be unsteady, irregular, inapt,

or incorrect, and his being so may occasion his brethren some trouble,

and draw down upon himself a rebuke from a higher quarter; but the

machinery goes on steadily notwithstanding. Each clerk, or each desk,

has its apportioned duty, which continued repetition has rendered

habitual and mechanical. In the head's of departments, a greater degree

of intellect may appear necessary. It is hardly the fact, however. For

the head of the department has passed through every grade--he has

laboured for years at each desk, and knows intuitively, as it were, the

possible and probable errors. His discernment or judgment is a

spontaneous exercise of memory, and resembles the chess-playing skill of

one who plays a gambit. Now, what is all this? It is called "official

routine." It appears, then, that an extensive business may be transacted

steadily and successfully, providing always that a few general rules are

laid down, and steadily adhered to, and enforced. _In books these rules

are simplified, classified, and rendered permanent._ A book-keeper may

imagine that thousands of voices are above him and around him, giving

orders and directions, and admonishing to diligence, and accuracy,--all

of which are restrained, subdued, and silenced, and yet all are still

speaking, without audible utterance, from the pages before him. And in

strictness, it would not be a flight of imagination, but a mode of

stating a truth which, from its obviousness, has escaped observation. Of

course, these books may speak incoherently and discursively, just as the

human being will do; and if they do speak, thus the evils which arise

are apt to be perpetuated. The books, then, must have a large share of

attention, and be carefully arranged. Then they must have a keeper, and

his duties must be explicitly stated, and his character and his means of

subsistence made dependent upon his accuracy and vigilance. There is

then the choice of the person who is to perform the business which the

books indicate and record. The requirements vary in different

occupations. In one, strict probity is a grand point; in another, strict

accuracy as to time, or skill in distinguishing fabrics and signatures.

In some cases, firmness, mildness, and activity, under circumstances of

excitement, is required; and these qualities, among others, would appear

to be indispensable in parochial and union officers,--if the fact of

their oversight did not render it doubtful. The last lesson we learn is,

that business should be checked as it proceeds. There are two methods.

The one is a system of checks, and is practicable when the business does

not occupy much space. The other is a system of minute inspection; there

are cases in which both methods may be partially applied, and that of

poor-law administration is one of them.

The machinery by which pauperism may be efficiently dealt with, may be

thus generally expressed. There would be required:--

_First_, A Board of Guardians, elected according to law, and with powers

and duties defined and limited by legal enactment.

_Second_, A staff of efficient officers.

_Third_, A scroll of duties.

_Fourth_, A set of books, drawn up by men of scientific ability, and

submitted to the severest scrutiny of practical men.

_Fifth_, A system of inspection under the immediate control of the

government.

_Sixth_, District auditors, whose appointment and duties are regulated

by the law.

_Seventh_, And in the negative, the absence of any speculative,

interfering, disturbing, and irritating power, which may be continually

adding to, varying and perplexing the duties and the management, in

attempting to carry into practical operation certain crotchets, and in

rectifying resulting blunders.

Much might be said upon each of these requisitions. But we propose

rather to limit our remarks, and to turn them in that direction which

will afford opportunities for exhibiting the various classes and

varieties of poor, and suggesting modes of treatment.

The books which are necessary to enable the several boards of guardians

to deal with each individual case, not only as regards the bare fact of

destitution, but also with reference, to its causes and remedies, are

the Diary or Journal, and the Report Book. The Diary is simple, and may

be easily constructed to suit the circumstances of each locality. Every

person who has any business to transact, and values punctuality,

possesses a Diary, which is drawn up in that form which appears most

suitable to his peculiar business or profession. In it is entered the

whole of his regular engagements for the day or year, and also those

which he makes from day to day. Then on each day, he regularly, and

without miss, consults his remembrancer, and learns from thence his

engagements for the time being, and so arranges his proceedings. Such a

book, drawn up in a form adapted to the nature of the business

transacted, and ruled and divided in a manner which a month's experience

would suggest, would be, the DIARY. It would differ from that raised by

the man of ordinary business in the respect that its main divisions

would not be daily, but weekly or fortnightly, according as the board

held its meetings. It would be kept by the relieving officer, and laid

before the Chairman at each Board meeting--it is in fact a "business

sheet." The name of each poor person who appears before the Board, and

with respect to whom orders are made, would appear in this book on each

occasion. And the arrangements of its contents would depend upon the

classification of the poor.

The Report Book[1] was briefly commented upon in a former article. Its

size should be ample--for it is presumed that each page will record the

results of many visits, and be referred to on each occasion that the

pauper appears before the Board. The lapse of time between the first

entry and the last, may be seven or even ten years.

Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, Volume 61, No. 377, March 1847 · 第 2 / 44 题