CHAPTER XV

RED CLOUD ON THE WAR PATH

The statement that a satisfactory treaty had been concluded with the

Indians was communicated to the various parties of travelers who were

camped near the post. There being a sufficient number of armed men and

wagons to conform to the rules of the War Department, ready to proceed

westward, we were ordered to move on.

But where was the great chief, Red Cloud, and his savage warriors who,

enraged because of the precipitate advance of the U. S. troops into the

very territory that was under consideration at the council, had struck

out westward with the avowed purpose of defending it against all comers?

What were the experiences of the hundreds of men, women, and soldiers

who in that fateful season were traversing those Wyoming trails?

A recital of incidents that occurred during the treaty, if not followed

by some reference to succeeding events would, figuratively speaking,

leave the reader high in the air. On examining the letters and messages

of the Presidents, I find revealed therein the astonishing fact that

even our chief executive was long in ignorance of the true situation of

Indian affairs in Wyoming. It would, therefore, not be strange if

readers generally were also uninformed upon the subject. In his Annual

Message, dated December 3, 1866, President Johnson, referring to this

Laramie treaty, informs Congress that a treaty had been concluded with

the Indians, "who," (as the message states) "enticed into armed

opposition to our Government at the outbreak of the Rebellion, have

_unconditionally submitted_ to our authority, and manifested an earnest

desire for a renewal of friendly relations." For the whole period of

nearly five months prior to the date of the message above cited the

Indian war was going on; and within three days of the date of the

message there occurred in Wyoming, under Red Cloud, one of the most

appalling Indian massacres that has darkened the history of our country.

In his message of the following year, the President was sufficiently

advised to report "barbarous violence which, instigated by real or

imaginary grievance, the Indians have committed upon emigrants and

frontier settlements," but he makes no allusion to an entire detachment

of our brave soldiers, every one of whom was slaughtered in one day. He

urges that "the moral and intellectual improvement of the Indians can be

most effectually secured by concentrating them upon portions of the

country set apart for their exclusive use, and located at points remote

from our highways and encroaching white settlements."

Could any proposition be made better calculated to fire the blood of a

savage Chief, whose people had been driven year by year until they had

reached the last fastness? How large would be the "point" recommended in

the message, upon which these migratory tribes should be settled? Where

was there remaining an unoccupied portion of our country that might not

become a highway as quickly as has the remote territory then in

controversy? Experience had taught the Red Men that none of their

grounds, wherever they might be, were secure to them. Many of the Sioux,

who had been slowly driven back upon other tribes with whom they had

often been at war, appear to have shared a joint possession of the

Powder River country, where game was abundant. The "moral and

intellectual advancement" recommended in the President's message

probably did not concern them so much as did the question of food in the

long winters.

While it is recognized that barbarism must give way to the march of

civilization, it is humiliating to review the heartless disregard of the

principles of equity and square dealing, of which some of the

representatives of our nation have been guilty in our relations with

these great tribes. The general situation as it existed during the few

weeks following this treaty is tersely described in the report of a

special commission chosen by the United States Senate to investigate the

Fetterman massacre already referred to. The commission convened at Fort

McPherson in April, 1867, and after thirty days' investigation made its

report, which concluded with the following summary:

"We, therefore, report that all the Sioux Indians occupying the country

about Fort Phil Kearney have been in a state of war against the whites

since the 20th day of June, 1866, and that they have waged and carried

on this war for the purpose of defending their ancient possessions from

invasion and occupation by the whites.

"The war has been carried on by the Indians with most extraordinary

vigor and unwonted success.

"During the time from July 26th, the day on which Lieutenant Wand's

train was attacked, to the 21st of December, on which Lieutenant Colonel

Fetterman with his command of eighty officers and men were overpowered

and massacred, they (the Indians) killed ninety-one enlisted men and

five officers of our army, and killed fifty-eight citizens, and wounded

twenty more, and captured and drove away three hundred and six oxen and

cows, three hundred and four mules, and one hundred and sixty-one

horses. During this time they appeared in front of Fort Phil Kearney

making hostile demonstrations and committing hostile acts fifty-one

different times, and attacked nearly every train and person that

attempted to pass over the Montana road." The figures in the foregoing

report do not include the great loss of human life and of live stock and

other property that occurred in connection with the massacre in

December.

It was early in this period that the scoundrels at Fort Laramie, who

should have known better, assured us and other travelers less fortunate

than we were, that it would be quite safe for emigrants to proceed. It

may be asked what motive could inspire these roseate but unreliable

reports. The answer is simple when one becomes somewhat familiar with

the type of many of the men who on the part of the Government conducted

these highly important negotiations; and when one realizes the

additional fact that the opportunity for personal profit overshadowed

everything, while the dignity of the Government and the principles of

equity were disregarded.

In the second volume of his _Forty Years a Fur Trader_, Larpenteur

devotes an entire chapter to a sketch of the many Indian agents with

whom he was familiar who served the Government as "the fathers of the

Indians" during those many years. The majority of those whose names he

gives are stated by him to be "drunken gamblers." "Some were interested

in the fur trade" and therefore were using the great authority of the

United States Government to further their personal ends. "Some were

ignorant beaver trappers," but not one of them, according to

Larpenteur's reports, seems to have possessed those qualifications which

would make for "the moral and intellectual advancement" of the wards of

the nation so prominently urged in the President's message. In fact, the

Indian agent should be a man of probity instead of a man whom the

Indians openly declared to be a liar, and certainly he should not

influence an agreement for the profit of the post sutler, who has the

exclusive trading privilege at the post.

We were in the atmosphere of events and at every available opportunity

conferred with officers, soldiers, and non-combatants, gleaning all

possible information concerning passing incidents, and followed those

observations with later investigations, so that we could not but believe

that we became fairly well informed concerning the Indian history of the

few weeks following Red Cloud's withdrawal from Laramie. For much

valuable information I am under obligations to General Carrington, who

was then in command in Wyoming, and who has given me data not easily

obtained from any other original and trustworthy source. A record of the

many thrilling events that rapidly followed each other would fill a

volume and is for the historian to compile. Coutant has well described

them, but the final dramatic conflict that crushed the Indian uprising

and opened the path for emigration demands a passing glance.

As we were leaving Laramie, Lieutenant Daniels was riding a short

distance in advance of a small body of soldiers who were escorting the

wife of Lieutenant Wand from Fort Laramie westward, when a band of the

Sioux, in full view of the soldier escort, made a raid upon the

Lieutenant, capturing and horribly torturing him until he died. Then,

putting on the clothing of the dead man, the savages danced and yelled

while out of range on the prairie, for the evident purpose of being seen

by the members of the escorting party: and thus the war began.

After other similar attacks there followed the massacre of Colonel

Fetterman and his men, in which not a white soldier was left to tell the

tale; it is known as the "tragedy of Fort Phil Kearney," the full

official report of which is written in Absaraka.

And now Red Cloud had certainly become a great chief. He had gathered in

additional bands, and it is claimed that one-half of the 3000 warriors

under his command were soon armed with rifles, many of them being

Spencer carbines that would carry seven cartridges. A few of them were

the new Henry rifles, some of which had been captured in the recent

massacre; but many of their rifles of the pattern used by our soldiers

in the war just ended and up to that time by most of the soldiers of the

frontier, were said to have been obtained from sutlers and traders. In

the meantime the thrilling tidings of the Fetterman massacre, and of

other serious reverses reached Washington. New, improved, breech-loading

rifles, and ammunition, were forwarded and received none too soon.

Captain James Powell, with a company of infantry, was finally detailed

to guard the contractors in the transportation of wood to Fort Phil

Kearney. Powell had been brevetted for gallantry in the Civil War and

had been engaged in a number of recent encounters with Indians. The same

day on which an attack was made on Fort C. F. Smith, an attempt was made

by the Indians under Red Cloud to wipe out the detail that was guarding

the wood train. This detail consisted of twelve men who were to guard

the camp where the timber was being cut, and thirteen men who were to

accompany the men to and from the fort. The wagons on which the timber

was being transported consisted simply of the running gear of the

wagons, the big boxes of the Government pattern having been removed; and

to make them a means of defense they had been arranged as a corral, with

entrances at both ends of a diameter of the circle. In front of each

opening a complete wagon was placed. These Government wagon boxes were

deep, and within them on the exposed side were piled their supplies,

consisting of sacks of grain and anything else that would help to stop a

bullet. This corral was the base of defense when they were away from the

Fort.

The camp was at once burned by the Indians, and the wood train was

attacked. The savages then immediately turned upon the little band now

concentrated in the corral. The report shows that there were there 32

men, including four civilians, to defend themselves and the wagon boxes;

and surrounding them were 3,000 warriors.

While the Indians had taken time to destroy the camp and run off the

stock, Powell had distributed his few men among the wagons. Openings had

already been cut in the boxes for their rifles, and fortunately they had

guns in abundance. Some of the men who were not good shots loaded the

rifles for those who were more expert. It is interesting at this point

to see brought into action one of the type of men such as we

occasionally met in the West. He was an old mountaineer who had

fortunately joined the defending party. He had been in many Indian

fights, and was known to be a crack shot and dead sure of his mark.

Eight rifles were placed at his side, and a less skilled man was

assigned to keep them loaded. These hastily executed arrangements were

perfected before the multitude of Indians had completed their work of

destruction at the camp, and had secured the stock. The wagon box corral

was apparently a simple proposition for the Indians, and its capture was

evidently to be made the event of the day, to conclude with the usual

massacre. This contemplated exploit appeared to be so simple that they

brought with them their women and children to witness from a favorable

view-point the extermination of the little band, and to assist in

carrying away the booty.

Powell had given his final instructions to the men in the wagon boxes

when a detachment of mounted warriors, armed with rifles and carbines,

made the first charge. As prearranged, not a shot was fired from the

corral until the savages were about fifty yards distant. At that point

Powell spoke the word "Fire" and in an instant there came a volley from

the enclosure which was continued with repeating rifles without

cessation, and in a manner which evidently astonished the savages.

Although the Indians poured into the wagons a shower of bullets, their

rush was checked. With savage determination they circled the enclosure

to seek some unguarded spot for attack, but finally withdrew. It was

then found that one lieutenant and a private soldier had been killed,

and two men were seriously wounded, but hundreds of dead Indians and

horses surrounded the corral. The Indian tactics were then changed.

Red Cloud in his next attack sent about 700 warriors armed with rifles,

backed up by others with bows and arrows. This great skirmishing party,

unmounted, were stripped of every article of clothing; upon their hands

and knees they approached the corral from every direction. This

detachment was supported by 2,000 warriors. The description of this

charge, as given to General Carrington, indicates that it was made with

intense desperation. Again, as before, the corral was silent until the

appointed moment, when a sheet of flame opened from the little band of

defenders and the well-directed fire did not cease until the baffled

savages withdrew, leaving hundreds of dead upon the field. Most of the

fighting was at close range. During these attacks the old frontiersman

sat apparently unconcerned, discharging one after another the loaded

repeating rifles which were always ready, and with unerring aim; each

bullet meant one more dead or wounded Indian. The savages did not

realize that one old man was pumping lead with such rapidity and

unfailing accuracy, but they did discover that something had "broke

loose."

I have heard the story of an interesting conversation between this old

frontiersman and the Department commander. It is now told by Cyrus

Townsend Brady, as follows:

"'How many Indians were in the attack?' asked the General of the old

man. 'Wall, Gen'rill, I can't say for sartin, but I think thar war nigh

3000 or more.' 'How many were killed and wounded?' 'Wall, Gen'rill, I

can't say for sartin, but I think thar war nigh onto a thousand of 'em

hit.' 'How many did you kill?' 'Wall, Gen'rill, I can't say, but gi'e me

a dead rest and I kin hit a dollar at 50 yards every time, and I fired

with a dead rest at more'n fifty of those varmints inside of 50 yards.'

'For Heaven's sake, how many times did you fire?' exclaimed the

astonished General. 'Wall, Gen'rill, I can't say exactly, but I kept

eight guns pretty well het up for more'n three hours.'"

The official report gave the loss in killed and wounded by the Indians

as 1137, or 36 Indians to each defender. In July, 1908, the old chief,

Red Cloud, at the age of ninety years, met with General Carrington, and

a few other survivors of the Wyoming command of 1866, upon those bloody

Wyoming battlefields to review the scene of those conflicts.

As stated in the _St. Louis Globe Democrat_, and also by General

Carrington, who again met Red Cloud on the battlefield in 1909, the old

chief then admitted a loss of 1500 braves--and that was the result of

the wagon box fight, possibly the most thrilling and disastrous Indian

defeat of which we have any record. All this closely followed the

Laramie treaty of July, 1866, to which reference has been made so

repeatedly.

Thus the war ended. The pathway was opened for emigration to what was

then more attractive territory further west, and there was removed one

obstacle to the final development of Wyoming, which was still a part of

the Great American Desert. These events are mentioned also to show the

general condition of affairs in Wyoming while we and hundreds of other

travelers were following its trails.

The Awakening of the Desert · 第 15 / 30 章