His personal attire, though rich in quality, ill became his gawky

figure, and there was that about his badly folded turban which bespoke

the parvenu. Like the muzzle of some wolf, his pock-marked visage

glowered on a couple of prostrated litigants before him, as they

fiercely strove to prove each other wrong. Near his feet was squatted

his private secretary, and at the door stood policemen awaiting

instructions to imprison one or both of the contending parties. The

dispute was over the straying of some cattle, a paltry claim for

damages. The plaintiff having presented the kaïd with a loaf of sugar

and a pound of candles, was in a fair way to win his case, when a

suggestive sign on the part of the defendant, comprehended by

the judge as a promise of a greater bribe, somewhat upset his

calculations, for he was summarily fined a couple of dollars, and

ordered to pay another half dollar costs for having allowed the gate

of his garden to stand open, thereby inviting his neighbour's cattle

to enter. Without a word he was carried off to gaol pending payment,

while the defendant settled with the judge and left the court.

Into the midst of this scene came another policeman, gripping by the

arm a poor Jewish seamstress named Mesaôdah, who had had the temerity

to use insulting language to her captor when that functionary was

upbraiding her for not having completed some garment when ordered,

though he insisted on paying only half-price, declaring that it was

for the governor. The Jewess had hardly spoken when she lay sprawling

on the ground from a blow which she dare not, under any provocation,

return, but her temper had so far gained the mastery over her, that as

she rose she cursed her tormentor roundly. That was enough; without

more ado the man had laid his powerful arm upon her, and was dragging

her to his master's presence, knowing how welcome any such case would

be, even though it was not one out of which he might hope to make

money.

Reckless of the governor's well-known character, Mesaôdah at once

opened her mouth to complain against Mahmood, pitching her voice in

the terrible key of her kind.

"My Lord, may God bless thee and lengthen...."

A fierce shake from her captor interrupted the sentence, but did not

keep her quiet, for immediately she continued, in pleading tones, as

best she could, struggling the while to keep her mouth free from the

wretch's hand.

"Protect me, I pray thee, from this cruel man; he has struck me: yes,

my Lord."

"Strike her again if she doesn't stop that noise," cried the kaïd, and

as the man raised his hand to threaten her she saw there was no hope,

and her legs giving way beneath her, she sank to the ground in tears.

"For God's sake, yes, my Lord, have mercy on thine handmaid." It was

pitiful to hear the altered tones, and it needed the heart of a brute

to reply as did the governor, unmoved, by harshly asking what she had

been up to.

"She's a thief, my Lord, a liar, like all her people; God burn their

religion; I gave her a waistcoat to make a week ago, and I purposed it

for a present to thee, my Lord, but she has made away with the stuff,

and when I went for it she abused me, and, by thy leave, thee also, my

Lord; here she is to be punished."

"It's a lie, my Lord; the stuff is in my hut, and the waistcoat's half

done, but I knew I should never get paid for it, so had to get some

other work done to keep my children from starving, for I am a widow.

Have mercy on me!"

"God curse the liar! I have spoken the truth," broke in the policeman.

"Fetch a basket for her!" ordered the kaïd, and in another moment a

second attendant was assisting Mahmood to force the struggling woman

to sit in a large and pliable basket of palmetto, the handles of which

were quickly lashed across her stomach. She was then thrown shrieking

on her back, her bare legs lifted high, and tied to a short piece of

pole just in front of the ankles; one man seized each end of this, a

third awaiting the governor's orders to strike the soles. In his hand

he had a short-handled lash made of twisted thongs from Tafilált, well

soaked in water. The efforts of the victim to attack the men on either

side becoming violent, a delay was caused by having to tie her hands

together, her loud shrieks rending the air the while.

"Give her a hundred," said the kaïd, beginning to count as the blows

descended, giving fresh edge to the piercing yells, interspersed with

piteous cries for mercy, and ribbing the skin in long red lines, which

were soon lost in one raw mass of bleeding flesh. As the arm of one

wearied, another took his place, and a bucket of cold water was thrown

over the victim's legs. At first her face had been ashy pale, it was

now livid from the blood descending to it, as her legs grew white all

but the soles, which were already turning purple under the cruel lash.

Then merciful unconsciousness stepped in, and silence supervened.

"That will do," said the governor, having counted eighty-nine. "Take

her away; she'll know better next time!" and he proceeded with the

cases before him, fining this one, imprisoning that, and bastinadoing

a third, with as little concern as an English registrar would sign an

order to pay a guinea fine. Indeed, why should he do otherwise. This

was his regular morning's work. It was a month before Mesaôdah could

touch the ground with her feet, and more than three before she could

totter along with two sticks. Her children were kept alive by her

neighbours till she could sit up and "stitch, stitch, stitch," but

there was no one to hear her bitter complaint, and no one to dry her

tears.

One day his faithful henchman dragged before the kaïd a Jewish broker,

whose crime of having bid against that functionary on the market, when

purchasing supplies for his master, had to be expiated by a fine of

twenty dollars, or a hundred lashes. The misguided wretch chose the

latter, loving his coins too well; but after the first half-dozen had

descended on his naked soles, he cried for mercy and agreed to pay.

[Illustration: _Photograph by Dr. Rudduck._

JEWESSES OF THE ATLAS.]

Another day it was a more wealthy member of the community who was

summoned on a serious charge. The kaïd produced a letter addressed

to the prisoner, which he said had been intercepted, couched in the

woefully corrupted Arabic of the Moorish Jews, but in the cursive

Hebrew character.

"Canst read, O Moses?" asked the kaïd, in a surly tone.

"Certainly, yes, my Lord, may God protect thee, when the writing is in

the sacred script."

"Read that aloud, then," handing him the missive.

Moses commenced by rapidly glancing his eye down the page, and as he

did so his face grew pale, his hand shook, and he muttered something

in the Hebrew tongue as the kaïd sharply ordered him to proceed.

"My Lord, yes, my Lord; it is false, it is a fraud," he stammered.

"The Devil take thee, thou son of a dog; read what is set before thee,

and let us have none of thy impudence. The gaol is handy."

With a trembling voice Moses the usurer read the letter, purporting to

have been written by an intimate friend in Mogador, and implying

by its contents that Moses had, when in that town some years ago,

embraced the faith of Islám, from which he was therefore now a

pervert, and consequently under pain of death. He was already crouched

upon the ground, as is the custom before a great man, but as he

spelled out slowly the damnatory words, he had to stretch forth his

hands to keep from falling over. He knew that there was nothing to be

gained by denial, by assurances that the letter was a forgery; the

kaïd's manner indicated plainly enough that _he_ meant to be satisfied

with it, and there was no appeal.

"Moses," said the kaïd, in a mock confidential tone, as he took back

the letter, "thou'rt in my power. All that thou hast is mine. With

such evidence against thee as this thy very head is in my hands. If

thou art wise, and wilt share thy fortune with me, all shall go well;

if not, thou knowest what to expect. I am to-day in need of a hundred

dollars. Now go!"

An hour had not elapsed before, with a heart still heavier than the

bag he carried, Moses crossed the courtyard again, and deposited the

sum required in the hands of the kaïd, with fresh assurances of his

innocence, imploring the destruction of that fatal document, which

was readily promised, though with no intention of complying with the

request, notwithstanding that to procure another as that had been

procured would cost but a trifle.

These are only instances which could be multiplied of how the Jews

of Morocco suffer at the hands of brutal officials. As metal which

attracts the electricity from a thunder-cloud, so they invariably

suffer first when a newly appointed, conscienceless governor comes to

rule.

With all his faults the previous kaïd had recognized how closely bound

up with that of the Moors under his jurisdiction was the welfare of

Jews similarly situated, so that, favoured by his wise administration,

their numbers and their wealth had increased till, though in outward

appearance beggarly, they formed an important section of the

community. The new kaïd, however, saw in them but a possible mine, a

goose that laid golden eggs, so, like the fool of the story, he set

about destroying it when the supply of eggs fell off, for there was of

necessity a limit to the repeated offerings which, on one pretext or

another, he extorted from these luckless "tributaries," as they are

described in Moorish legal documents.

When he found that ordinary means of persuasion failed, he had resort

to more drastic measures. He could not imagine fresh feasts and public

occasions, auspicious or otherwise, on which to collect "presents"

from them, so he satisfied himself by bringing specious charges

against the more wealthy Jews and fining them, as well as by

encouraging Moors to accuse them in various ways. Many of the payments

to the governor being in small and mutilated coin, every Friday he

sent to the Jews what he had received during the week, demanding a

round sum in Spanish dollars, far more than their fair value.

Then when he had forced upon them a considerable quantity of this

depreciated stuff, he would send a crier round notifying the public

that it was out of circulation and no longer legal tender, moreover

giving warning that the "Jew's money" was not to be trusted, as it was

known that they had counterfeit coins in their possession. It was then

time to offer them half price for it, which they had no option but

to accept, though some while later he would re-issue it at its full

value, and having permitted its circulation, would force it upon them

again.

The repairs which it was found necessary to effect in the kasbah, the

equipment of troops, the contributions to the expenses of the Sultan's

expeditions, or the payment of indemnities to foreign nations, were

constantly recurring pretexts for levying fresh sums from the Jews as

well as from the Moors, and these were the legal ones. The illegal

were too harrowing for description. Young children and old men were

brutally thrashed and then imprisoned till they or their friends paid

heavy ransoms, and even the women occasionally suffered in this

way. On Sabbaths and fast days orders would be issued to the Jews,

irrespective of age or rank, to perform heavy work for the governor,

perhaps to drag some heavy load or block of stone. Those who could

buy themselves off were fortunate: those who could not do so were

harnessed and driven like cattle under the lashes of yard-long whips,

being compelled when their work was done to pay their taskmasters.

Indeed, it was Egypt over again, but there was no Moses. Men or women

found with shoes on were bastinadoed and heavily fined, and on more

than one occasion the sons of the best-off Israelites were arrested in

school on the charge of having used disrespectful language regarding

the Sultan, and thrown into prison chained head and feet, in such a

manner that it was impossible to stretch their bodies. Thus they were

left for days without food, all but dead, in spite of the desire of

their relatives to support them, till ransoms of two hundred dollars

apiece could be raised to obtain their release, in some cases three

months after their incarceration.

XXIX

CIVIL WAR IN MOROCCO

"Wound of speech is worse than wound of sword."

_Moorish Proverb._

Spies were already afield when the sun rose this morning, and while

their return with the required information was eagerly expected, those

of Asni who would be warriors took a hasty breakfast and looked to

their horses and guns.

Directly intelligence as to the whereabouts of the Aït Mîzán arrived,

the cavalcade set forth, perforce in Indian file, on account of the

narrow single track, but wherever it was possible those behind pressed

forward and passed their comrades in their eagerness to reach the

scene of action. No idea of order or military display crossed their

minds, and but for the skirmishers who scoured the country round as

they advanced, it would have been easy for a concealed foe to have

picked them off one by one. Nevertheless they made a gallant show in

the morning sun, which glinted on their ornamented stirrups and their

flint-locks, held like lances, with the butts upon the pummels before

them. The varied colours of their trappings, though old and worn,

looked gay by the side of the red cloth-covered saddles and the

gun-cases of similar material used by many as turbans. But for the

serious expression on the faces of the majority, and the eager

scanning of each knoll and shrub, the party might have been intent on

powder-play instead of powder-business.

For a mile or two no sign of human being was seen, and the ride was

already growing wearisome when a sudden report on their right was

followed by the heavy fall of one of their number, his well-trained

horse standing still for him to re-mount, though he would never more

do so. Nothing but a puff of smoke showed whence the shot had come,

some way up the face of a hill. The first impulse was to make a charge

in that direction, and to fire a volley; but the experience of the

leader reminded him that if there were only one man there it would not

be worth while, and if there were more they might fall into an ambush.

So their file passed on while the scouts rode towards the hill slope.

A few moments later one of these had his horse shot under him, and

then a volley was fired which took little effect on the advancing

horsemen, still too far away for successful aim.

They had been carefully skirting a wooded patch which might give

shelter to their foes, whom they soon discovered to be lying in

trenches behind the first hill-crests. Unless they were dislodged,

it would be almost impossible to proceed, so, making a rapid flank

movement, the Asni party spurred their horses and galloped round to

gain the hills above the hidden enemy. As they did so random shots

were discharged, and when they approached the level of the trenches,

they commenced a series of rushes forward, till they came within

range. In doing so they followed zig-zag routes to baffle aim, firing

directly they made out the whereabouts of their assailants, and

beating a hasty retreat. What success they were achieving they could

not tell, but their own losses were not heavy.

Soon, as their firing increased, that from the trenches which they

were gradually approaching grew less, and fresh shots from behind

awoke them to the fact that the enemy was making a rear attack. By

this time they were in great disorder, scattered over a wide area; the

majority had gained the slight cover of the brushwood to their rear,

and a wide space separated them from the new arrivals, who were

performing towards them the same wild rushes that they themselves had

made towards the trenches. They were therefore divided roughly into

two divisions, the footmen in the shelter of the shrubs, the horsemen

engaging the mounted enemy.

Among the brushwood hardly was the figure of friend or foe

discernible, for all lay down behind any available shelter, crawling

from point to point like so many caterpillars, but firing quickly

enough when an enemy was sighted. This style of warfare has its

advantages, for it greatly diminishes losses on either side. For the

horsemen, deprived of such shelter, safety lay in rapid movements and

unexpected evolutions, each man acting for himself, and keeping as far

away from his comrades as possible. So easily were captures made that

it almost seemed as if many preferred surrender and safety to the

chances of war, for they knew that they were sure of honourable

treatment on both sides. The prisoners were not even bound, but

merely disarmed and marched to the rear, to be conveyed at night in a

peaceful manner to their captors' tents and huts, there to be treated

as guests till peace should result in exchange.

By this time the combatants were scattered over a square mile or so,

and though the horsemen of Asni had driven the Aït Mîzán from the

foremost trenches by the bold rushes described, and their footmen had

engaged them, no further advantage seemed likely to accrue, while they

were terribly harassed by those who still remained under cover. The

signal was therefore given for a preconcerted retreat, which at once

began. Loud shouts of an expected victory now arose from the Aït

Mîzán, who were gradually drawn from their hiding-places by their

desire to secure nearer shots at the men of Asni as they slowly

descended the hill.

At length the Aït Mîzán began to draw somewhat to one side, as they

discovered that they were being led too far into the open, but this

movement was outwitted by the Asni horsemen, who were now pouring down

on the scene. The wildest confusion supervened; many fell on every

hand. Victory was now assured to Asni, which the enemy were quick to

recognize, and as the sun was by this time at blazing noon, and energy

grew slack on both sides, none was loth to call a conference. This

resulted in an agreement by the vanquished to return the stolen cattle

which had formed the _casus belli_, for indeed they were no longer

able to protect them from their real owners. As many more were

forfeited by way of damages, and messages were despatched to the women

left in charge to hand them over to a party of the victors. Prisoners

were meantime exchanged, while through the medium of the local "holy

man" a peace was formally ratified, after which each party returned to

its dead, who were quickly consigned to their shallow graves.

Such of the Asni men as were not mourners, now assembled in the open

space of their village to be feasted by their women as victors.

Basins, some two feet across, were placed on the ground filled with

steaming kesk'soo. Round each of these portions sat cross-legged some

eight or ten of the men, and a metal bowl of water was handed from one

to the other to rinse the fingers of the right hand. They sat upon

rude blankets spread on mats, the scene lit by Roman-like olive-oil

lamps, and a few French candles round the board of the sheïkh and

allied leaders.

A striking picture, indeed, they presented, there in the still night

air, thousands of heaven-lights gleaming from the dark blue vault

above, outrivalling the flicker of those simple earth-flames on their

lined and sun-burnt faces. The women who waited on them, all of middle

age, alone remained erect, as they glided about on their bare feet,

carrying bowl and towel from man to man. From the huts and the tents

around came many strange sounds of bird, beast, and baby, for the

cocks were already crowing, as it was growing late,[23] while the

dogs bayed at the shadow of the cactus and the weird shriek of the

night-bird.

[23: A way they have in Barbary.]

"B'ism Illah!" exclaimed the host at each basin ("In the Name of

God!")--as he would ask a blessing--when he finished breaking bread

for his circle, and plunged his first sop in the gravy. "B'ism Illah!"

they all replied, and followed suit in a startlingly sudden silence

wherein naught but the stowing away of food could be heard, till one

of them burnt his fingers by an injudiciously deep dive into the

centre after a toothsome morsel.

In the midst of a sea of broth rose mountains of steamed and buttered

kesk'soo, in the craters of which had been placed the contents of the

stew-pot, the disjointed bones of chickens with onions and abundant

broad beans. The gravy was eaten daintily with sops of bread, conveyed

to the mouth in a masterly manner without spilling a drop, while the

kesk'soo was moulded in the palm of the right hand into convenient

sized balls and shot into the mouth by the thumb. The meat was divided

with the thumb and fingers of the right hand alone, since the left may

touch no food.

At last one by one sat back, his greasy hand outstretched, and after

taking a sip of cold water from the common jug with his left, and

licking his right to prevent the waste of one precious grain, each

washed his hands, rinsed his mouth thrice, polished his teeth with his

right forefinger, and felt ready to begin again, all agreeing that "he

who is not first at the powder, should not be last at the dish."

XXX

THE POLITICAL SITUATION

"A guess of the informed is better than the assurance of the ignorant."

_Moorish Proverb._

Ever since the accession of the present Sultan, Mulai Abd el Azîz IV.,

on his attaining the age of twenty in 1900, Morocco has been more than

ever the focus of foreign designs, both public and private, which have

brought about a much more disturbed condition than under his

father, or even under the subsequent Wazeer Regent. The manifest

friendlessness of the youth, his lack of training for so important a

part, and the venality of his entourage, at once attracted birds of

prey, and they have worked their will.

Since the death of El Hasan III., in 1894, the administration had been

controlled by the former Lord High Chamberlain, or "Curtain" of the

shareefian throne, whose rule was severe, though good, and it seemed

doubtful whether he would relinquish the reins of authority. The other

wazeers whom his former master had left in office had been imprisoned

on various charges, and he stood supreme. He was, however, old and

enfeebled by illness, so when in 1900 his end came instead of his

resignation, few were surprised. What they were not quite prepared

for, however, was the clearing of the board within a week or two by

the death of his two brothers and a cousin, whom he had promoted to

be respectively Commander-in-chief, Chamberlain, and Master of the

Ceremonies--all of them, it was declared, by influenza. Another

brother had died but a short while before, and the commissioner sent

to Tangier to arrange matters with the French was found dead in his

room--from asphyxia caused by burning charcoal. Thus was the Cabinet

dissolved, and the only remaining member resigned. There then rose

suddenly to power a hitherto unheard of Arab of the South, El Menébhi,

who essayed too much in acting as Ambassador to London while still

Minister of War, and returned to find his position undermined; he has

since emigrated to Egypt. It was freely asserted that the depletion

of the Moorish exchequer was due to his peculation, resulting in his

shipping a large fortune to England in specie, with the assistance

of British officials who were supposed to have received a handsome

"consideration" in addition to an enormous price paid for British

protection. Thus, amid a typically Moorish cloud, he left the scene.

From that time the Court has been the centre of kaleidoscopic

intrigues, which have seriously hampered administration, but which

were not in themselves sufficient to disturb the country.

What was of infinitely greater moment was the eagerness with which the

young ruler, urged by his Circassian mother, sought advice and counsel

from Europe, and endeavoured to act up to it. One disinterested and

trusted friend at that juncture would have meant the regeneration of

the Empire, provided that interference from outside were stayed. But

this was not to be. The few impartial individuals who had access to

the Sultan were outnumbered by the horde of politicians, diplomats,

adventurers, and schemers who surrounded him, the latter at least

freely bribing wazeers to obtain their ends. In spite of an

unquestionable desire to do what was best for his country, and to act

upon the good among the proffered advice, wild extravagance resulted

both in action and expenditure.

Thus Mulai Abd el Azîz became the laughing-stock of Europe, and the

butt of his people's scorn. His heart was with the foreigners--with

dancing women and photographers,--he had been seen in trousers, even

on a bicycle! What might he not do next? A man so implicated with

unbelievers could hardly be a faithful Muslim, said the discontented.

No more efficacious text could have been found to rouse fanaticism

and create dissatisfaction throughout his dominions. Black looks

accompanied the mention of his name, and it was whispered that the

Leader of the Faithful was selling himself and his Empire, if not to

the Devil, at least to the Nazarenes, which was just as bad. Any other

country would have been ripe for rebellion, as Europe supposed that

Morocco was, but scattered and conflicting interests defeated all

attempts to induce a general rising.

One of the wisest measures of the new reign was the attempt to

reorganize finances in accordance with English advice, by the

systematic levy of taxes hitherto imposed in the arbitrary fashion

described in Chapter II. This was hailed with delight, and had it

been maintained by a strong Government, would have worked wonders

in restoring prosperity. But foreign _protégés_ refused to pay, and

objections of all sorts were raised, till at last the "terteeb," as it

was called, became impossible of collection without recourse to arms.

Fearing this, the money in hand to pay the tax was expended on guns

and cartridges, which the increasing demand led foreigners to smuggle

in by the thousand.

It is estimated that some millions of fire-arms--a large proportion of

them repeating rifles with a large supply of ammunition--are now in

the hands of the people, while the Government has never been worse

supplied than at present. Ship-load after ship-load has been landed on

the coast in defiance of all authority, and large consignments have

been introduced over the Algerian frontier, the state of which has

in consequence become more than ever unsettled. In short, the benign

intentions of Mulai Abd el Azîz have been interpreted as weakness, and

once again the Nazarenes are accused--to quote a recent remark of an

Atlas scribe--of having "spoiled the Sultan," and of being about to

"spoil the country."

Active among the promoters of dissatisfaction have been throughout the

Idreesi Shareefs, representatives of the original Muslim dynasty in

Morocco; venerated for their ancestry and adherence to all that is

retrogressive or bigoted, and on principle opposed to the reigning

dynasty. These leaders of discontent find able allies in the Algerians

in Morocco, some of whom settled there years ago because sharing their

feelings and determined not to submit to the French; but of whom

others, while expressing equal devotion to the old order, can from

personal experience recommend the advantages of French administration,

to which even their exiled brethren or their descendants no longer

feel equal objection.

The summary punishment inflicted a few years ago on the murderer of

an Englishman in the streets of Fez was, like everything else,

persistently misinterpreted through the country. In the distant

provinces the story--as reported by natives therefrom--ran that the

Nazarene had been shot by a saint while attempting to enter and

desecrate the sacred shrine of Mulai Idrees, and that by executing him

the Sultan showed himself an Unbeliever. When British engineers were

employed to survey the route for a railway between Fez and Mequinez

this was reported as indicating an absolute sale of the country, and

the people were again stirred up, though not to actual strife.

Only in the semi-independent district of the Ghaïáta Berbers between

Fez and Táza, which had never been entirely subjugated, did a flame

break out. A successful writer of amulets, hitherto unknown, one

Jelálli Zarhôni, who had acquired a great local reputation, began to

denounce the Sultan's behaviour with religious fervour. Calling on the

neighbouring tribesmen to refuse allegiance to so unworthy a monarch,

he ultimately raised the standard of revolt in the name of the

Sultan's imprisoned elder brother, M'hammed. Finally, the rumour

ran that this prince had escaped and joined Jelálli, who, from his

habitual prophet's mount, is better known throughout the country

as Boo Hamára--"Father of the She-ass." According to the official

statement, Jelálli Zarhôni was originally a policeman (makházni),

whose bitterness and subsequent sedition arose from ill-treatment then

received. Although exalted in newspaper reports to the dignity of a

"pretender," in Morocco he is best known as the "Rogi" or "Common

One."

Fez clamoured to see M'hammed, that the story might be disproved, and

after much delay, during which he was supposed to be conveyed from

Mequinez, a veiled and guarded rider arrived, preceded by criers who

proclaimed him to be the Sultan's brother. But as no one could be sure

if this were the case or not, each party believed what it wished, and

Jelálli's hands were strengthened. Boldly announcing the presence

with him of Mulai M'hammed, in his name he sought and obtained the

allegiance of tribe after tribe. Although the Sultan effected a

reconciliation with his presumed brother--whose movements, however,

still remain restricted--serious men believe him to be in the rebel

camp, and few know the truth.

At first success attended the rebellion, but it never spread

beyond the unsettled eastern provinces, and after three years it

ineffectually smoulders on, the leader cooped up by the Sultan's

forces near the coast, though the Sultan is not strong enough to stamp

it out.

By those whose knowledge of the country is limited to newspaper news a

much more serious state of affairs is supposed to exist, a "pretender"

collecting his forces for a final coup, etc. Something of truth there

may be in this, but the situation is grossly exaggerated. The local

rising of a few tribes in eastern Morocco never affected the rest of

the Empire, save by that feeling of unrest which, in the absence of

complete information, jumps at all tales. Even the so-called "rout"

of an "imperial army" three years ago was only a stampede without

fighting, brought about by a clever ruse, and there has never been

a serious conflict throughout the affair, though the "Rogi" is well

supplied with arms from Algeria, and his "forces" are led by a

Frenchman, M. Delbrel. Meanwhile comparative order reigns in the

disaffected district, though in the north, usually the most peaceful

portion of the Empire, all is disturbed.

There a leader has arisen, Raïsûli by name, who obtained redress for

the wrongs of tribes south of Tangier, and his own appointment as

their kaïd, by the astute device of carrying off as hostages an

American and an Englishman, so that the pressure certain to be brought

to bear by their Governments would compel the Sultan to grant his

demands. All turned out as he had hoped, and the condign punishment

which he deserves is yet far off, though a local struggle continues

between him and a small imperial force, complicated by feuds between

his sometime supporters, who, however, fight half-heartedly, for fear

of killing relatives pressed into service on the other side. Those

who once looked to Raïsûli as a champion have found his little finger

thicker than the Sultan's loins, and the country round Tangier is

ruined by taxation, so that every one is discontented, and the

district is unsafe, a species of civil war raging.

The full name of this redoubtable leader is Mulai Ahmad bin Mohammed

bin Abd Allah er-Raïsûli, and he is a shareef of Beni Arôs, connected

therefore with the Wazzán shareefs; but his prestige as such is low,

both on account of his past career, and because of his acceptance of a

civil post. His mother belonged to Anjera, near Tangier, where he was

born about thirty-six years ago at the village of Zeenát, being well

educated, as education goes in Morocco, with the Beni M'sawah. But

falling into bad company, he first took to cattle-lifting, afterwards

turning highwayman, as which he was eventually caught by the Abd

es-Sadok family--various members of which were kaïds from Ceuta to

Azîla--and consigned to prison in Mogador. After three or four years

his release was obtained by Háj Torres, the Foreign Commissioner in

Tangier, but when he found that the Abd es-Sadoks had sequestrated

his property, he vowed not to cut his hair till he had secured their

disgrace. Hence, with locks that many a woman might envy, he has

plotted and harassed till his present position has been achieved. But

as this is only a means to an end, who can tell what that may be?

Raïsûli is allowed on all hands to be a peculiarly able and well-bred

man, full of resource and determination. Though his foes have

succeeded in kidnapping even his mother, it will certainly be a

miracle if he is taken alive. Should all fail him, he is prepared to

blow his brains out, or make use of a small phial of poison always to

hand. It is interesting to remember that just such a character, Abd

Allah Ghaïlán, held a similar position in this district when Tangier

was occupied by the English, who knew him as "Guyland," and paid him

tribute. The more recent imitation of Raïsûli's tactics by a native

free-booter of the Ceuta frontier, in arresting two English officers

as hostages wherewith to secure the release of his brother and others

from prison, has proved equally successful, but as matters stand at

present, it is more than doubtful whether the Moorish Government is in

a position to bring either of these offenders to book, and the outlook

in the north is decidedly stormy. It is, indeed, quite in accordance

with the traditions of Moorish history, throughout which these periods

of local disorganization have been of constant recurrence without

danger to the State.

[Illustration: _Photograph by Dr. Rudduck._ THE KAÏD.

A MOORISH KAÏD AND ATTENDANTS.]

In the south things are quiet, though a spirit of unrest pervades the

people, especially since it has been seen that the Sultan no longer

either collects the regular taxes or maintains the regular army. There

the immediate result of the failure to collect the taxes for a year or

two was that the people had more to spend on cattle and other stock,

which rapidly rose in price, no one needing to sell unless he wished.

Within the last two years, however, the kaïds have recommenced their

oppressive treatment, under the pretext of a levy to put down the

rising in the eastern provinces. Men and money were several times

furnished, but though now more difficult to raise, the demands

continue. The wonder is that the people remain so quiet, but they are

of a more peaceable nature than the Berbers of the north.

Three of the Sultan's brothers have been for some time camped in as

many centres, engaged in collecting funds, but tribe after tribe has

refused to pay, declaring that they have been exempted by their lord,

and until he returns they will submit to no kaïd and pay no dues. It

is only in certain districts that some of the funds demanded have

been forthcoming, and the kaïds have full authority, but these are

officials of long standing and great repute, whose jurisdiction has

been much extended in consequence. Changes among the less important

kaïds have been continual of late. One man would buy the office and

struggle to establish himself, only to find a new man installed over

his head before he was settled, which has frequently led to local

disorders, fighting and plundering. In this way the Government has

quite lost prestige, and a strong hand is awaited.

The Moors would have preferred another Ismáïl the Bloodthirsty, who

could compel his will, and awe all other rascals in his dominions, to

the mild and well-intentioned youth now at the helm. Some would even

welcome any change that would put an end to present insecurity, but

only the French _protégés_ desire to see that change effected by

France, and only those under the German flag already would hail that

with joy. The Jews alone would welcome any, as they have good cause to

do.

Such was already the condition of things when the long-threatening

clouds burst, and the Anglo-French Agreement was published in April,

1904. Rumours of negotiations for the sale of British interests in

Morocco to France had for some time filled the air, but in face of

official denials, and the great esteem in which England was held by

the Moors, few gave credence to them. Mulai Abd el Azîz had relied

especially on Great Britain, and had confidently looked to it for

protection against the French; the announcement of the bargain between

them broke him down.

It may have been inevitable; and since an agreement among all the

Powers concerned was so remote a possibility, an understanding between

the three most interested may have been the wisest course, in view of

pending internal troubles which would certainly afford excuses for

interference. It was undoubtedly good policy on their part to decide

who should inherit the vineyard, and on what terms, that conflict

between them might be avoided. But on the unconsulted victim it came a

cruel blow, unexpected and indefensible. It is important not to forget

this.

But the one absorbing thought of all for nearly a year past has

been the drought and consequent famine. Between November, 1904, and

October, 1905, there was practically no rainfall over a large portion

of the country, and agriculture being interfered with, grain rose to

five times its normal price. Although relief has now come, it will be

months before the cattle are in proper condition again, and not till

after next year's harvest in May and June, should it prove a good one,

will contentment be restored. Under such conditions, though more ready

than ever to grumble, the people have had no heart to fight, which

has, to some degree, assisted in keeping them quiet. The famine has,

however, tried them sore, and only increased their exasperation.

Added to this, the general feeling of dissatisfaction regarding the

Sultan's foreign predilections, and the slumbering fanaticism of the

"learned" class, there is now a chronic lack of funds. The money which

should have been raised by taxation has been borrowed abroad and

ruthlessly scattered. Fortunes have been made by foreigners and

natives alike, but the Sultan is all but bankrupt. Yet never was his

entourage so rich, though many who to-day hold houses and lands were a

few years ago penniless.

As for the future, for many years the only answer possible to

tediously frequent inquiries as to what was going to happen in Morocco

has been that the future of the Shareefian Empire depended entirely

on what might happen in Europe, not to any degree on its own internal

condition. The only way in which this could affect the issue was by

affording an excuse for outside interference, as in the present case.

Corrupt as the native administration may be, it is but the expression

of a corrupt population, and no native government, even in Europe, is

ever far in advance of those over whom it rules. In spite, too, of the

pressure of injustice on the individual here and there, the victim of

to-day becomes the oppressor of to-morrow, and such opportunities

are not to be surrendered without a protest. The vast majority is,

therefore, always in favour of present conditions, and would rather

the chances of internecine strife than an exotic peace. No foreign

ruler, however benign, would be welcome, and no "penetration," however

"pacific," but will be endured and resented as a hostile wound. Even

the announcement of the Anglo-French Agreement was sufficient to

gravely accentuate the disorders of the country, and threaten

immediate complications with Europe, by provoking attacks on Europeans

who had hitherto been safe from interference save under exceptional

circumstances. A good deal of the present unrest is attributable to

this cause alone.

It is, therefore, a matter of deep regret that the one possible

remedy--joint action of the Powers in policing the Moors, as it were,

by demanding essential reforms in return for a united guarantee of

territorial integrity--was rendered impossible by the rivalries

between those Powers, especially on the part of France. Great

Britain's step aside has made possible the only alternative, the

surrender of the coveted task to one of their number, in return for

such _quid pro quo_ as each could obtain. Had the second-class

Powers been bargained with first, not only would they have secured

substantial terms, which now it is no use their asking, but the

leading Powers could have held out for terms yet undreamed of.

France did well to begin with Great Britain, but it was an egregious

diplomatic error to overlook Germany, which was thereby promoted to

the hitherto unhoped-for position of "next friend" and trusted adviser

of Morocco. Up to that point Germany had played a waiting game so

patiently that France fell into the trap, and gave her all she wanted.

It is inconceivable how the astute politicians of the Quai d'Orsay

committed such a blunder, save on the assumption that they were so

carried away by the ease with which they had settled with Great

Britain, that they forgot all other precautions--unless it was that

they feared to jeopardize the conclusion of the main bargain by delay

in discussing any subsidiary point.

When the Agreement was made known, the writer pointed out in the

_Westminster Review_, that, "Portugal, Italy and Austria have but to

acquiesce and rest assured of the 'most favoured nation' treatment, as

will all the other Powers save one. That one, of course, is Germany,

_whose sole interest in Morocco is the possibility of placing a

drag on France_. She will have to be dealt with. Having disposed of

England, which had real interests at stake, in the command of the

straits and the maintenance of Gibraltar, France should be able to

accomplish this as well. Five and twenty years ago Germany had not

even a commercial interest in Morocco. Great Britain did three-fourths

of the trade, or more, France about a tenth, Spain and others dividing

the crumbs between them. But an active commercial policy--by the

encouragement and support of young firms in a way that made Britishers

envious, and abusive of their own Foreign Office--has secured for

Germany a growing share of the trade, till now she stands next to

Great Britain, whose share is reduced to one-half."[24]

[24: It is curious, indeed, how little the German Empire or its

component States figure in the history of diplomatic relations

with Morocco. One has to go back to the time of Rudolf II., in

1604, to find an active policy in force with regard to Moroccan

affairs, when that remarkable adventurer or international

diplomatist, Sir Anthony Sherley, was accredited to Abd el Azîz

III., the last of the Moorish rulers to bear the same name as

the present one. This intrepid soldier, a man after the Kaiser's

own heart, had been accredited to Germany by the great Shah of

Persia, Abbás, whose confidence he had won to a marvellous

degree, and he appears to have made as great an impression on

Rudolf, who sent him as his envoy to Morocco. Arrived there,

he astonished the natives by coolly riding into the court of

audience--a privilege still reserved to the Sultan alone. But

the Ameer, as he was called in those days, was too politic or

too polite to raise the question, only taking care that the

next time the "dog of a Christian" should find a chain stretched

across the gateway. This Sir Anthony could not brook, so rode

back threatening to break off negotiations, and it affords a

striking lesson as to the right way of dealing with orientals,

that even in those days the Moors should have yielded and

imprisoned the porter, permitting Sir Anthony's entrance on

horseback thereafter. The treaty he came to negotiate was

concluded, and relations with the Germans were established on

a right footing, but they have been little in evidence till

recent years.]

After all, the interests of Germany in Morocco were but a trifling

consideration, meaning much less to her than ours do to us, and it was

evident that whatever position she might assume, however she might

bluster, she, too, had her price. This not being perceived by the

ill-informed Press of this country, the prey of political journalists

in Paris, Cologne and Madrid--more recently even of Washington,

whence the delusive reports are now re-echoed with alarming

reverberations--there was heated talk of war, and everything that

newspapers could do to bring it about was done. Even a private visit

of the Kaiser to Tangier, the only important feature of which was the

stir made about it, was utilized to fan the flame. However theatrical

some of the political actions of Wilhelm II. may have been, here was

a case in which, directly he perceived the capital being made of

his visit, he curtailed it to express his disapprobation. It was in

Tangier Bay that he received the newspaper cuttings on the subject,

and although the visit was to have extended in any case but to a few

hours, he at once decided not to land. It was only when it was urged

upon him what disappointment this would cause to its thirty thousand

inhabitants and visitors for the occasion, that he consented to pay

one short visit to his Legation, abandoning the more important part

of the programme, which included a climb to the citadel and an

interchange of visits with a kinsman of the Sultan. Nothing more

could have been done to emphasize the private nature of the visit,

in reality of no greater moment than that of King Edward to Algeria

almost at the same time.

Neither such a personal visit, nor any other action should have been

required to remind Great Britain and France that they and Spain

alone were affected by their agreements, and that not even official

notification to Morocco or the other Powers could restrict their

perfect liberty of action. When, therefore, the distracted Sultan

turned to Germany as the most influential Power still faithful to its

undertakings, the response of Germany was perfectly correct, as was

his own action. But Germany, although prepared to meet him with a

smile, and not averse to receiving crumbs in the form of concessions,

had no more intention of embroiling herself on his behalf than Great

Britain. Extraordinary rumours, however, pervaded the country, and

the idea of German intervention was hailed with delight; now general

disappointment is felt, and Germany is classed with England among the

traitors.

Mulai Abd el Azîz had but one resource, to propose another conference

of the Powers, assured that France and Germany would never come to an

understanding, and that this would at least ward off the fatal day

indefinitely. Yet now that France and Germany have agreed, it is

probable that this step is regretted, and that, since the two have

acted in concert, the Moorish Court has been at its wits' ends; it

would now regard as a God-send anything which might prevent the

conference from being held, lest it should strengthen the accord among

its enemies, and weaken its own position.

The diplomatic negotiations between Fez, Berlin, and Paris have been

of a character normal under the circumstances; and as the bickerings

and insinuations which accompanied them were foreign to Morocco, the

Sultan's invitation only serving as an opportunity for arriving at an

understanding, they need not be dwelt on here. It is the French Press

which has stirred up the commotion, and has misled the British Public

into the belief that there has been some "Morocco Tangle." The facts

are simply these: since 1880, the date of the Madrid Convention

regarding the vexed question of foreign rights of protecting natives

and holding property in Morocco, all nations concerned have been

placed on an equal footing in their dealings with that country. The

"most favoured nation" clause has secured for all the advantages

gained by any in its special treaties. Nothing has since occurred

to destroy this situation. In asking his "friends" to meet again in

conference now, the Sultan acted wisely and within his rights. The

fact that any two or three of them may have agreed to give one of

their number a "free hand," should it suit her purposes to upset the

_status quo_, does not theoretically affect the position, though it

has suggested the advisability of further discussion. It is only in

virtue of their combined might that the Powers in question are enabled

to assume the position they do.

Spain, the only power with interests in Morocco other than commercial,

had been settled with by a subsequent agreement in October, 1904,

for she had been consulted in time. Special clauses dealing with her

claims to consideration had even been inserted in the Anglo-French

Agreement--

Art. VII. "This arrangement does not apply to the points now

occupied by Spain on the Moorish shore of the Mediterranean.

Art. VIII. "The two Governments, animated by their sincerely

friendly sentiments for Spain, take into particular consideration

the interests she possesses, owing to her geographical position

and to her territorial possessions on the Moorish shore of the

Mediterranean, in regard to which the French Government will make

some arrangement with the Spanish Government ... (which) will be

communicated to the Government of His Britannic Majesty."

These Articles apply to Ceuta, which Spain withheld from the

Portuguese after the brief union of the crowns in the sixteenth

century; to Veléz, an absolutely worthless rock, captured in 1564 by

Garcia de Toledo with fifteen thousand men, the abandonment of which

has more than once been seriously urged in Spain; to Alhucemas, a

small island occupied in 1673; to Melilla, a huge rock peninsula

captured, on his own account, by Medina Sidonia in 1497; and to the

Zaffarine (or Saffron) Islands, only one of which is used, in the

seizure of which the French were cleverly forestalled in 1848. All are

convict stations; unless heavily fortified in a manner that at present

they are not, they would not be of sufficient value to tempt even a

foe of Spain. Ceuta and Melilla alone are worthy of consideration, and

the former is the only one it might ever pay to fortify.

So far have matters gone. The conference asked for by Morocco--the

flesh thrown to the wolves--is to form the next Act. To this

conference the unfortunate Sultan would like to appeal for protection

against the now "free hand" of France, but in consenting to discuss

matters at all, she and her ally have, of course, stipulated that what

has been done without reference to treaty shall not be treated of, if

they are to take part, and as an act of courtesy to us, the United

States has followed suit. Other matters of importance which Mulai Abd

el Azîz desired to discuss have also been ruled out beforehand, so

that only minor questions are to be dealt with, hardly worth the

trouble of meeting.

Foremost among these is the replenishing of the Moorish exchequer by

further loans, which might more easily have been arranged without a

conference. Indeed, there are so many money-lenders anxious to finance

Morocco on satisfactory terms, that the competition among them has

almost degenerated into a scramble. But all want some direct guarantee

through their Governments, which introduces the political element,

as in return for such guarantee each Power desires to increase its

interests or privileges. Thus, while each financier holds out his

gold-bags temptingly before the Sultan, elbowing aside his rival, each

demands as surety the endorsement of his Government, the price of

which the Sultan is hardly prepared to pay. He probably hopes that by

appealing to them all in conference, he will obtain a joint guarantee

on less onerous terms, without affording any one of them a foothold in

his country, should he be unable to discharge his obligations. He is

wise, and but for the difficulties caused by the defection of England

and France from the political circle, this request for money might

alone have sufficed to introduce a reformed _régime_ under the joint

auspices of all. As it is, attempts to raise funds elsewhere, even to

discharge the current interest, having failed, his French creditors,

who do possess the support of their Government, have obligingly added

interest to capital, and with official sanction continue to roll the

snowball destined one day to overwhelm the State. In the eyes of the

Moors this is nothing less than a bill-of-sale on the Empire.

A second point named by the Sultan for submission to the conference

is the urgency of submitting all inhabitants of the country without

distinction to the reformed taxation; a reasonable demand if the taxes

were reasonable and justly assessed, but who can say at present that

they are either? The exchequer is undoubtedly defrauded of large sums

by the exemptions enjoyed by foreigners and their _protégés_, on

account of the way in which these privileges are abused, while, to

begin with, the system itself is unfair to the native. Here again

is an excellent lever for securing reforms by co-operation. Let the

Sultan understand that the sole condition on which such a privilege

can be abandoned is the reform of his whole fiscal and judicial

systems, and that this effected to the satisfaction of the Powers,

these privileges will be abandoned. Nothing could do more to promote

the internal peace and welfare of Morocco than this point rightly

handled.

A third demand, the abolition of foreign postal services in his

country, may appear to many curious and insignificant, but the

circumstances are peculiar. Twenty years ago, when I first knew

Morocco, there were no means of transmitting correspondence up country

save by intermittent couriers despatched by merchants, whom one had to

hunt up at the _cafés_ in which they reposed. On arrival the bundle

of letters was carried round to likely recipients for them to select

their own in the most hap-hazard way. Things were hardly more formal

at the ports at which eagerly awaited letters and papers arrived

by sea. These were carried free from Gibraltar, and delivered on

application at the various consular offices.

At one time the Moorish Government maintained unsatisfactory courier

services between two or three of the towns, but issued no stamps, the

receipt for the courier's payment being of the nature of a postmark,

stamped at the office, which, though little known to collectors, is

the only genuine and really valuable Moorish postage stamp obtainable.

All other so-called Morocco stamps were issued by private individuals,

who later on ran couriers between some two Moorish towns, their income

being chiefly derived from the sale of stamps to collectors. Some were

either entirely bogus services, or only a few couriers were run

to save appearances. Stamps of all kinds were sold at face value,

postmarked or not to order, and as the issues were from time to time

changed, the profits were steady and good. The case was in some ways

analogous to that of the Yangtse and other treaty ports of China,

where I found every consul's wife engaged in designing local issues,

sometimes of not inconsiderable merit. In Morocco quite a circle of

stamp-dealers sprang up, mostly sharp Jewish lads--though not a few

foreign officials contracted the fever, and some time ago a stamp

journal began to be issued in Tangier to promote the sale of issues

which otherwise would not have been heard of.

Now all is changed; Great Britain, France, Spain and Germany maintain

head postal offices in Tangier, the British being subject to that of

Gibraltar, whose stamps are used. All have courier services down the

coast, as well as despatching by steamer, and some maintain inland

mails conveyed by runners. The distance from Tangier to Fez, some

hundred and fifty miles, is covered by one man on foot in about three

days and a half, and the forty miles' run from Tangier to Tetuan is

done in a night for a dollar, now less than three shillings.

But a more enlightened Sultan sees the advantage it would be to him,

if not to all parties, to control the distribution of the growing

correspondence of both Europeans and natives, the latter of whom

prefer to register their letters, having very little faith in their

despatch without a receipt. And as Mulai Abd el Azîz is willing

to join the Postal Union, provided that the service is placed in

efficient European hands there is no reason why it should not be

united in one office, and facilities thereby increased.

France, however, in joining the conference, has quite another end in

view than helping others to bolster up the present administration, and

that is to obtain a formal recognition by all concerned, including

Morocco, of the new position created by her agreement with Great

Britain. That is to say, without permitting her action to be

questioned in any way, she hopes to secure some show of right to what

at present she possesses only by the might of herself and her friends.

She has already agreed with Germany to recognize her special claim for

permission to "police" the Morocco-Algerian frontier, and those who

recall the appropriation of Tunisia will remember that it originated

in "policing" the Khomaïr--known to the French as "Kroumirs"--on the

Tunisian frontier of Algeria.

It is, indeed, a curious spectacle, a group of butchers around the

unfortunate victim, talking philanthropy, practising guile: two of the

strongest have at last agreed between themselves which is to have the

carcase, but preparations for the "pacific" death-thrust are delayed

by frantic appeals for further consultation, and by the refusal of

one of their number who had been ignored to recognize the bargain.

Consultation is only agreed to on conditions which must defeat its

object, and terms are arranged with the intervener. Everything,

therefore, is clear for the operation; the tender-hearted are soothed

by promises that though the "penetration" cannot but be painful, it

shall at least not be hostile; while in order that the contumacious

may hereafter hold their peace, the consultation is to result in a

formal but carefully worded death-warrant.

Meanwhile it is worth while recalling the essential features of the

Madrid Convention of 1880, mainly due to French claims for special

privileges in protecting natives, or in giving them the rights of

French citizens. This was summoned by Spain at the suggestion of Great

Britain, with the concurrence of Morocco. Holland, Sweden and Norway,

Denmark, Belgium, Portugal, France, Germany, the United States, Italy,

Brazil, and Austria-Hungary accepted the invitation in the order

named, but Brazil was ultimately unrepresented. Russia was also

invited as an after-thought, but did not consider it worth while

accepting. The scope of the conference was limited to the subject of

foreign protection, though the question of property was by mutual

consent included.

The representatives of the conferring Powers accredited to the Spanish

Court were nominated as members--the English Plenipotentiary acting

for Denmark--as it was felt that those accredited to Morocco already

held too decided views of the matter. The Moorish Foreign Minister

attended on behalf of Morocco, and Señor Canovas, President of the

Council, represented Spain. Seventeen meetings were held, under the

presidency of Señor Canovas, between May 19 and July 3, the last being

purely formal. The Convention then signed contained little that was

new, but it re-stated clearly and harmonized with satisfactory results

rights previously granted to one and another. In several particulars,

however, its provisions are faulty, and experience of their working

has long led to demands for revision, but conflicting interests, and

fears of opening up larger issues, have caused this to be postponed.

Now that the time has arrived for a re-definition of the whole

position and rights of foreigners and their Governments in Morocco,

it is earnestly to be hoped that the opportunity may not be lost. The

great fault of the Madrid Convention is that while it recognizes the

right of foreigners to acquire land in Morocco, it stipulates for

the previous consent of the native authorities, which is only to be

obtained, if at all, by liberal "presents." But the most pressing need

is the establishment of an international tribunal for the trial of

cases involving more than one nationality, to replace the present

anarchy, resulting from the conflict in one case of any of the

thirteen independent jurisdictions at present in force in Morocco.

Such a measure would be an outcome of more value than all possible

agreements to respect the independence and integrity of Morocco till

it suited the purpose of one party or another to encroach thereon.

In lands knowing but one jurisdiction it is hard to conceive the

abuses and defeats of justice which result from the confusion

reigning in Morocco, or those which existed in Egypt previous to

the establishment of international tribunals there. For instance,

plaintiff, of nationality A., sues defendants, of nationalities B.,

C., and D., for the return of goods which they have forcibly carried

off, on the ground that they were pledged to them by a party of

nationality E., who disputes their claim, and declares the goods sold

to original plaintiff. Here are five jurisdictions involved, each with

a different set of laws, so that during the three separate actions

necessitated, although the three defendants have all acted alike and

together, the judgment in the case of each may be different, _e.g._

case under law B. dismissed, that under law C. won by plaintiff, while

law D. might recognize the defendants' claim, but condemn his action.

Needless to follow such intricacies further, though this is by no

means an extreme case, for disputes are constantly occurring--to say

nothing of criminal actions--involving the several consular courts,

for the most part presided over by men unequipped by legal training,

in which it is a practical impossibility for justice to be done to

all, and time and money are needlessly wasted.

XXXI

FRANCE IN MOROCCO

"Who stands long enough at the door is sure to enter at last."

_Moorish Proverb._

In a previous work on this country, "The Land of the Moors," published

in 1901, the present writer concluded with this passage: "France alone

is to be feared in the Land of the Moors, which, as things trend

to-day, must in time form part of her colony. There is no use

disguising the fact, and, as England certainly would not be prepared

to go to war with her neighbour to prevent her repeating in Morocco

what she has done in Tunis, it were better not to grumble at her

action. All England cares about is the mouth of the Mediterranean, and

if this were secured to her, or even guaranteed neutral--were that

possible--she could have no cause to object to the French extension.

Our Moorish friends will not listen to our advice; they keep their

country closed, as far as they can, refusing administrative reforms

which would prevent excuses for annexation. Why should we trouble

them? It were better far to come to an agreement with France, and

acknowledge what will prove itself one day--that France is the normal

heir to Morocco whenever the present Empire breaks up."

Unpopular as this opinion was among the British and other foreign

subjects in the country, and especially among the Moors, so that it

had at first no other advocate, it has since been adopted in Downing

Street, and what is of more moment, acted upon. Nay more, Great

Britain has, in return for the mere recognition of a _fait accompli_

in Egypt, agreed to stand aside in Morocco, and to grant France a free

hand in any attempt to create there a similar state of things. Though

the principle was good, the bargain was bad, for the positions of the

two contracting Powers, in Egypt and Morocco respectively, were by no

means analogous. France could never have driven us out of Egypt save

with her sword at our throat; England had but to unite with other

Powers in blocking the way of France in Morocco to stultify all her

plans. Had England stood out for terms, whether as regarding her

commercial interests in Morocco, which have been disgracefully

sacrificed, or in the form of concessions elsewhere, a very much more

equal-handed bargain might have been secured.

The main provisions of the agreement between the two countries,

concluded April 8, 1904, are--

Art. II. "The British Government recognizes that it appertains

to France, more especially as being the Power in contiguity with

Morocco, to control the peace of the country, and to lend its

assistance in all administrative, economical, financial, and

military reforms. The British Government declares that it will not

interfere with the action of France in this regard, provided that

this action will leave intact the rights which, in virtue of

treaties, conventions, and usages, Great Britain enjoys in

Morocco, including the right of coasting between the Morocco

ports, of which English vessels have had the benefit since 1901."

Art. VII. "In order to secure the free passage of the Straits of

Gibraltar, both Governments agree not to allow fortifications or

any strategic works to be erected on that part of the Moorish

coast between Melilla and the heights which dominate the right

bank of the Sebu exclusively."

France has secured all that she wanted, or rather that her aggressive

colonial party wanted, for opinions on that point are by no means

identical, even in France, and the Agreement at once called forth the

condemnation of the more moderate party. What appears to be permissive

means much more. Now that Great Britain has drawn back--the Power to

which the late Sir John Drummond Hay taught the Moors to look with an

implicit confidence to champion them against all foes, as it did in

the case of the wars with France and Spain, vetoing the retention of

a foot of Moorish soil--Morocco lies at the feet of France. France,

indeed, has become responsible for carrying out a task its eager

spirits have been boiling over for a chance of undertaking. Morocco

has been made the ward of the hand that gripped it, which but recently

filched two outlying provinces, Figig and Tûát.

Englishmen who know and care little about Morocco are quite incapable

of understanding the hold that France already had upon this land.

Separated from it only by an unprotected boundary, much better defined

on paper than in fact, over which there is always a "rectification"

dispute in pickle, her province of Algeria affords a prospective

base already furnished with lines of rail from her ports of Oran and

Algiers. From Oojda, an insignificant town across the border from

Lalla Maghnîa (Marnia), there runs a valley route which lays Fez in

her power, with Táza by the way to fortify and keep the mountaineers

in check. At any time the frontier forays in which the tribes on both

sides indulge may be fomented or exaggerated, as in the case of Tunis,

to afford a like excuse for a similar occupation, which beyond a doubt

would be a good thing for Morocco. Fez captured, and the seaports kept

in awe or bombarded by the navy, Mequinez would fall, and an army

landed in Mazagan would seize Marrákesh.

All this could be accomplished with a minimum of loss, for only the

lowlands would have to be crossed, and the mountaineers have no army.

But their "pacification" would be the lingering task in which lives,

time, and money would be lost beyond all recompense. Against a

European army that of the Sultan need not be feared; only a few

battalions drilled by European officers might give trouble, but they

would see former instructors among the foe, and without them they

would soon become demoralized. It would be the tribal skirmishers, of

whom half would fall before the others yielded to the Nazarenes, who

would give the trouble.

The military mission which France has for many years imposed on the

Sultan at his expense, though under her control, which follows him in

his expeditions and spies out the land, has afforded a training-ground

for a series of future invading leaders. Her Algerian Mohammedan

agents are able to pass and repass where foreigners never go, and

besides collecting topographical and other information, they have lost

no opportunity of making known the privileges and advantages of French

rule. In case it may be found advisable to set up a dummy sultan under

a protectorate, the French have an able and powerful man to hand in

the young Idreesi Shareef of Wazzán, whom the English refused to

protect, and who, with his brother, received a French education.

But while we, as a nation, have been unable to comprehend the French

determination to possess Morocco, they have been unable to comprehend

our calm indifference, and by the way in which they betray their

suspicions of us, they betray their own methods. Protestant

missionaries in Algeria and Tunisia, of whatever nationality, are

supposed to be the emissaries of the British Government, and in

consequence are harassed and maligned, while tourists outside the

regular beat are watched. When visiting Oojda some years ago, I myself

was twice arrested in Algeria, at Tlemçen and Lalla Maghnîa, because

mingling with natives, and it was with difficulty that I could

persuade the _juges d'instruction_ of my peaceful motives.

Determined and successful efforts to become acquainted with the

remotest provinces of Morocco, the distribution of its population, and

whatever could be of use to an invading or "pacifying" force have long

been made by France, but the most valuable portion of this knowledge

remains pigeon-holed, or circulates only in strictly official

_mémoires_. Many of the officials engaged here, however, have amused

themselves and the public by publishing pretty books of the average

class, telling little new, while one even took the trouble to write

his in English, in order to put us off the scent!

If ever means could justify an end, France deserves to enjoy the fruit

of her labours. No longer need she foment strife on the Algerian

frontier, or wink at arms being smuggled across it; no longer need the

mis-named "pretender" be supplied with French gold, or intrigues be

carried on at Court. Abd el Azîz must take the advice and "assistance"

of France, whether he will or no, and curse the British to whom he

formerly looked. This need not necessarily involve such drastic

changes as would rouse the people to rebellion, and precipitate a

costly conquest. There are many reforms urgently required in the

interests of the people themselves, and these can now be gradually

enforced. Such reforms had been set on foot already by the young

Sultan, mainly under British advice; but to his chagrin, his advisers

did not render the financial and moral support he needed to carry them

out. France is now free to do this, and to strengthen his position, so

that all wise reforms may be possible. These will naturally commence

with civil and judicial functions, but must soon embrace the more

pressing public works, such as roads, bridges, and port improvements.

Railways are likely to be the first roads in most parts, and Mulai Abd

el Azîz will welcome their introduction. The western ideas which he

has imbibed during the last few years are scoffed at only by those who

know little of him. What France will have to be prepared for is Court

intrigue, and she will have to give the Moors plainly to understand

that "Whatsoever king shall reign, she'll still be 'boss of the show,'

sir."

As one of the first steps needed, but one requiring the co-operation

of all other Powers on treaty terms with the Moors, the establishment

of tribunals to which all should be amenable, has already been touched

upon. These must necessarily be presided over by specially qualified

Europeans in receipt of sufficient salary to remove them from

temptation. A clear distinction should then be made between a civil

code administered by such tribunals and the jurisdiction of the Muslim

law in matters of religion and all dependent upon it. But of even more

pressing importance is the reform of the currency, and the admission

of Morocco to the Latin Union. This could well be insisted on when the

financial question is discussed at the Algeciras Conference, as well

as the equally important establishment in competent hands of a State

Bank. This and the reform of the whole fiscal system must precede

every other measure, as they form the ground-work of the whole.

Whatever public works may be eventually undertaken, the first should

be, as far as possible, such as the Moors themselves can execute under

European direction, and as they can appreciate. Irrigation would

command enthusiasm where railways would only provoke opposition, and

the French could find no surer way of winning the hearts of the people

than by coping at once with the agricultural water supply, in order to

provide against such years of famine as the present, and worse that

are well remembered. That would be a form of "pacific penetration," to

which none could object.

Education, too, when attempted, should be gradually introduced as a

means of personal advancement, the requirements of the public

service being raised year by year, as the younger generation has had

opportunities of better qualifying themselves. Above all, every post

should be in theory at least thrown open to the native, and in

practice as soon as the right man turned up. Better retain or instal

more of the able Moors of to-day as figureheads with European

advisers, than attempt a new set to start with. But a clean sweep

should be made of the foreigners at present in the Moorish service,

all of whom should be adequately pensioned off, that with the new

order might come new men, adequately paid and independent of

"commissions." It is essential that the people learn to feel that

they are not being exploited, but that their true welfare is sought.

Every reform should be carried out along native lines, and in

conformity with native thought.

[Illustration: _Albert, Photo., Tunis._

TUNISIA UNDER THE FRENCH--AN EXECUTION.]

The costly lesson of Algeria, where native rights and interests were

overthrown, and a complete detested foreign rule set up, has taught

the French the folly of such a system, however glorious it may appear

on paper. They have been wiser in Tunisia, where a nominally native

government is directed by Frenchmen, whom it pays, and sooner or later

Morocco is almost certain to become a second Tunisia. This will not

only prove the best working system, but it will enable opposition to

be dealt with by Moorish forces, instead of by an invading army, which

would unite the Berber tribes under the Moorish flag. This was what

prolonged the conquest of Algeria for so many years, and the Berbers

of Morocco are more independent and better armed than were those of

Algeria seventy years ago. What France will gain by the change beyond

openings for Frenchmen and the glory of an extended colonial empire,

it is hard to imagine, but empty glory seems to satisfy most countries

greedy of conquest. So far the only outward evidences of the new

position are the over-running of the ports, especially of Tangier, by

Frenchmen of an undesirable class, and by an attempt to establish a

French colony at the closed port of Mehedîya by doubtful means, to say

nothing of the increased smuggling of arms.

How the welfare of the Moors will be affected by the change is a much

more important question, though one often held quite unworthy of

consideration, the accepted axiom being that, whether they like it or

not, what is good for us is good for them. Needless to say that

most of the reforms required will be objected to, and that serious

obstacles will be opposed to some; the mere fact that the foreigner,

contemptuously called a "Nazarene," is their author, is sufficient to

prejudice them in native eyes, and the more prominent the part played

by him, the more difficult to follow his advice. But if the Sultan and

his new advisers will consent to a wise course of quiet co-operation,

much may be effected without causing trouble. It is astonishing

how readily the Moors submit to the most radical changes when

unostentatiously but forcibly carried out. Never was there a greater

call for the _suaviter in modo, fortiter in re_. Power which makes

itself felt by unwavering action has always had their respect, and

if the Sultan is prepared not to act till with gold in his coffers,

disciplined troops at his command, and loyal officials to do his

behest, he can do so with unquestioned finality, all will go well.

Then will the prosperity of the people revive--indeed, achieve a

condition hitherto unknown save in two or three reigns of the distant

past, perhaps not then. The poor will not fear to sow their barren

fields, or the rich to display their wealth; hidden treasure will come

to light, and the groan of the oppressed will cease. Individual cases

of gross injustice will doubtless arise; but they will be as nothing

compared with what occurs in Morocco to-day, even with that wrought by

Europeans who avail themselves of existing evils. So that if France is

wise, and restrains her hot-heads, she may perform a magnificent work

for the Moors, as the British have done in Egypt; at least, it is to

be hoped she may do as well in Morocco as in Tunisia.

But it would be idle to ignore the deep dissatisfaction with which the

Anglo-French Agreement has been received by others than the Moors.[25]

Most British residents in Morocco, probably every tourist who has been

conducted along the coast, or sniffed at the capital cities; those

firms of ours who share the bulk of the Moorish trade, and others who

yearned to open up possible mines, and undertake the public works

so urgently needed; ay, and the concession-prospectors and

company-mongers who see the prey eluding their grasp; even the

would-be heroes across the straits who have dreamed in vain of great

deeds to be done on those hills before them; all unite in deploring

what appears to them a gross blunder. After all, this is but natural.

So few of us can see beyond our own domains, so many hunger after

anything--in their particular line--that belongs to a weaker

neighbour, that it is well we have disinterested statesmen who take a

wider view. Else had we long since attempted to possess ourselves

of the whole earth, like the conquering hordes of Asia, and in

consequence we should have been dispossessed ourselves.

[25: See Appendix.]

Even to have been driven to undertake in Morocco a task such as we

were in Egypt, would have been a calamity, for our hands are too full

already of similar tasks. It is all very well in these times of peace,

but in the case of war, when we might be attacked by more than one

antagonist, we should have all our work cut out to hold what we

have. The policy of "grab," and dabbing the world with red, may be

satisfactory up to a certain point, but it will be well for us as a

nation when we realize that we have had enough. In Morocco, what is

easy for France with her contiguous province, with her plans

for trans-Sáharan traffic, and her thirst to copy our colonial

expansion--though without men to spare--would have been for us costly

and unremunerative. We are well quit of the temptation.

Moreover, we have freed ourselves of a possible, almost certain, cause

of friction with France, of itself a most important gain. Just as

France would never have acquiesced in our establishing a protectorate

in Morocco without something more than words, so the rag-fed British

public, always capable of being goaded to madness by the newspapers,

would have bitterly objected to French action, if overt, while

powerless to prevent the insidious grasp from closing on Morocco by

degrees. The first war engaging at once British attention and forces

was like to see France installed in Morocco without our leave. The

early reverses of the Transvaal War induced her to appropriate Tûát

and Figig, and had the fortune of war been against us, Morocco would

have been French already. These facts must not be overlooked in

discussing what was our wisest course. We were unprepared to do

what France was straining to do: we occupied the manger to no one's

good--practically the position later assumed by Germany. Surely we

were wiser to come to terms while we could, not as in the case of

Tunisia, when too late.

But among the objecting critics one class has a right to be heard,

those who have invested life and fortune in the Morocco trade; the men

who have toiled for years against the discouraging odds involved, who

have wondered whether Moorish corruption or British apathy were their

worst foe, in whom such feeling is not only natural but excusable.

Only those who have experienced it know what it means to be defrauded

by complacent Orientals, and to be refused the redress they see

officials of other nations obtaining for rivals. Yet now they find all

capped by the instructions given to our consuls not to act without

conferring with the local representatives of France, which leads

to the taunt that Great Britain has not only sold her interests in

Morocco to the French, but also her subjects!

The British policy has all along been to maintain the _status quo_ in

spite of individual interests, deprecating interference which might

seem high-handed, or create a precedent from which retraction would be

difficult. In the collection of debts, in enforcing the performance of

contracts, or in securing justice of any kind where the policy is to

promise all and evade all till pressure is brought to bear, British

subjects in Morocco have therefore always found themselves at a

disadvantage in competition with others whose Governments openly

supported them. The hope that buoyed them up was that one day the tide

might turn, and that Great Britain might feel it incumbent on her to

"protect" Morocco against all comers. Now hope has fled. What avails

it that grace of a generation's span is allowed them, that they may

not individually suffer from the change? It is the dream of years that

lies shattered.

Here are the provisions for their protection:

Art. IV. "The two Governments, equally attached to the principle

of commercial liberty, both in Egypt and Morocco, declare that

they will not lend themselves to any inequality either in the

establishment of customs rights or other taxes, or in the

establishment of tariffs for transport on the railways.... This

mutual agreement is valid for a period of thirty years" (subject

to extensions of five years).

Art. V. secures the maintenance in their posts of British

officials in the Moorish service, but while it is specially

stipulated that French missionaries and schools in Egypt shall not

be molested, British missionaries in Morocco are committed to the

tender mercies of the French.

Thus there can be no immediate exhibition of favouritism beyond the

inevitable placing of all concessions in French hands, and there is

really not much ground of complaint, while there is a hope of cause

for thankfulness. Released from its former bugbears, no longer open to

suspicion of secret designs, our Foreign Office can afford to impart a

little more backbone into its dealings with Moorish officials; a much

more acceptable policy should, therefore, be forthwith inaugurated,

that the Morocco traders may see that what they have lost in

possibilities they have gained in actualities. Still more! the French,

now that their hands are free, are in a position to "advise" reforms

which will benefit all. Thus out of the ashes of one hope another

rises.