4. Footnote: October 23, 1786, was the date of Messrs. Drayton and

Izard's visit.

CHAPTER IV.

THE NATIONAL BANK ESTABLISHED. 1790.

On his way from New York to Mount Vernon Washington stopped for a short

time, as we have seen, in Philadelphia. While there he addressed a

letter to his private secretary, Mr. Lear, which is interesting not only

for the information it contains respecting his residence, but from its

illustrating that remarkable attention to the details of business, which

we have already had occasion to notice.

"After a pleasant journey," he writes, "we arrived in this city on

Thursday last (September 2, 1790), and tomorrow we proceed--if Mrs.

Washington's health will permit, for she has been much indisposed since

we came here--toward Mount Vernon. The house of Mr. Robert Morris had,

previous to my arrival, been taken by the corporation for my residence.

[1]

"It is the best they could get. It is, I believe, the best single house

in the city. Yet without additions it is inadequate to the commodious

accommodation of my family. These additions, I believe, will be made.

The first floor contains only two public rooms (except one for the upper

servants). The second floor will have two public (drawing) rooms, and

with the aid of one room with a partition in it, in the back building,

will be sufficient for the use of Mrs. Washington and the children, and

their maids, besides affording her a small place for a private study

and dressing-room. The third story will furnish you and Mrs. Lear with a

good lodging-room, a public office (for there is no room below for one),

and two rooms for the gentlemen of the family. The garret has four good

rooms, which must serve Mr. and Mrs. Hyde [2]--unless they should prefer

the room over the workhouse--William, and such servants as it may not be

better to place in the proposed additions to the back building. There is

a room over the stable which may serve the coachman and postillions, and

there is a smokehouse, which may possibly be more valuable for the use

of servants than for the smoking of meats. The intention of the addition

to the back building is to provide a servant's hall and one or two

lodging-rooms for the servants. There are good stables, but for twelve

horses only, and a coach-house, which will hold all my carriages.

Speaking of carriages, I have left my coach to receive a thorough

repair, by the time I return, which I expect will be before the 1st of

December."

The Legislature, meantime, had appropriated for his residence an elegant

house in South Ninth street, which was taken down a few years since,

having been occupied by the University, and other buildings were erected

on the same lot for the same purpose. But Washington refused to occupy

the house offered by the State authorities, because he would not live

in a house which was not hired and paid for by himself. He was desirous,

however, to have the rent fixed before he entered the house, and he

wrote repeatedly to Mr. Lear from Mount Vernon to ascertain what the

rent would be. On the 14th of November, 1790, he wrote to Mr. Lear as

follows:

"I am, I must confess, exceedingly unwilling to go into any house

without first knowing on what terms I do it, and wish that this

sentiment could be again hinted in delicate terms to the parties

concerned with me. I cannot, if there are no latent motives which govern

in this case, see any difficulty in the business. Mr. Morris has most

assuredly formed an idea of what ought in equity to be the rent of the

tenement in the condition he left it, and with this aid the committee

ought, I conceive, to be as little at a loss in determining what it

should rent for, with the additions and alterations which are about

to be made, and which ought to be done in a plain and neat, not by any

means in an extravagant style, because the latter is not only

contrary to my wish but would really be detrimental to my interest and

convenience, principally because it would be the means of keeping me out

of the use and comforts of the house to a late period, and because the

furniture and everything else would require to be accordant therewith,

besides making me pay an extravagant price, perhaps to accommodate

the alterations to the taste of another or to the exorbitant rates of

workmen.

"I do not know, nor do I believe, that anything unfair is intended by

either Mr. Morris or the committee, but let us for a moment suppose that

the rooms (the new ones I mean) were to be hung with tapestry or a very

rich and costly paper, neither of which would suit my present furniture;

that costly ornaments for the bow windows, extravagant chimney-pieces,

and the like were to be provided; that workmen, from extravagance of

the times for every twenty shillings' worth of work would charge forty

shillings, and that advantage should be taken of the occasion to

new paint every part of the house and buildings, would there be any

propriety in adding ten or twelve and a half per cent. for all this to

the rent of the house in its original state for the two years that I

am to hold it? If the solution of these questions is in the negative,

wherein lies the difficulty of determining that the houses and lots,

when finished according to the proposed plan, ought to rent for so

much? When all is done that can be done, the residence will not be so

commodious as the house I left in New York, for there (and the want of

it will be found a real inconvenience at Mr. Morris') my office was in

a front room below, where persons on business were at once admitted,

whereas now they will have to ascend two pair of stairs and to pass

by the public rooms to go to it. Notwithstanding which I am willing to

allow as much as was paid to Mr. Macomb, and shall say nothing if more

is demanded, unless there is apparent extortion or the policy of delay

is to see to what height rents will rise before mine is fixed. In either

of these cases I should not be pleased, and to occupy the premises at

the expense of any public body I will not.

"I had rather have heard that my repaired coach was plain and elegant

than rich and elegant."

The rent of Mr. Morris' house was finally settled at $3,000 a year, and

at this rate it was occupied by Washington till the expiration of his

second term as President and his final retirement to Mount Vernon.

Our readers will excuse us for dwelling a little longer on the domestic

arrangements of Washington, as disclosed in his letters to Mr. Lear.

These details are not only curious and entertaining, as showing the

style of living half a century ago, but as exhibiting the modest and

economical style in which Washington chose to live; and they refute the

calumnies of his political enemies, who, a little later, charged him

with anti-republican state and splendor in his style of living. One

of his letters to Mr. Lear relates to the servants. "The pressure of

business," he writes, "under which I labored for several days before I

left New York, allowed me no time to inquire who of the female servants

it was proposed or thought advisable to remove here, besides the wives

of the footmen, James and Fidas. With respect to Mr. Hyde and his

wife, if it is not stated on some paper handed in by Mr. Hyde, it is

nevertheless strong on my recollection that his wife's services were put

down at $100 and his own at $200 per annum. I have no wish to part with

Mr. or Mrs. Hyde; first, because I do not like to be changing, and,

second, because I do not know where or with whom to supply their

places. On the score of accounts I can say nothing, having never taken a

comparative view of his and Fraunces', but I am exceedingly mistaken if

the expenses of the second table, at which Mr. Hyde presides, have not

greatly exceeded those of the tables kept by Fraunces, for I strongly

suspect (but in this I may be mistaken) that nothing is brought to

my table of liquors, fruits, or other luxuries that is not used as

profusely at his. If my suspicions are unfounded I shall be sorry to

have entertained them, and if they are not, it is at least questionable

whether under his successor the same things might not be done; in which

case (if Hyde is honest and careful, of which you are better able to

judge than I am), a change without benefit might take place, which is

not desirable if they are to be retained on proper terms. I say they,

for if Mrs. Hyde is necessary for the purposes enumerated in your

letter, and the cook is not competent to prepare the dessert, make cake,

etc., I do not see of what use Hyde will be, more than William, without

her. Fraunces, besides being an excellent cook, knowing how to provide

genteel dinners, and giving aid in dressing them, prepared the dessert,

made the cake, and did everything that is done by Hyde and his wife

together; consequently the services of Hyde alone are not to be compared

with those of Fraunces; and if his accounts exceed those of Fraunces, in

the same seasons--£4 or £5 a week--and at the same time appear fair, I

shall have no scruple to acknowledge that I have entertained much harder

thoughts of him than I ought to have done, although it is unaccountable

to me how other families, on $2,500 or $3,000 a year, should be enabled

to entertain more company or at least entertain more frequently than I

could do for $25,000."

Respecting the furniture, Washington writes: "Mr. and Mrs. Morris have

insisted upon leaving the two large looking-glasses which are in their

best rooms, because they have no place, they say, proper to remove them

to, and because they are unwilling to hazard the taking of them down.

You will, therefore, let them have, instead, the choice of mine; the

large ones I purchased of the French minister they do not incline to

take, but will be glad of some of the others. They will also leave a

large glass lamp in the entry or hall, and will take one or more of

my glass lamps in lieu of it. Mrs. Morris has a mangle (I think it is

called) for ironing clothes, which, as it is fixed in the place where it

is commonly used, she proposes to leave and take mine. To this I have no

objection, provided mine is equally good and convenient; but if I should

obtain any advantages, besides that of its being up and ready for use, I

am not inclined to receive it.

"I have no particular direction to give respecting the appropriation of

the furniture. By means of the bow-windows the back rooms will become

the largest, and, of course, will receive the furniture of the largest

dining and drawing-rooms; and in that case, though there are no closets

in them, there are some in the steward's room, directly opposite, which

are not inconvenient. There is a small room adjoining the kitchen that

might, if it is not essential for other purposes, be appropriated for

the Sevres china and other things of that sort, which are not in common

use.

"Mrs. Morris, who is a notable lady in family arrangements, can give you

much information on all the conveniences about the house and buildings,

and I dare say would rather consider it as a compliment to be consulted

in these matters, as she is so near, than a trouble to give her opinion

of them.

"I approve, at least till inconvenience or danger shall appear, of the

large table ornaments remaining on the sideboard, and of the pagodas

standing in the smallest drawing-room. Had I delivered my sentiment from

here, respecting this fixture, that is the apartment I should have named

for it. Whether the green, which you have, or a new yellow curtain,

should be appropriated to the staircase above the hall may depend on

your getting an exact match in color and so forth of the latter. For the

sake of appearances one would not, in instances of this kind, regard a

small additional expense."

In these letters, written to Mr. Lear during Washington's residence

at Mount Vernon, in the autumn of 1790, he frequently refers to the

children under Mrs. Washington's care, who composed a part of the

family. In a letter, dated October 3d, he requests Mr. Lear to make

inquiries respecting the schools in Philadelphia, with a view to placing

Washington Custis, Mrs. Washington's grandson, at the best. If the

college is under good regulations, he inquires if it would not be better

to put him there at once. Again, in a letter dated October 10th, after

speaking of the proper care and instruction of his niece, Miss Harriet

Washington, when he should be established in Philadelphia, he refers

again to Washington Custis' education, whom he had adopted as a son,

and in whom he appears to have taken great interest. [3] He also wishes

inquiry to be made as to the higher branches taught at the college, with

a view to placing his nephews, George and Lawrence Washington, at that

institution in Philadelphia. Having studied the languages, they

are engaged, he adds, under Mr. Harrow, in Alexandria, in learning

mathematics and French. In a letter dated November 7, 1790, Washington

expresses renewed anxiety respecting the education of his adopted son,

Washington Custis, who appears to have been about eight years old at

this time, and discusses the question of placing him at the college, if

his age will admit of it.

On the 17th of November (1790), Washington, writing from Mount Vernon

to Mr. Lear at Philadelphia, mentions that he is just setting out for

Alexandria to a public dinner given to him by the citizens of that

place. In his letter of November 23d, he dates from a tavern on the

road, about twelve miles from Baltimore. He was then on his journey from

Mount Vernon to Philadelphia in his own traveling carriage with

Mrs. Washington, the children, and the servants in attendance on

the children, accompanying them in a stage-coach hired for their

accommodation.

The party arrived in Philadelphia on Saturday, the 28th of November

(1790), and immediately took possession of the house which had been

hired for the accommodation of the President and his family. The members

of Congress and other public functionaries were mostly at their posts,

and a crowd of strangers were resorting to the city, in expectation

of the gay and brilliant pleasures and society which are usual in the

metropolis in the winter season.

In the President's family, "the rules for receiving visitors and

entertaining company," says Dr. Griswold, [4] "continued to be very

nearly the same as in New York. Respectable citizens and strangers,

properly introduced, were seen by the President every other Tuesday,

between the hours of 3 and 4 in the afternoon. The receptions were in

the dining-room, on the first floor, in the back part of the house. At

3 o'clock, all the chairs having been removed, the door was opened, and

the President, usually surrounded by members of his cabinet, or other

distinguished men, was seen by the approaching visitor standing before

the fireplace, his hair powdered and gathered behind in a silk bag, coat

and breeches of plain black velvet, white or pearl-colored vest, yellow

gloves, a cocked hat in his hand, silver knee and shoe-buckles, and a

long sword, with a finely-wrought and glittering steel hilt, the coat

worn over it, and its scabbard of polished white leather. On these

occasions he never shook hands, even with his most intimate friends. The

name of everyone was distinctly announced, and he rarely forgot that of

a person who had been once introduced to him. The visitor was received

with a dignified bow and passed on to another part of the room. At a

quarter past 3 the door was closed, the gentlemen present moved into a

circle, and he proceeded, beginning at his right hand, to exchange a

few words with each. When the circuit was completed he resumed his

first position and the visitors approached him in succession, bowed, and

retired.

"At the levees of Mrs. Washington he did not consider any visits made

to himself, and he appeared as a private gentleman, with neither hat nor

sword, conversing without restraint, generally with women, who rarely

had other opportunities of meeting him."

Congress assembled for its third session on the 6th of December, 1790,

the day which had been appointed by adjournment. But the members had not

yet learned to be punctual in their attendance, and it was not till

the 8th that a sufficient number took their seats to authorize their

entering upon the business of the session. Among the members we

recognize some celebrated names. From Massachusetts were Elbridge Gerry,

afterward Vice-President of the United States, and Fisher Ames, one of

the most illustrious of American orators; from Connecticut, the veteran

statesman, Roger Sherman; from New Jersey, the philanthropist, Elias

Boudinot; from Pennsylvania, Peter and Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg and

George Clymer; from Virginia, James Madison; from North Carolina, Hugh

Williamson, and from Georgia, Gen. James Jackson. This is but a portion

of the strong array of historical names which adorned the First Congress

of the United States under the constitution.

In his speech delivered to Congress at the commencement of their

third session, Washington expressed much satisfaction at the favorable

prospect of public affairs, and particularly noticed the progress of

public credit and the productiveness of the revenue.

Adverting to foreign nations, he said: "The disturbed situation of

Europe, and particularly the critical posture of the great maritime

powers, whilst it ought to make us more thankful for the general peace

and security enjoyed by the United States, reminds us at the same

time of the circumspection with which it becomes us to preserve these

blessings. It requires, also, that we should not overlook the tendency

of a war, and even of preparations for war, among the nations most

concerned in active commerce with this country, to abridge the means

and thereby, at least, to enhance the price of transporting its valuable

productions to their proper market." To the serious reflection of

Congress was recommended the prevention of embarrassments from these

contingencies, by such encouragement to American navigation as would

render the commerce and agriculture of the United States less dependent

on foreign bottoms.

After expressing to the House of Representatives his confidence arising

from the sufficiency of the revenues already established, for the

objects to which they were appropriated, he added: "Allow me moreover to

hope that it will be a favorite policy with you not merely to secure a

payment of the interest of the debt funded, but, as far and as fast as

the growing resources of the country will permit, to exonerate it of

the principal itself." Many subjects relative to the interior government

were succinctly and briefly mentioned, and the speech concluded with the

following impressive and admonitory sentiment: "In pursuing the various

and weighty business of the present session, I indulge the fullest

persuasion that your consultations will be marked with wisdom and

animated by the love of country. In whatever belongs to my duty you

shall have all the cooperation which an undiminished zeal for its

welfare can inspire. It will be happy for us both, and our best reward,

if, by a successful administration of our respective trusts, we can make

the established government more and more instrumental in promoting

the good of our fellow-citizens, and more and more the object of their

attachment and confidence."

The addresses of the two Houses, in answer to the speech, proved that

the harmony between the executive and legislative departments, with

which the government had gone into operation, had sustained no essential

interruption. But in the short debate which took place on the occasion

in the House of Representatives a direct disapprobation of one of the

measures of the executive government was, for the first time, openly

expressed.

In the treaty lately concluded with the Creek Indians, an extensive

territory claimed by Georgia, under treaties, the validity of which

was contested by the chiefs, had been entirely, or in great part,

relinquished. This relinquishment excited serious discontents in that

State and was censured by General Jackson, with considerable warmth, as

an unjustifiable abandonment of the rights and interests of Georgia.

No specific motion, however, was made, and the subject was permitted to

pass away for the present.

Scarcely were the debates on the address concluded when several

interesting reports were received from Hamilton, the Secretary of the

Treasury, suggesting such further measures as were deemed necessary for

the establishment of public credit.

It will be recollected that, in his original report on this subject,

the secretary had recommended the assumption of the State debts and had

proposed to enable the treasury to meet the increased demand upon it,

which this measure would occasion, by an augmentation of the duties

on imported wines, spirits, tea, and coffee and by imposing duties on

spirits distilled within the country. The assumption not having been

adopted until late in the session, the discussion on the revenue which

would be required for this portion of the public debt did not commence

until the House had become impatient for an adjournment. As much

contrariety of opinion was disclosed, and the subject was not of

immediate importance, it was deferred to the ensuing session, and an

order was made requiring the Secretary of the Treasury to prepare and

report such further provision as might, in his opinion, be necessary

for establishing the public credit. In obedience to this order,

several reports had been prepared, the first of which repeated the

recommendation of an additional impost on foreign distilled spirits and

of a duty on spirits distilled within the United States. The estimated

revenue from these sources was $877,500, affording a small excess over

the sum which would be required to pay the interest on the assumed debt.

The policy of the measure was discussed in a well-digested and able

argument, detailing many motives, in addition to those assigned in

his original report, for preferring the system now recommended to

accumulated burdens on commerce or to a direct tax on lands.

A new tax is the certain rallying point for all those who are unfriendly

to the administration or to the minister by whom it is proposed.

But that recommended by the secretary contained intrinsic causes of

objection which would necessarily add to the number of its enemies. All

that powerful party in the United States which attached itself to

the local rather than to the general government, would inevitably

contemplate any system of internal revenue with jealous disapprobation.

They considered the imposition of a tax by Congress on any domestic

manufacture as the intrusion of a foreign power into their particular

concerns, which excited serious apprehensions for State importance and

for liberty. In the real or supposed interests of many individuals

was also found a distinct motive for hostility to the measure. A large

portion of the American population, especially that which had spread

itself over the extensive regions of the West, consuming imported

articles to a very inconsiderable amount, was not much affected by the

impost on foreign merchandise. But the duty on spirits distilled within

the United States reached them, and consequently rendered them hostile

to the tax.

A bill which was introduced in pursuance of the report (1791) was

opposed with great vehemence by a majority of the southern and western

members. By some of them it was insisted that no sufficient testimony

had yet been exhibited that the taxes already imposed would not be

equal to the exigencies of the public. But, admitting the propriety of

additional burdens on the people, it was contended that other sources

of revenue less exceptionable and less odious than this might be pointed

out. The duty was branded with the hateful epithet of an excise, a

species of taxation, it was said, so peculiarly oppressive as to be

abhorred even in England, and which was totally incompatible with the

spirit of liberty. The facility with which it might be extended to other

objects was urged against its admission into the American system, and

declarations made against it by the Congress of 1775 were quoted in

confirmation of the justice with which inherent vices were ascribed to

this mode of collecting taxes. So great was the hostility manifested

against it in some of the States that the revenue officers might be

endangered from the fury of the people, and in all it would increase a

ferment which had been already extensively manifested.

When required to produce a system in lieu of that which they objected

to, the opponents of the bill alternately mentioned an increased duty

on imported articles generally, a particular duty on molasses, a direct

tax, a tax on salaries, pensions, and lawyers, a duty on newspapers,

and a stamp act. The friends of the bill contended that the reasons

for believing the existing revenue would be insufficient to meet the

engagements of the United States were as satisfactory as the nature

of the case would admit or as ought to be required. The estimates were

founded on the best data which were attainable, and the funds already

provided had been calculated by the proper officer to pay the interest

on that part of the debt only for which they were pledged. Those

estimates were referred to as documents from which it would be unsafe to

depart. They were also in possession of official statements showing the

productiveness of the taxes from the time the revenue bill had been in

operation, and arguments were drawn from these demonstrating the danger

to which the infant credit of the United States would be exposed by

relying on the existing funds for the interest on the assumed debt.

It was not probable that the proposed duties would yield a sum much

exceeding that which would be necessary, but should they fortunately

do so, the surplus revenue might be advantageously employed in

extinguishing a part of the principal. They were not, they said, of

opinion that a public debt was a public blessing, or that it ought to be

perpetuated. An augmentation of the revenue being indispensable to the

solidity of the public credit, a more eligible system than that proposed

in the bill could not, it was believed, be devised. Still further to

burden commerce would be a hazardous experiment, which might afford no

real supplies to the treasury. Until some lights should be derived from

experience, it behooved the Legislature to be cautious not to lay

such impositions upon trade as might probably introduce a spirit

of smuggling, which, with a nominal increase, would occasion a real

diminution of revenue. In the opinion of the best judges, the impost on

the mass of foreign merchandise could not safely be carried further for

the present. The extent of the mercantile capital of the United States

would not justify the attempt. Forcible arguments were also drawn from

the policy and the justice of multiplying the subjects of taxation and

diversifying them by a union of internal with external objects.

Neither would a direct tax be advisable. The experience of the world had

proved that a tax on consumption was less oppressive and more productive

than a tax on either property or income. Without discussing the

principles on which the fact was founded, the fact itself was

incontestable that, by insensible means, much larger sums might be drawn

from any class of men than could be extracted from them by open and

direct taxes.

Against the substitution of a duty on internal negotiations, it was said

that revenue to any considerable extent could be collected from them

only by means of a stamp act, which was not less obnoxious to popular

resentment than an excise, would be less certainly productive than the

proposed duties, and was, in every respect, less eligible.

The honor, the justice, and the faith of the United States were pledged,

it was said, to that class of creditors for whose claims the bill under

consideration was intended to provide. No means of making the provision

had been suggested, which, on examination, would be found equally

eligible with a duty on ardent spirits. Much of the public prejudice

which appeared in certain parts of the United States against the measure

was to be ascribed to their hostility to the term "excise," a term which

had been inaccurately applied to the duty in question. When the law

should be carried into operation, it would be found not to possess

those odious qualities which had excited resentment against a system

of excise. In those States where the collection of a duty on spirits

distilled within the country had become familiar to the people, the same

prejudices did not exist. On the good sense and virtue of the nation

they could confidently rely for acquiescence in a measure which the

public exigencies rendered necessary, which tended to equalize the

public burdens and which, in its execution, would not be oppressive.

A motion made by General Jackson to strike out that section which

imposed a duty on domestic distilled spirits was negatived by 36 to 16,

and the bill was carried by 35 to 21. Some days after the passage of

this bill another question was brought forward which was understood to

involve principles of deep interest to the government.

Hamilton, the Secretary of the Treasury, had been the uniform advocate

of a national bank. Believing that such an institution would be "of

primary importance to the prosperous administration of the finances and

of the greatest utility in the operations connected with the support of

public credit," he had earnestly recommended its adoption in the first

general system which he presented to the view of Congress, and, at the

present session, had repeated that recommendation in a special report,

containing a copious and perspicuous argument on the policy of the

measure. A bill conforming to the plan he suggested was sent down from

the Senate and was permitted to proceed, unmolested, in the House of

Representatives, to the third reading. On the final question a great,

and, it would seem, an unexpected opposition was made to its passage.

Mr. Madison, Mr. Giles, General Jackson, and Mr. Stone spoke against

it. The general utility of banking systems was not admitted, and the

particular bill before the House was censured on its merits; but the

great strength of the argument was directed against the constitutional

authority of Congress to pass an act for incorporating a national bank.

The government of the United States, it was said, was limited, and

the powers which it might legitimately exercise were enumerated in the

constitution itself. In this enumeration the power now contended for was

not to be found. Not being expressly given it must be implied from

those which were given or it could not be vested in the government.

The clauses under which it could be claimed were then reviewed and

critically examined, and it was contended that, on fair construction, no

one of these could be understood to imply so important a power as that

of creating a corporation.

The clause which enables Congress to pass all laws necessary and proper

to execute the specified powers must, according to the natural and

obvious force of the terms and the context, be limited to means

necessary to the end and incident to the nature of the specified powers.

The clause, it was said, was in fact merely declaratory of what would

have resulted by unavoidable implication, as the appropriate, and as it

were technical, means of executing those powers. Some members observed

that "the true exposition of a necessary mean to produce a given end was

that mean without which the end could not be produced."

The bill was supported by Mr. Ames, Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Smith, of South

Carolina, Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Gerry, and Mr. Vining.

The utility of banking institutions was said to be demonstrated by their

effects. In all commercial countries they had been resorted to as an

instrument of great efficacy in mercantile transactions; and even in

the United States their public and private advantages had been felt and

acknowledged.

Respecting the policy of the measure no well-founded doubt could be

entertained, but the objections to the constitutional authority of

Congress deserved to be seriously considered.

That the government was limited by the terms of its creation was not

controverted; and that it could exercise only those powers which were

conferred on it by the constitution was admitted. If, on examination,

that instrument should be found to forbid the passage of the bill, it

must be rejected, though it would be with deep regret that its friends

would suffer such an opportunity of serving their country to escape for

the want of a constitutional power to improve it.

In asserting the authority of the Legislature to pass the bill it was

contended that incidental as well as express powers must necessarily

belong to every government, and that, when a power is delegated to

effect particular objects, all the known and usual means of effecting

them must pass as incidental to it. To remove all doubts on this

subject, the constitution of the United States had recognized the

principle by enabling Congress to make all laws which may be necessary

and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested in the

government. They maintained the sound construction of this grant to be

a recognition of an authority in the national Legislature to employ

all the known and usual means for executing the powers vested in the

government. They then took a comprehensive view of those powers and

contended that a bank was a known and usual instrument by which several

of them were exercised.

After a debate of great length, which was supported on both sides

with ability and with that ardor which was naturally excited by the

importance attached by each party to the principle in contest, the

question was put and the bill was carried in the affirmative by a

majority of nineteen votes.

The point which had been agitated with so much zeal in the House of

Representatives was examined with equal deliberation by the executive.

The cabinet was divided upon it. Jefferson, the Secretary of State,

and Randolph, the Attorney-General, conceived that Congress had clearly

transcended their constitutional powers, while Hamilton, the Secretary

of the Treasury, with equal clearness, maintained the opposite opinion.

The advice of each minister, with his reasoning in support of it,

was required in writing, and their arguments were considered by the

President with all that attention which the magnitude of the question

and the interest taken in it by the opposing parties so eminently

required. This deliberate investigation of the subject terminated in

a conviction that the constitution of the United States authorized the

measure, and the sanction of the Executive was given to the act. [5]

In February, 1791, Vermont, having, in convention, adopted the

constitution of the United States, was admitted to the Union. The result

of the census of the United States, which had been ordered in 1790, was

a total of 3,929,827 souls, of whom 697,897 were slaves.

Besides the establishment of the Bank of the United States and the

passage of the excise law, Congress resolved upon having a mint for the

national coinage; it authorized an increase of the army and the raising

a military force to resist the Indians, and provided for the maintenance

of these additional troops; it also appropriated above $1,200,000 to

various branches of the public service, making the expenses of the year

$4,000,000, part of which had to be met by loans, since the surplus of

the former year had been applied to the paying off part of the national

debt, as a former act of Congress had directed. We may mention, in this

connection, that the exports of the year were computed to amount to some

$19,000,000 and the imports to about $20,000,000.

Among the last acts of the present Congress, as already mentioned, was

an act to augment the military establishment of the United States.

The earnest endeavors of Washington to give security to the northwestern

frontiers, by pacific arrangements, having been entirely unavailing, it

became his duty to employ such other means as were placed in his hands

for the protection of the country. Confirmed by all his experience in

the opinion that vigorous offensive operations alone could bring an

Indian war to a happy conclusion, he had planned an expedition against

the hostile tribes northwest of the Ohio as soon as the impracticability

of effecting a treaty with them had been ascertained.

General Harmar, a veteran of the Revolution, who had received his

appointment under the former government, was placed at the head of the

Federal troops. On the 30th of September (1790) he marched from Fort

Washington with 320 regulars. The whole army, when joined by the militia

of Pennsylvania and Kentucky, amounted to 1,453 men. About the middle of

October Colonel Harden, who commanded the Kentucky militia, and who had

been also a continental officer of considerable merit, was detached at

the head of 600 men, chiefly militia, to reconnoiter the ground and to

ascertain the intentions of the enemy. On his approach the Indians set

fire to their principal village and fled with precipitation to the wood.

As the object of the expedition would be only half accomplished unless

the savages could be brought to action and defeated, Colonel Harden was

again detached at the head of 210 men, 30 of whom were regulars. About

ten miles west of Chilicothe, where the main body of the army lay, he

was attacked by a party of Indians. The Pennsylvanians, who composed

his left column, had previously fallen in the rear, and the Kentuckians,

disregarding the exertions of their colonel and of a few other officers,

fled on the first appearance of the enemy. The small corps of regulars,

commanded by Lieutenant Armstrong, made a brave resistance. After

twenty-three of them had fallen in the field the surviving seven made

their escape and rejoined the army.

Notwithstanding this check the remaining towns on the Scioto were

reduced to ashes, and the provisions laid up for the winter were

entirely destroyed. This service being accomplished the army commenced

its march toward Fort Washington. Being desirous of wiping off the

disgrace which his arms had sustained, General Harmar halted about eight

miles from Chilicothe and once more detached Colonel Harden with orders

to find the enemy and bring on an engagement. His command consisted of

360 men, of whom 60 were regulars, commanded by Major Wyllys. Early the

next morning this detachment reached the confluence of the St. Joseph

and St. Mary, where it was divided into three columns. The left

division, commanded by Colonel Harden in person, crossed the St. Joseph

and proceeded up its western bank. The center, consisting of the Federal

troops, was led by Major Wyllys up the eastern side of that river, and

the right, under the command of Major M'Millan, marched along a range

of heights which commanded the right flank of the center division.

The columns had proceeded but a short distance when each was met by

a considerable body of Indians, and a severe engagement ensued. The

militia retrieved their reputation, and several of their bravest

officers fell. The heights on the right having been, from some cause not

mentioned, unoccupied by the American troops, the savages seized them

early in the action, and attacked the right flank of the center with

great fury. Although Major Wyllys was among the first who fell the

battle was maintained by the regulars with spirit, and considerable

execution was done on both sides. At length the scanty remnant of this

small band, quite overpowered by numbers, was driven off the ground,

leaving fifty of their comrades, exclusive of Major Wyllys and

Lieutenant Farthingham, dead upon the field. The loss sustained by the

militia was also considerable. It amounted to upwards of 100 men, among

whom were nine officers. After an engagement of extreme severity the

detachment joined the main army, which continued its march to Fort

Washington.

General Harmar, with what propriety it is not easy to discern, claimed

the victory. He conceived, not entirely without reason, that the loss of

a considerable number of men would be fatal to the Indians, although

a still greater loss should be sustained by the Americans, because the

savages did not possess a population from which they could replace

the warriors who had fallen. The event, however, did not justify this

opinion.

The information respecting this expedition was quickly followed by

intelligence stating the deplorable condition of the frontiers. An

address from the representatives of all the counties of Virginia, and

those of Virginia bordering on the Ohio, was presented to the President,

praying that the defense of the country might be committed to militia

unmixed with regulars, and that they might immediately be drawn out

to oppose "the exulting foe." To this address the President gave a

conciliatory answer, but he understood too well the nature of

the service to yield to the request it contained. Such were his

communications to the Legislature that a regiment was added to the

permanent military establishment, and he was authorized to raise a

body of 2,000 men for six months, and to appoint a major-general, and

a brigadier-general, to continue in command so long as he should think

their services necessary.

With the 3d of March, 1791, terminated the first Congress elected under

the constitution of the United States. "The party denominated Federal,"

says Marshall, "having prevailed at the elections, a majority of the

members were steadfast friends of the Constitution, and were sincerely

desirous of supporting a system they had themselves introduced, and

on the preservation of which, in full health and vigor, they firmly

believed the happiness of their fellow-citizens, and the respectability

of the nation, greatly to depend. To organize a government, to retrieve

the national character, to establish a system of revenue, and to create

public credit, were among the arduous duties which were imposed upon

them by the political situation of their country. With persevering

labor, guided by no inconsiderable portion of virtue and intelligence,

these objects were, in a great degree, accomplished. Out of the measures

proposed for their attainment, questions alike intricate and interesting

unavoidably arose. It is not in the nature of man to discuss such

questions without strongly agitating the passions, and exciting

irritations which do not readily subside.

"Had it ever been the happy and singular lot of America to see its

national Legislature assemble uninfluenced by those prejudices which

grew out of the previous divisions of the country, the many delicate

points which they were under the necessity of deciding, could not have

failed to disturb this enviable state of harmony, and to mingle some

share of party spirit with their deliberations. But when the actual

state of the public mind was contemplated, and due weight was given to

the important consideration that at no very distant day a successor to

the present chief magistrate must be elected, it was still less to be

hoped that the first Congress could pass away without producing strong

and permanent dispositions in parties, to impute to each other designs

unfriendly to the public happiness. As yet, however, these imputations

did not extend to the President. His character was held sacred, and

the purity of his motives was admitted by all. Some divisions were

understood to have found their way into the cabinet. It was insinuated

that between the Secretaries of State and of the Treasury very serious

differences had arisen, but these high personages were believed to

be equally attached to the President, who was not suspected of undue

partiality to either. If his assent to the bill for incorporating the

national bank produced discontent, the opponents of that measure seemed

disposed to ascribe his conduct, in that instance, to his judgment,

rather than to any prepossession in favor of the party by whom it was

carried. The opposition, therefore, in Congress, to the measures of the

government, seemed to be levelled at the Secretary of the Treasury, and

at the northern members by whom those measures were generally supported,

not at the President by whom they were approved. By taking this

direction it made its way into the public mind, without being

encountered by that devoted affection which a great majority of the

people felt for the chief magistrate of the Union. In the meantime, the

national prosperity was in a state of rapid progress; and the government

was gaining, though slowly, in the public opinion. But in several of the

State assemblies, especially in the southern division of the continent,

serious evidences of dissatisfaction were exhibited, which demonstrated

the jealousy with which the local sovereignties contemplated the powers

exercised by the Federal Legislature."

A recent writer, speaking of the discussions in the cabinet respecting

the bill establishing a national bank, says:

"Jefferson and Randolph were of opinion that Congress, in passing

the bill, transcended the powers vested in them by the constitution.

Hamilton, on the other hand, maintained it to be purely constitutional.

"It was not an easy task to unite two men of such opposite natures

as Hamilton and Jefferson, and make them act in concert in the same

cabinet. The critical state of affairs at the first adoption of the

constitution, and the impartial preponderance of Washington alone could

accomplish it. He applied himself to it with consummate perseverance

and wisdom. At heart he felt a decided preference for Hamilton and

his views. 'By some,' said he, 'he is considered an ambitious man and

therefore a dangerous one. That he is ambitious I readily grant, but

his ambition is of that laudable kind which prompts a man to excel in

whatever he takes in hand. He is enterprising, quick in his perceptions,

and in his judgment intuitively great.'

"But it was only in 1798, in the freedom of retirement, that Washington

spoke so explicitly. While in office, and between his two secretaries,

he maintained toward them a strict reserve, and testified the same

confidence in both. He believed both of them to be sincere and able;

both of them necessary to the country and to himself. Jefferson was to

him, not only a connecting tie, a means of influence with the popular

party which rarely became the opposition; but he made use of him in

the internal administration of his government as a counterpoise to the

tendencies, and especially to the language, sometimes extravagant

and inconsiderate, of Hamilton and his friends. He had interviews and

consultations with each of them separately, upon the subjects which they

were to discuss together, in order to remove or lessen beforehand their

differences of opinion. He knew how to turn the merit and popularity of

each, with his own party, to the general good of the government, even

to their own mutual advantage. He skilfully availed himself of every

opportunity to employ them in a common responsibility. And when a

disagreement too wide, and passions too impetuous, seemed to threaten an

immediate rupture, he interposed, used exhortation and entreaty, and by

his personal influence, by a frank and touching appeal to the patriotism

and right-mindedness of the two rivals, he postponed the breaking forth

of the evil which it was not possible to eradicate. On the bank question

he required from each his arguments in writing, and after maturely

weighing them both, he gave the sanction of his signature to the

act passed by Congress for its incorporation. From the moment of the

incorporation of the Bank of the United States parties assumed the

almost perfect forms of organization and principles by which they are

marked in our own day. The arguments and imputations of the Republican

party, however, were not so much intended to apply to Washington and his

measures as to Hamilton, who was considered and acknowledged by all as

the head of the Federal party. This fact was sufficiently proved when

Washington, at the close of the session of Congress, made an excursion

into the southern States. His reception by men of all parties was ample

testimony of the fact that he united all hearts, and that, however

the measures or the constitution of government might be censured and

disapproved, none would refuse to pour the grateful homage of free

hearts into the bosom of their veteran chief." Of this excursion we

shall give an account in the next chapter.

1. Footnote: This house was in Market street, on the south side, near

Sixth street. The market-house buildings then reached only to Fourth

street; the town in this street extended westward scarcely so far as

Ninth street; good private dwellings were seen above Fifth street;

Mr. Morris' was perhaps the best; the garden was well enclosed by a

wall.--(Richard Rush, "Washington in Domestic Life," from Original

Letters and Manuscripts. Philadelphia, 1857.)

2. Footnote: Mr. Hyde was butler.

3. Footnote: Mr. Curtis was the writer of the "Reminiscences" we have

so frequently quoted. He died on the 10th of October, 1857, aged

seventy-six years.

4. Footnote: Republican Court.

5. Footnote: Marshall.

CHAPTER V.

POLITICAL PARTIES DEVELOPED. 1791-1792.

Washington, having received from Congress more ample means for the

protection of the frontiers against the Indians, now directed his

attention (March, 1791) to an expedition which should carry the war into

their own country; this, as we have already seen, being his favorite

method of dealing with Indian hostilities. He accordingly appointed

Maj.-Gen. Arthur St. Clair, governor of the territory northwest of the

Ohio, commander-in-chief of the forces to be employed in the meditated

expedition. This officer had served through the war of the Revolution

with reputation, though it had never been his fortune to distinguish

himself. The evacuation of Ticonderoga had indeed, at one time,

subjected him to much public censure, but it was found, upon inquiry,

to be unmerited. Other motives, in addition to the persuasion of his

fitness for the service, induced Washington to appoint him. With the

sword, the olive branch was still to be tendered, and it was thought

advisable to place them in the same hands. The governor, having

been made officially the negotiator with the tribes inhabiting the

territories over which he presided, being a military man acquainted

with the country into which the war was to be carried, possessing

considerable influence with the inhabitants of the frontiers, and

being so placed as to superintend the preparations for the expedition

advantageously, seemed to have claims to the station which were not to

be overlooked. It was also a consideration of some importance that

the high rank he had held in the American army would obviate those

difficulties in filling the inferior grades with men of experience,

which might certainly be expected should a person who had acted in a

less elevated station be selected for the chief command.

After making the necessary arrangements for recruiting the army

Washington prepared to make his long contemplated tour through the

southern States.

On the 19th of March (1791), in writing to Lafayette, he says: "The

tender concern which you express on my late illness awakens emotions

which words will not explain, and to which your own sensibility can best

do justice. My health is now quite restored, and I flatter myself with a

hope of a long exemption from sickness. On Monday next I shall enter on

the practice of your friendly prescription of exercise, intending, at

that time, to begin a journey to the southward, during which I propose

visiting all the southern States."

This tour he performed in his own carriage, drawn by six horses, which

were not changed during the journey, which occupied nearly three months.

He was accompanied by one of his private secretaries, Major Jackson.

Leaving his residence in Market street, Philadelphia, he set off in the

latter part of March, and was escorted into Delaware by Mr. Jefferson

and General Knox. On the 25th of March he arrived at Annapolis, where

he was met by the people in a body, entertained at public dinners and a

ball, and, after staying two days, was accompanied on his journey by the

governor of Maryland, as far as Georgetown. From this place, on the 29th

of March, he writes to Gov. Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina: "I had

the pleasure of receiving your Excellency's obliging letter of the 8th

instant last evening. I am thus far on my tour through the southern

States, but as I travel with only one set of horses, and must make

occasional halts, the progress of my journey is exposed to such

uncertainty as admits not of fixing a day for my arrival at Charleston.

While I express the grateful sense which I entertain of your

Excellency's polite offer to accommodate me at your house during my

stay in Charleston, your goodness will permit me to deny myself that

pleasure. Having, with a view to avoid giving inconvenience to

private families, early prescribed to myself the rule of declining all

invitations to quarters on my journeys, I have been repeatedly under

a similar necessity to the present, of refusing those offers of

hospitality which would, otherwise, have been both pleasing and

acceptable."

From Georgetown he proceeded to Mount Vernon, where the necessary

attention to his private affairs, and some important correspondence on

public business, detained him a week. Leaving Mount Vernon, and passing

through Fredericksburg, where he dined with some of his old personal

friends, he arrived at Richmond on the 11nth of April (1791). His

reception there was enthusiastic. He entered the city amidst the roar

of cannon and the acclamations of the crowds of people who lined the

streets through which he passed. In the evening there was a grand

illumination; and during the two days which he remained there, the city

was given up to festivities in honor of the favorite hero of Virginia.

Similar tokens of welcome were exhibited at Petersburg, Halifax,

Newburn, and Wilmington. On leaving the last-mentioned place he was

rowed across Cape Fear river in a splendid barge, by six masters of

vessels; and on his arrival at Charleston (May 2d) a similar token

of honor was accorded to him on a larger scale. From Hadrill's Point,

attended by a cortege of distinguished Carolinians, he was conveyed

to the city in a twelve-oared barge, manned by thirteen captains of

American ships, while other barges and floats, with bands of music and

decorations, formed an imposing nautical procession. On landing he was

received by Governor Pinckney, the civic authorities, the Cincinnati,

and a brilliant military escort, who attended him in procession, amidst

the ringing of bells, the firing of cannon, and the acclamations of

the people, first to the Exchange, where he was welcomed in a formal

address, and then to the house prepared for his reception. [1]

During the week he remained in Charleston, he received the most lively

and touching tokens of welcome and affection from the warm-hearted

Carolinians, who strove to render him every species of honor. A

corporation ball on a grand scale, a large dinner party at Governor

Pinckney's mansion, another at Maj. Pierce Butler's, a concert, and a

splendid public entertainment given by the merchants of the city, formed

a portion only of the testimonials of homage and welcome given on this

occasion to their illustrious guest.

He left Charleston on the 9th of May (1791), escorted to Ashley ferry by

the governor and a large cavalcade. "At Perrysburg," says Dr. Griswold,

"he was met the next day by a committee from Savannah, and, with General

Wayne, Major Butler, Mr. Baillie, and Major Jackson, was conducted on

board a richly decorated boat, in which the party were rowed down the

river by nine sea captains, dressed in light-blue silk jackets, black

satin breeches, white silk stockings, and round hats with black ribbons,

inscribed with 'Long live the President,' in golden letters. Ten miles

from the city they were met by other barges, from one of which a company

of gentlemen sung the popular song, 'He comes, the hero comes!' As they

drew near the harbor, every vessel and all the shore were discovered to

be thronged with people. When the President stepped on the landing he

was received by Gen. James Jackson, who introduced him to the mayor and

aldermen; and he was soon after conducted, in the midst of a

procession, through crowds of spectators, to the house prepared for his

accommodation in St. James' square. The same evening he dined with

the city authorities and a large number of other gentlemen, at Brown's

Coffee House. Cannons were fired during the day, and at night the

streets and the shipping were brilliantly illuminated. On Friday he

dined with the Cincinnati of the State of Georgia, and attended a ball.

On Saturday, accompanied by General McIntosh, who had been second

in command under General Lincoln in storming them, he examined the

remaining traces of the lines constructed by the British for the defense

of Savannah in 1779, and dined with 200 citizens and strangers under

a beautiful arbor, supported by numerous columns and ornamented with

laurel and bay leaves, erected on an elevation which commanded a view of

the town and the harbor.

"It has been frequently said of Washington, that 'no man in the army had

a better eye for a horse,' and many of his letters show that he was

by no means indifferent as to the qualities or treatment of his stud,

during the war and afterward. A tour of 1,900 miles, with the same

animals, was a severe test of their capacities, and before reaching

Charleston he wrote to Mr. Lear, that though, all things considered,

they had got on very well, yet his horses were decidedly worsted, and if

brought back would 'not cut capers, as they did on setting out.' On the

13th of May, he says in a letter to the same correspondent:

"'I shall leave this place to-morrow; my horses, especially the two I

bought just before I left Philadelphia, and my old white horse, are much

worn down, and I have yet 150 or 200 miles of heavy sand to pass before

I get fairly into the upper and firmer road.'

"On the way to Augusta he stopped to dine with the widow of his old

friend and companion in arms, General Greene, at her seat called

Mulberry Grove. On Wednesday, the 18th (May, 1791), Governor Telfair and

the principal officers of the State left the capital, with a numerous

train of citizens, and proceeded five miles toward Savannah to meet him,

and he was conducted to his lodgings accompanied by thousands of people,

who filled the air with joyous acclamations. That day he dined with

a large party at the Grove, the governor's private residence, near

Augusta, where Mrs. Telfair assembled the ladies of the town to meet

him at a ball in the evening; on Thursday he received and answered an

address from the people, attended a public dinner, and was present at

another ball; on Friday he visited the academy and dined again with the

governor; and on Saturday he started again on his return, Augusta being

the further point of his journey.

"Coming again into South Carolina, he was conducted to Columbia by

General Winne, Col. Wade Hampton, and a large number of other citizens,

and the next day dined with more than 200 of the principal men and

women of the town and neighboring country at the State house, and in the

evening attended a ball.

"On Wednesday, the 25th (May, 1791), he dined at Camden, and on the

following morning visited this grave of the Baron de Kalb, the places

where the British redoubts had been erected, Hobkirk Hill, where General

Greene was attacked by Lord Rawdon, and the plains where General Gates

was engaged by Lord Cornwallis in 1780. Passing through Charlotte,

Salisbury, Salem, Guilford, and other towns, in all of which the love

and reverence of the people were exhibited in every variety of manner

which taste and ingenuity could suggest, he arrived at Mount Vernon on

the 12th of June.

"He remained at his seat between three and four weeks, during which

he was occupied with his private affairs, and, with Major L'Enfant and

others, with the location of the new seat of government, on the banks

of the Potomac. On Thursday, the last day of June (1791), he started for

Philadelphia by way of Frederick, York, and Lancaster, and arrived at

the presidential residence about noon on the 6th of July, having been

absent nearly three months, and during that period performed a journey

of 1,887 miles." [2]

Washington was highly pleased with the result of his observations during

this tour. In a letter to Hamilton (June 13th), from Mount Vernon on

his return, we have occasion to notice the benefit he derived from

his habits of method and forethought in any undertaking which he

contemplated. "My return to this place," he writes, "is sooner than I

expected, owing to the uninterruptedness of my journey by sickness,

from bad weather, or accidents of any kind whatsoever. Having obtained,

before I left Philadelphia, the most accurate accounts I could get there

of the places and roads through and by which I was to perform my

tour, and the distances between the former, I formed my line of march

accordingly, fixing each day's journey and the day to halt; from neither

of which have I departed in a single instance, except staying, from a

particular circumstance, two days in Columbia, and none at Charlotte,

instead of one at each, and crossing James river at Carter's ferry, in

place of Taylor's, as was my original intention. But the improbability

of performing a tour of 1,700 miles (I have already rode more) with

the same set of horses, without encountering any accident, by which

a deviation would be rendered unavoidable, appeared so great, that I

allowed eight days for casualties, and six to refresh at this place,

when I should have returned to it. None of the former having happened,

accounts for the fourteen days I shall remain here before the meeting of

the commissioners." [3]

In relation to this tour in the southern States Marshall says: "In

passing through them he was received universally with the same marks

of affectionate attachment which he had experienced in the northern

and central parts of the Union. To the sensibilities which these

demonstrations of the regard and esteem of good men could not fail to

inspire, was added the high gratification produced by observing

the rapid improvements of the country, and the advances made by the

government in acquiring the confidence of the people." The numerous

letters written by him after his return to Philadelphia, attest the

agreeable impressions made by these causes. "In my late tour through

the southern States," said he, in a letter of the 28th of July, to Mr.

Gouverneur Morris, "I experienced great satisfaction in seeing the good

effects of the general government in that part of the Union. The people

at large have felt the security which it gives, and the equal justice

which it administers to them. The farmer, the merchant, and the mechanic

have seen their several interests attended to, and from thence they

unite in placing a confidence in their representatives, as well as in

those in whose hands the execution of the laws is placed. Industry has

there taken place of idleness, and economy of dissipation. Two or three

years of good crops, and a ready market for the produce of their lands,

have put everyone in good humor, and, in some instances, they even

impute to the government what is due only to the goodness of Providence.

"The establishment of public credit is an immense point gained in our

national concerns. This, I believe, exceeds the expectation of the most

sanguine among us; and a late instance, unparalleled in this country,

has been given of the confidence reposed in our measures, by the

rapidity with which the subscriptions to the Bank of the United

States were filled. In two hours after the books were opened by the

commissioners the whole number of shares was taken up, and 4,000 more

applied for than were allowed by the institution. This circumstance was

not only pleasing, as it related to the confidence in government,

but also as it exhibited an unexpected proof of the resources of our

citizens."

This visit had undoubtedly some tendency to produce the good disposition

which Washington observed with so much pleasure. The affections are,

perhaps, more intimately connected with the judgment than we are

disposed to admit; and the appearance of the chief magistrate of the

Union, who was the object of general love and reverence, could not

be without its influence in conciliating the minds of many to the

government he administered, and to its measures. But this progress

toward conciliation was, perhaps, less considerable than was indicated

by appearances. The hostility to the government, which was coeval with

its existence, though diminished, was far from being subdued; and under

this smooth exterior was concealed a mass of discontent, which, though

it did not obtrude itself on the view of the man who united almost all

hearts, was active in its exertions to effect its objects.

The difficulties which must impede the recruiting service in a country

where coercion is not employed, and where the common wages of labor

greatly exceed the pay of a soldier, protracted the completion of the

regiments to a late season of the year, but the summer was not permitted

to waste in total inaction.

The act passed at the last session for the defense of the frontiers,

in addition to its other provisions, had given to the President an

unlimited power to call mounted militia into the field. Under this

authority two expeditions had been conducted against the villages on the

Wabash, in which a few of the Indian warriors were killed, some of their

old men, women, and children were made prisoners, and several of their

towns and fields of corn were destroyed. The first was led by General

Scott, in May, and the second by General Wilkinson, in September. These

desultory incursions had not much influence on the war.

It was believed in the United States that the hostility of the Indians

was kept up by the traders living in their villages. These persons had,

generally, resided in the United States, and, having been compelled to

leave the country, in consequence of the part they had taken during

the war of the Revolution, felt the resentments which banishment and

confiscation seldom fail to inspire. Their enmities were ascribed by

many, perhaps unjustly, to the temper of the government in Canada; but

some countenance seemed to be given to this opinion by intelligence

that, about the commencement of the preceding campaign, large supplies

of ammunition had been delivered from the British posts on the lakes to

the Indians at war with the United States. While Washington was on his

southern tour, he addressed a letter to the Secretary of State, to be

communicated to Colonel Beckwith, who still remained in Philadelphia

as the informal representative of his nation, in which he expressed his

surprise and disappointment at this interference, by the servants or

subjects of a foreign State, in a war prosecuted by the United States

for the sole purpose of procuring peace and safety for the inhabitants

of their frontiers.

On receiving this communication Colonel Beckwith expressed his disbelief

that the supplies mentioned had been delivered; but, on being assured

of the fact, he avowed the opinion that the transaction was without the

knowledge of Lord Dorchester, to whom he said he should communicate,

without delay, the ideas of the American government on the subject.

On the 24th of October (1791) the second Congress assembled in

Philadelphia. In his speech, at the opening of the session, the

President expressed his great satisfaction at the prosperous situation

of the country, and particularly mentioned the rapidity with which the

shares in the Bank of the United States were subscribed, as "among the

striking and pleasing evidences which presented themselves, not only of

confidence in the government, but of resources in the community."

Adverting to the measures which had been taken in execution of the laws

and resolutions of the last session, "the most important of which," he

observed, "respected the defense and security of the western frontiers,"

he had, he said "negotiated provisional treaties and used other proper

means to attach the wavering, and to confirm in their friendship the

well-disposed tribes of Indians. The means which he had adopted for

a pacification with those of a hostile description having proved

unsuccessful, offensive operations had been directed, some of which had

proved completely successful, and others were still depending. Overtures

of peace were still continued to the deluded tribes, and it was

sincerely to be desired that all need of coercion might cease, and

that an intimate intercourse might succeed, calculated to advance

the happiness of the Indians, and to attach them firmly to the United

States."

In marking the line of conduct which ought to be maintained for the

promotion of this object, he strongly recommended "justice to the

savages, and such rational experiments for imparting to them the

blessings of civilization, as might from time to time suit their

condition;" and then concluded this subject with saying: "A system

corresponding with the mild principles of religion and philanthropy,

toward an unenlightened race of men whose happiness materially depends

on the conduct of the United States, would be as honorable to the

national character, as conformable to the dictates of sound policy."

After stating that measures had been taken for carrying into execution

the act laying duties on distilled spirits, he added: "The impressions

with which this law has been received by the community have been, upon

the whole, such as were to have been expected among enlightened and

well-disposed citizens, from the propriety and necessity of the measure.

The novelty, however, of the tax, in a considerable part of the United

States, and a misconception of some of its provisions, have given

occasion, in particular places, to some degree of discontent. But it

is satisfactory to know that this disposition yields to proper

explanations, and more just apprehensions of the true nature of the

law. And I entertain a full confidence that it will, in all, give way to

motives which arise out of a just sense of duty, and a virtuous regard

to the public welfare.

"If there are any circumstances in the law, which, consistently with

its main design, may be so varied as to remove any well-intentioned

objections that may happen to exist, it will comport with a wise

moderation to make the proper variations. It is desirable, on all

occasions, to unite with a steady and firm adherence to constitutional

and necessary acts of government, the fullest evidence of a disposition,

as far as may be practicable, to consult the wishes of every part of the

community, and to lay the foundations of the public administration in

the affections of the people."

The answers of the two houses noticed, briefly and generally, the

various topics of the speech; and, though perhaps less warm than those

of the preceding Congress, manifested great respect for the executive

magistrate, and an undiminished confidence in his patriotic exertions to

promote the public interests.

Soon after Congress was organized for business a warm debate sprung up

in relation to the new apportionment of representatives, in accordance

with the census, which had been taken in the preceding year, and the

results of which were now ready for the consideration of Congress. The

contest was not put to rest till the following April (1792); and not

till the third bill was constructed did the two houses agree. The first

proposal made by the representatives was to adopt the lowest ratio

allowed by the constitution--30,000, which would have raised their

numbers to 113, but there would have been large fractions of population

in the northern States left unrepresented. The Senate, to lessen those

disfranchised remnants, raised the ration to 33,000; but it was alleged

that then there were fractions, though not so large, remaining in the

southern States. The house would not accept the change, and reiterated

its former proposal in a new bill, which also arranged the taking

of another census before the expiration of ten years; but the Senate

refused its assent to this, and, instead, increased the numbers to

120 by assigning representatives to the largest fractions. This, which

violated the letter of the constitution, excited greater heat than ever,

and the old threat of breaking up the Union was resorted to. A committee

of conference was demanded at length, and in the end the scheme of

the Senate was carried by a majority of two out of sixty votes. This

decision has been remarked upon as having a curious bearing upon the

old political controversies, the representatives of the southern States

being found rejecting the amendment of the Senate, which embodied their

own State sovereignty principle; and those of the North accepting it,

although they were most in favor of the opposite principle of polity.

Washington very justly considered this mode of apportionment as contrary

to the constitution, and on the 5th of April returned the bill to

Congress, with his objections. The first was, that the constitution had

prescribed that representatives should be apportioned among the several

States according to their respective numbers, and that there was no one

proportion or division which, applied to the respective States, would

yield the number and allotment of representatives proposed by the bill;

the second, that by the constitution, the number of representatives

should not exceed one for every 30,000, which restriction, by the

fair and obvious construction, was to be applied to the separate and

respective States, and that the bill had allotted to eight States more

than one for every 30,000. This was the _first_ instance in which the

President had exercised his _veto_ upon any act of Congress. [4]

The bill, not being repassed by two-thirds of both houses, was rejected.

A bill afterward passed, April 9, 1792, by a vote of thirty-four to

thirty, apportioning the representatives agreeable to a ratio of one

for every 33,000 in each State, which received the sanction of the

President, and thus, this interesting part of the constitution was

finally settled.

During this session of Congress an act passed for establishing a uniform

militia.

Washington had manifested, from the commencement of his administration,

a peculiar degree of solicitude on this subject, and had repeatedly

urged it on Congress.

In his speech at the opening of the present session, he again called

the attention of the Legislature to it, and at length a law was enacted,

though it was less efficacious than the plan reported by General Knox,

the Secretary of War.

In December (1791) intelligence was received by the President, and

immediately communicated to Congress, that the American army had been

totally defeated on the 4th of the preceding month.

Although the most prompt and judicious measures had been taken to

raise the troops and to march them to the frontiers, they could not

be assembled in the neighborhood of Fort Washington until the month of

September, nor was the establishment even then completed.

The immediate objects of the expedition were to destroy the Indian

villages on the Miami, to expel the savages from that country, and to

connect it with the Ohio by a chain of posts which would prevent their

return during the war.

On the 7th of September (1791) the regulars moved from their camp in

the vicinity of Fort Washington, and marching directly north, toward the

object of their destination, established two intermediate posts, Forts

Hamilton and Jefferson, at the distance of rather more than forty miles

from each other, as places of deposit and of security either for convoys

of provisions which might follow the army, or for the army itself should

any disaster befall it. The last of these works, Fort Jefferson, was not

completed until the 24th of October, before which time reinforcements

were received of about 360 militia. After placing garrisons in the forts

the effective number of the army, including militia, amounted to rather

less than 2,000 men. With this force the general continued his march,

which was rendered both slow and laborious by the necessity of opening a

road. Small parties of Indians were frequently seen hovering about them

and some unimportant skirmishes took place. As the army approached the

country in which they might expect to meet an enemy about sixty of the

militia deserted in a body. This diminution of force was not in itself

an object of much concern. But there was reason to fear that the

example, should those who set it be permitted to escape with impunity,

would be extensively followed, and it was reported to be the intention

of the deserters to plunder convoys of provisions which were advancing

at some distance in the rear. To prevent mischiefs of so serious a

nature the general detached Major Hamtranck with the first regiment

in pursuit of the deserters, and directed him to secure the provisions

under a strong guard.

The army, consisting of about 1,400 effective rank and file, continued

its march, and, on the 3d of November, encamped about fifteen miles

south of the Miami villages. The right wing, under the command of

General Butler, formed the first line and lay with a creek, about

twelve yards wide, immediately in its front. The left wing, commanded by

Lieutenant-Colonel Darke, formed the second, and between the two lines

was an interval of about seventy yards. The right flank was supposed to

be secured by the creek, by a steep bank, and by a small body of troops;

the left was covered by a party of cavalry and by piquets. The militia

crossed the creek and advanced about a quarter of a mile in front, where

they also encamped in two lines. On their approach a few Indians who

had shown themselves on the opposite side of the creek fled with

precipitation.

At this place the general intended to throw up a slight work for the

security of the baggage, and, after being joined by Major Hamtranck, to

march, as unencumbered and as expeditiously as possible, to the villages

he purposed to destroy.

In both of these designs he was anticipated. About half an hour before

sunrise on the day following, just after the troops had been dismissed

from the parade, an unexpected attack was made upon the militia, who

fled in the utmost confusion, and rushing into camp through the first

line of Continental troops, which had been formed the instant the first

gun was discharged, threw them too into disorder. The exertions of the

officers to restore order were not entirely successful. The Indians

pressed close upon the heels of the flying militia and engaged General

Butler with great intrepidity. The action instantly became extremely

warm, and the fire of the assailants, passing round both flanks of the

first line, was, in a few minutes, poured with equal fury on the rear

division. Its greatest weight was directed against the center of each

wing, where the artillery was posted, and the artillerists were mowed

down in great numbers. Firing from the ground and from the shelter which

the woods afforded, the assailants were scarcely seen but when springing

from one cover to another, in which manner they advanced close up to the

American lines and to the very mouths of the field pieces. They fought

with the daring courage of men whose trade is war and who are stimulated

by all those passions which can impel the savage mind to vigorous

exertions.

While some of the American soldiers performed their duty with the utmost

resolution, others seemed dismayed and terrified. Of this conduct the

officers were, as usual, the victims. With a fearlessness which the

occasion required, they exposed themselves to the most imminent dangers,

and, in their efforts to change the face of affairs, fell in great

numbers.

For several days the Commander-in-Chief had been afflicted with a severe

disease, under which he still labored, and which must have greatly

affected him, but, though unable to display that activity which would

have been useful in this severe conflict, neither the feebleness of his

body nor the peril of his situation could prevent his delivering his

orders with judgment and with self-possession.

It was soon perceived that the American fire could produce, on a

concealed enemy, no considerable effect, and that the only hope of

victory was placed in the bayonet. At the head of the second regiment,

which formed the left of the left wing, Lieutenant-Colonel Darke made an

impetuous charge upon the enemy, forced them from their ground with some

loss and drove them about 400 yards. He was followed by that whole wing,

but the want of a sufficient number of riflemen to press this advantage

deprived him of the benefit which ought to have been derived from this

effort, and, as soon as he gave over the pursuit, the Indians renewed

their attack. In the meantime General Butler was mortally wounded, the

left of the right wing was broken, the artillerists almost to a man

killed, the guns seized, and the camp penetrated by the enemy. With

his own regiment and with the battalions commanded by Majors Butler and

Clarke, Darke was ordered again to charge with the bayonet. These orders

were executed with intrepidity and momentary success. The Indians were

driven out of the camp, and the artillery recovered. But while they were

pressed in one point by the bravest of the American troops, their fire

was kept up from every other with fatal effect. Several times particular

corps charged them, always with partial success, but no universal

effort could be made, and in every charge a great loss of officers was

sustained, the consequences of which were severely felt. Instead of

keeping their ranks, and executing the orders which were given, a great

proportion of the soldiers flocked together in crowds and were shot

down without resistance. To save the remnant of his army was all that

remained to be done, and about half past 9 in the morning General St.

Clair ordered Lieutenant-Colonel Darke, with the Second regiment, to

charge a body of Indians who had intercepted their retreat and to gain

the road. Major Clarke, with his battalion, was directed to cover the

rear. These orders were executed and a disorderly flight commenced.

The pursuit was kept up about four miles, when, fortunately for the

surviving Americans, that avidity for plunder which is a ruling passion

among savages, called back the victorious Indians to the camp, where the

spoils of their vanquished foes were to be divided. The routed troops

continued their flight to Fort Jefferson, a distance of about thirty

miles, throwing away their arms on the road. At this place they met

Major Hamtranck with the First regiment, and a council of war was called

to deliberate on the course to be pursued. As this regiment was far from

restoring the strength of the morning, it was determined not to attempt

to retrieve the fortune of the day, and, leaving the wounded at Fort

Jefferson, the army continued its retreat to Fort Washington.

In this disastrous battle the loss on the part of the Americans was very

great when compared with the numbers engaged. Thirty-eight commissioned

officers were killed upon the field, and 593 noncommissioned officers

and privates were slain and missing. Twenty-one commissioned officers,

several of whom afterward died of their wounds, and 242 noncommissioned

officers and privates were wounded. Among the dead was the brave and

much-lamented General Butler. This gallant officer had served through

the war of the Revolution, and had, on more than one occasion,

distinguished himself in a remarkable manner. In the list of those who

shared his fate were the names of many other excellent officers who had

participated in all the toils, the dangers, and the glory of that long

conflict which terminated in the independence of their country. At the

head of the list of wounded were Lieutenant-Colonels Gibson and Darke,

Major Butler, and Adjutant-General Sargent, all of whom were veteran

officers of great merit, who displayed their accustomed bravery on this

unfortunate day. General St. Clair, in his official letter, observed:

"The loss the public has sustained by the fall of so many officers,

particularly of General Butler and Major Ferguson, cannot be too much

regretted, but it is a circumstance that will alleviate the misfortune

in some measure, that all of them fell most gallantly doing their duty."

From the weight of the fire and the circumstance of his being attacked

nearly at the same time in front and rear, General St. Clair was of

opinion that he was overpowered by numbers. The intelligence afterward

collected would make the Indian force to consist of from 1,000 to 1,500

warriors. Of their loss no estimate could be made; the probability is

that it bore no proportion to that sustained by the American army.

Nothing could be more unexpected than this severe disaster. The public

had confidently anticipated a successful campaign and could not believe

that the general who had been unfortunate had not been culpable.

General St. Clair requested with earnestness that a court-martial should

sit on his conduct, but this request could not be granted, because the

army did not furnish a sufficient number of officers of a grade to form

a court for his trial on military principles. Late in the session a

committee of the House of Representatives was appointed to inquire into

the cause of the failure of the expedition, whose report, in explicit

terms, exculpated St. Clair. This inquiry, however, was instituted

rather for the purpose of investigating the conduct of civil than

of military officers, and was not conducted by military men. More

satisfactory testimony in favor of St. Clair is furnished by the

circumstance that he still retained the undiminished esteem and good

opinion of the President. [5]

The confidence of Washington in St. Clair, however, had been very

severely shaken on his first receiving intelligence of his defeat. This

fact is known by the recent publication of an anecdote communicated

by Mr. Lear to the Hon. Richard Rush, and by him inserted in his

"Washington in Domestic Life," as follows:

"An anecdote I derived from Colonel Lear shortly before his death in

1816," says Mr. Rush, "may here be related, showing the height to which

his (Washington's) passion would rise yet be controlled. It belongs to

his domestic life which I am dealing with, having occurred under his own

roof, whilst it marks public feeling the most intense and points to the

moral of his life. I give it in Colonel Lear's words as nearly as I can,

having made a note of them at the time.

"Toward the close of a winter's day in 1791, an officer in uniform

was seen to dismount in front of the President's in Philadelphia, and,

giving the bridle to his servant, knocked at the door of his mansion.

Learning from the porter that the President was at dinner, he said he

was on public business and had dispatches for the President. A servant

was sent into the dining-room to give the information to Mr. Lear, who

left the table and went into the hall, where the officer repeated what

he had said. Mr. Lear replied that, as the President's secretary, he

would take charge of the dispatches and deliver them at the proper time.

The officer made answer that he had just arrived from the western army,

and his orders were to deliver them with all promptitude, and to the

President in person, but that he would wait his directions. Mr. Lear

returned and in a whisper imparted to the President what had passed.

General Washington rose from the table and went to the officer. He was

back in a short time, made a word of apology for his absence, but no

allusion to the cause of it. He had company that day. Everything went on

as usual. Dinner over, the gentlemen passed to the drawing-room of Mrs.

Washington, which was open in the evening. The general spoke courteously

to every lady in the room, as was his custom. His hours were early, and

by 10 o'clock all the company had gone. Mrs. Washington and Mr. Lear

remained. Soon Mrs. Washington left the room.

"The general now walked backward and forward slowly for some minutes

without speaking. Then he sat down on a sofa by the fire, telling Mr.

Lear to sit down. To this moment there had been no change in his manner

since his interruption at table. Mr. Lear now perceived emotion. This

rising in him, he broke out suddenly: 'It's all over! St. Clair's

defeated--routed--the officers nearly all killed--the men by

wholesale--the rout complete--too shocking to think of--and a surprise

into the bargain!'

"He uttered all this with great vehemence. Then he paused, got up from

the sofa, and walked about the room several times, agitated but saying

nothing. Near the door he stopped short and stood still a few seconds,

when his wrath became terrible.

"'Yes,' he burst forth, 'here on this very spot I took leave of him; I

wished him success and honor. You have your instructions, I said, from

the Secretary of War; I had a strict eye to them, and will add but one

word--beware of a surprise! I repeat it--beware of a surprise! You

know how the Indians fight us. He went off with that as my last solemn

warning thrown into his ears. And yet! to suffer that army to be cut to

pieces--hacked, butchered, tomahawked--by a surprise--the very thing I

guarded him against! O God, O God, he's worse than a murderer! How can

he answer it to his country! The blood of the slain is upon him--the

curse of widows and orphans--the curse of Heaven!'

"This torrent came out in tones appalling. His very frame shook. It was

awful said Mr. Lear. More than once he threw his hands up as he hurled

imprecations upon St. Clair. Mr. Lear remained speechless--awed into

breathless silence.

"The roused chief sat down on the sofa once more. He seemed conscious

of his passion and uncomfortable. He was silent. His warmth beginning to

subside, he at length said in an altered voice: 'This must not go beyond

this room.' Another pause followed--a longer one--when he said in a

tone quite low: 'General St. Clair shall have justice. I looked

hastily through the dispatches, saw the whole disaster, but not all the

particulars. I will receive him without displeasure; I will hear him

without prejudice. He shall have full justice.'

"He was now, said Mr. Lear, perfectly calm. Half an hour had gone by.

The storm was over, and no sign of it was afterward seen in his conduct

or heard in his conversation. The result is known. The whole case was

investigated by Congress. St. Clair was exculpated and regained the

confidence Washington had in him when appointing him to that command.

He had put himself into the thickest of the fight, and escaped unhurt,

though so ill as to be carried on a litter, and unable to mount his

horse without help."

This anecdote might, at first, seem discreditable to Washington, as

exhibiting the mighty strength of his passions when aroused. But upon

mature consideration it does him great honor, affording equal evidence

of his power of self-control, his public spirit, his disinterestedness,

and his candor.

The Indian war now assumed a still more serious aspect. There was

reason to fear that the hostile tribes would derive a great accession of

strength from the impression which their success would make upon their

neighbors; and the reputation of the government was deeply concerned

in retrieving the fortune of its arms, and affording protection to

its citizens. The President, therefore, lost no time in causing the

estimates for a competent force to be prepared and laid before Congress.

In conformity with a report made by the Secretary of War, a bill was

brought into the House of Representatives, directing three additional

regiments of infantry and a squadron of cavalry to be raised, to

serve for three years, if not sooner discharged. The whole military

establishment, if completed, would amount to about 5,000 men. The

additional regiments, however, were to be disbanded as soon as peace

should be concluded with the Indians; and the President was authorized

to discharge, or to forbear to raise any part of them, "in case events

should, in his judgment, render his so doing consistent with the public

safety."

This bill met with great opposition. A motion was made to strike out the

section which authorized an augmentation of force. This led to a very

animated debate, in which the opposition exhibited a determination to

embarrass the administration by defeating even the most necessary and

useful measures it might propose. The public spirit and good sense

of the majority, however, prevailed. The motion for striking out the

section was lost, and the bill was carried for the augmentation of force

required by the executive.

The treasury was not in a condition to meet the demands upon it, which

the increased expenses of the war would unavoidably occasion, and

sources of additional revenue were to be explored. A select committee,

to whom this subject was referred, brought in a resolution directing Mr.

Hamilton, the Secretary of the Treasury, to report his opinion to the

House, on the best mode of raising those additional supplies which the

public service might require for the current year.

This proposition gave rise to a very animated debate.

It will be recollected that when the act for establishing the Treasury

Department was under consideration, the clause which rendered it the

duty of the secretary to digest and report plans for the improvement

and management of the revenue, and for the support of public credit,

was earnestly opposed. A large majority, however, was in favor of the

principle, and, after being so modified as only to admit a report if

required by the House, it was retained in the bill.

In complying with the various resolutions of Congress, calling for

reports on subjects connected with his department, Hamilton had

submitted plans which, having been profoundly considered, were well

digested, and accompanied by arguments, the force of which it was

difficult to resist. His measures were generally supported by a majority

of Congress; and, while the high credit of the United States was

believed to attest their wisdom, the masterly manner in which his

reports were drawn, contributed to raise still higher that reputation

for great talents which he had long possessed. To the further admission

of these reports, it was determined, on this occasion, to make a

vigorous resistance.

But the opposition was not successful. On taking the question the

resolution was carried, thirty-one members voting in its favor, and

twenty-seven against it.

The report made by Hamilton, in pursuance of this resolution,

recommended certain augmentations of the duties on imports, and was

immediately referred to the consideration of a committee of the whole

House. Resolutions were then passed which were to form the basis of

a bill; and which adopted, not only the principles, but, with the

exception of a few unimportant alterations, the minute details of the

report.

Before the question was taken on the bill a motion was made to limit

its duration, the vote upon which marked the progress of opinion in the

House respecting those systems of finance which were believed to have

established the credit of the United States.

Hamilton had deemed it indispensable to the creation of public credit

that the appropriations of funds for the payment of the interest, and

the gradual redemption of the principal of the national debt, should be

not only sufficient, but permanent also. A party was found in the first

Congress who opposed this principle, and were in favor of retaining a

full power over the subject in each branch of the Legislature, by making

annual appropriations. The arguments which had failed in Congress appear

to have been more successfully employed with the people. Among the

multiplied vices which were ascribed to the funding system, it was

charged with introducing a permanent and extensive mortgage of funds,

which was alleged to strengthen unduly the hands of the executive

magistrate, and to be one of the many evidences which existed of

monarchical propensities in those who administered the government.

The report lately made by Hamilton, and the bill founded on that report,

contemplated a permanent increase of the duties on certain specified

articles, and a permanent appropriation of the revenue arising from them

to the purposes of the national debt. Thirty-one members were in favor

of the motion for limiting the duration of the bill, and only thirty

against it. By the rules of the House, the speaker has a right first to

vote as a member, and, if the numbers should then be equally divided, to

decide as speaker. Being opposed to the limitation, the motion was lost

by his voice, and Hamilton's measure was carried through in its original

form.

On the 8th of May (1792), after an active and interesting session,

Congress adjourned to the first Monday in November.

Among the bills passed at this session of Congress the most important

were that for the apportionment of the representatives, and that for the

augmentation of the military force, inasmuch as the discussion of these

measures served to develop the political parties which had begun to

divide Congress and the people. In apportioning the representatives many

members of Congress endeavored to obtain the largest possible number,

in order to preserve the rights of the States and check the power of the

executive. On the same principles the army bill was opposed, as having

a tendency to increase executive power and patronage, and thus endanger

the liberties of the country.

Throughout the United States the party opposed to the constitution had

charged its supporters with a desire to establish a monarchy on the

ruins of Republican government; and the constitution itself was alleged

to contain principles which would prove the truth of this charge. The

leaders of that party had, therefore, been ready, from the instant the

government came into operation, to discover, in all its measures, those

monarchical tendencies which they had perceived in the instrument they

opposed.

The salaries allowed to public officers, though so low as not to afford

a decent maintenance to those who resided at the seat of government,

were declared to be so enormously high, as clearly to manifest a total

disregard of that simplicity and economy which were the characteristics

of republics. [6]

The levees of the President, and the evening parties of Mrs. Washington,

were said to be imitations of regal institutions, designed to accustom

the American people to the pomp and manners of European courts. The

Vice-President, too, was said to keep up the state and dignity of a

monarch, and to illustrate, by his conduct, the principles which were

inculcated in his political works.

The Indian war, they alleged, was misconducted, and unnecessarily

prolonged, for the purposes of expending the public money, and of

affording a pretext for augmenting the military establishment, and

increasing the revenue.

All this prodigal waste of the money of the people was designed to keep

up the national debt, and the influence it gave the government; which,

united with standing armies and immense revenues, would enable their

rulers to rivet the chains which they were secretly forging. Every

prediction which had been uttered respecting the anti-Republican

principles of the government, was said to be rapidly verifying, and

that which was disbelieved as prophecy, was daily becoming history. If

a remedy for these ills was not found in the increased representation of

the people which would take place at the ensuing elections, they would

become too monstrous to be borne; and when it was recollected that the

division of opinion was marked by a geographical line, there was reason

to fear that the Union would be broken into one or more confederacies.

These irritable symptoms had assumed appearances of increased malignity

during the session of Congress which had just terminated; and, to

Washington, who firmly believed that the Union and the liberty of the

States depended on the preservation of the government, they were the

more unpleasant and the more alarming because they were displayed in

full force in his cabinet.

The feud between Jefferson and Hamilton, to which we have already

referred, still continued in full force, and they were regarded, as

in fact they were, respectively, the heads of the two parties. They

disagreed not only on the internal affairs but on the foreign policy of

the government: Jefferson having a leaning towards the Revolutionists

of France, and Hamilton favoring a conciliatory policy toward Great

Britain.

In all popular governments the press is the most ready channel by which

the opinions and the passions of the few are communicated to the many;

and of the press, the two great parties forming in the United States

sought to avail themselves. The "Gazette of the United States" supported

the systems of Hamilton, while other papers enlisted themselves under

the banners of the opposition. Conspicuous among these was the "National

Gazette," a paper edited by Philip Freneau, the poet, a clerk in the

Department of State. The avowed purpose for which Jefferson patronized

this paper was to present to the eye of the American people European

intelligence derived from the "Leyden Gazette," instead of English

papers; but it soon became the vehicle of calumny against the funding

and banking systems; against the duty on home-made spirits, which

was denominated an excuse, and against the men who had proposed and

supported those measures. With, perhaps, equal asperity, the papers

attached to the party which had defended these systems, assailed the

motives of the leaders of the opposition.

This schism in his cabinet was a subject of extreme mortification to

Washington. Entertaining a high respect for the talents, and a real

esteem for the characters of both gentlemen, he was unwilling to part

with either, and exerted all the influence he possessed to effect a

reconciliation between them. In a letter of the 23d of August (1792),

addressed to Jefferson, after reviewing the critical situation of the

United States with respect to its external relations, he thus expressed

himself on this delicate subject: "How unfortunate, and how much is it

to be regretted then, that while we are encompassed on all sides with

avowed enemies and insidious friends, internal dissensions should be

harassing and tearing our vitals. The last, to me, is the most serious,

the most alarming, and the most afflicting of the two, and, without more

charity for the opinions of one another in governmental matters, or some

more infallible criterion by which the truth of speculative opinions,

before they have undergone the test of experience, are to be forejudged,

than has yet fallen to the lot of fallibility, I believe it will be

difficult, if not impracticable, to manage the reins of government,

or to keep the parts of it together; for if, instead of laying our

shoulders to the machine, after measures are decided on, one pulls this

way, and another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried,

it must inevitably be torn asunder; and, in my opinion, the fairest

prospect of happiness and prosperity that ever was presented to man will

be lost, perhaps forever.

"My earnest wish and my fondest hope, therefore, is, that instead

of wounding suspicions and irritating charges, there may be liberal

allowances, mutual forbearances, and temporizing yielding on all sides.

Under the exercise of these, matters will go on smoothly; and, if

possible, more prosperously. Without them everything must rub; the

wheels of government will clog; our enemies will triumph, and, by

throwing their weight into the disaffected scale, may accomplish the

ruin of the goodly fabric we have been erecting.

"I do not mean to apply this advice, or these observations, to any

particular person or character. I have given them in the same general

terms to other officers of the government, because the disagreements

which have arisen from difference of opinions and the attacks which have

been made upon almost all the measures of government, and most of its

executive officers, have for a long time past filled me with painful

sensations, and cannot fail, I think, of producing unhappy consequences

at home and abroad."

In a subsequent letter to Jefferson, in answer to one which enclosed

some documents designed to prove that, though desirous of amending the

constitution, he had favored its adoption, the President said: "I did

not require the evidence of the extracts which you enclosed me, to

convince me of your attachment to the constitution of the United States,

or of your disposition to promote the general welfare of this country,

but I regret, deeply regret, the difference of opinion which has arisen

and divided you and another principal officer of the government,

and wish devoutly there could be an accommodation of them by mutual

yieldings.

"A measure of this sort would produce harmony and consequent good in our

public councils, and the contrary will inevitably produce confusion and

serious mischiefs--and for what? because mankind cannot think alike, but

would adopt different means to attain the same end. For I will frankly

and solemnly declare that I believe the views of both to be pure and

well meant, and that experience only will decide with respect to the

salubrity of the measures which are the subjects of this dispute.

"Why, then, when some of the best citizens of the United States, men of

discernment, uniform and tried patriots, who have no sinister views to

promote, but are chaste in their ways of thinking and acting, are to be

found, some on one side and some on the other, of the questions which

have caused these agitations--why should either of you be so tenacious

of your opinions as to make no allowance for those of the other?

"I could and, indeed, was about to add more on this interesting subject,

but will forbear, at least for the present, after expressing a wish that

the cup which has been presented to us may not be snatched from our lips

by a discordance of action, when I am persuaded there is no discordance

in your views. I have a great, a sincere esteem and regard for you both,

and ardently wish that some line could be marked out by which both of

you could walk."

On the same subject Washington addressed a letter to Hamilton, from

which the following is an extract:

"Differences in political opinions are as unavoidable as, to a certain

point, they may be necessary; but it is exceedingly to be regretted that

subjects cannot be discussed with temper, on the one hand, or decisions

submitted to on the other, without improperly implicating the motives

which led to them; and this regret borders on chagrin when we find that

men of abilities, zealous patriots, having the same general objects

in view, and the same upright intentions to prosecute them, will not

exercise more charity in deciding on the opinions and actions of each

other. When matters get to such lengths, the natural inference is that

both sides have strained the cords beyond their bearing, that a middle

course would be found the best, until experience shall have decided on

the right way; or, which is not to be expected, because it is denied to

mortals, until there shall be some infallible rule by which to forejudge

events.

"Having premised these things, I would fain hope that liberal allowances

will be made for the political opinions of each other, and instead of

those wounding suspicions and irritating charges, with which some of

our gazettes are so strongly impregnated, and which cannot fail, if

persevered in, of pushing matters to extremity, and thereby tearing the

machine asunder, that there might be mutual forbearance and temporizing

yieldings on all sides. Without these, I do not see how the reins of

government are to be managed or how the union of the States can be much

longer preserved.

"How unfortunate would it be if a fabric so goodly, erected under so

many providential circumstances, after acquiring in its first stages so

much respectability, should, from diversity of sentiment, or internal

obstructions to some of the acts of government (for I cannot prevail

on myself to believe that these measures are as yet the acts of a

determined party), be brought to the verge of dissolution! Melancholy

thought! But while it shows the consequences of diversified opinions,

where pushed with too much tenacity, it exhibits evidence also of

the necessity of accommodation, and of the propriety of adopting such

healing measures as may restore harmony to the discordant members of the

Union, and the governing powers of it.

"I do not mean to apply this advice to any measures which are passed or

to any particular character. I have given it, in the same general terms,

to other officers of the government. My earnest wish is that balm may be

poured into all the wounds which have been given, to prevent them from

gangrening, and to avoid those fatal consequences which the community

may sustain if it is withheld. The friends of the Union must wish this;

those who are not, but who wish to see it rended, will be disappointed;

and all things, I hope, will go well."

These earnest endeavors to soothe the angry passions and to conciliate

the jarring discords of the cabinet were unsuccessful. The hostility

which was so much and so sincerely lamented sustained no diminution, and

its consequences became every day more diffusive.

Among the immediate effects of these internal dissensions was the

encouragement they afforded to a daring and criminal resistance which

was made to the execution of the laws imposing a duty on spirits

distilled within the United States.

To the inhabitants of that part of Pennsylvania which lies west of the

Alleghany mountains this duty was, from local considerations, peculiarly

odious; nor was their hostility to the measure diminished by any

affection for the source in which it originated. The constitution itself

had encountered the most decided opposition from that part of the State,

and that early enmity to the government, which exerted every faculty

to prevent its adoption, had sustained no abatement. Its measures

generally, and the whole system of finance particularly, had been

reprobated with peculiar bitterness by many of the most popular men of

that district. With these dispositions a tax law, the operation of which

was extended to them, could not be favorably received, however generally

it might be supported in other parts of the Union. But when, to this

pre-existing temper, were superadded the motives which arose from

perceiving that the measure was censured on the floor of Congress as

unnecessary and tyrannical; that resistance to its execution was treated

as probable; that a powerful and active party, pervading the Union,

arraigned with extreme acrimony the whole system of finance as being

antagonistic to liberty, and, with all the passionate vehemence

of conviction, charged its advocates with designing to subvert the

republican institutions of America, we ought not to be surprised that

the awful impressions, which usually restrain combinations to resist the

laws, were lessened, and that the malcontents were emboldened to hope

that those combinations might be successful.

The opposition to the duty on distilled spirits had been carried so

far, and so daring had become the resistance to the law, as to require

a proclamation from the President, warning all persons against unlawful

combinations and proceedings tending to obstruct the operations of the

laws. But such was the state of feeling that the proclamation produced

no salutary effect.

Anxious to avoid extremities, the government resolved upon another

course. Prosecutions were instituted against delinquents. The spirits

distilled in the noncomplying counties were intercepted in their way to

market and seized by the officers of the revenue, and the agents for the

army were directed to purchase only those spirits on which the duty had

been paid. Could the distillers have obeyed their wishes, these measures

would have produced the desired effect. But, impelled by a furious

multitude, they found it much more dangerous to obey the laws than to

resist them.

Diplomatic intercourse had at length been opened with Great Britain,

who had sent, on her own motion, Mr. George Hammond as minister

Plenipotentiary to the United States. Mr. Hammond arrived at

Philadelphia in the autumn of 1791, and soon after entered upon a long

correspondence with the Secretary of State respecting the nonexecution

of the treaty of peace. The British minister having entrusted to him

only powers to negotiate, not to conclude, to make, not to adjust,

complaints, the course of the discussion, and the principles avowed by

the respective parties, speedily demonstrated the slight probability

which existed of their being able to agree upon a commercial treaty.

The Indians in the Northwest still maintaining their attitude of

hostility preparations for prosecuting the war with vigor were earnestly

pressed. General Wayne was appointed to succeed St. Clair in the

command, but the inducements to enter the service were so small that the

ranks filled up very slowly and the meditated expedition could not be

undertaken prudently during the present year. Meanwhile, the clamor

against the war continued to be loud and violent. From respect for

opinions extensively professed it was thought advisable to make still

another effort to procure peace by a direct communication of the views

of the executive. The fate of those who were employed in these efforts

was still more to be lamented than their failure. Colonel Harden and

Major Truman, two brave officers and estimable men, were severally

dispatched with propositions of peace, and each was murdered by the

savages.

During the session of Congress Thomas Pinckney was nominated minister

plenipotentiary to England, and Gouverneur Morris as minister

plenipotentiary to France. Both these nominations were confirmed by the

Senate. William Short was appointed minister resident at the Hague and

was commissioned, with Mr. Carmichael, to effect a treaty with Spain.

Paul Jones, during the summer, was appointed a commissioner for treating

with the Dey of Algiers on the subject of peace and the ransoming of

American captives. The letter informing of his appointment did not,

however, reach him, for Jones died at Paris on the 18th of July, 1792,

in abject poverty and destitution.

In May (1792), Washington wrote to the Earl of Buchan, transmitting

his portrait, painted by Mr. Robertson, which had been solicited by the

earl. In the same letter he thanked the earl for a box made of the oak

that sheltered William Wallace after the battle of Falkirk. In making

this present the earl had requested Washington, in the event of his

decease, to leave it to the man in his own country who should appear,

in his judgment, to merit it best. Washington wisely decided otherwise,

and, in his will, directed it to be returned to the Earl of Buchan.

On the 9th of May (1792), the day after the rising of Congress,

Washington set out from Philadelphia for Mount Vernon, but returned

early in June. In July he went again to Mount Vernon, accompanied by

Mrs. Washington and her two little grandchildren, intending to remain

there till near the meeting of Congress, which was to take place in

November. During this short residence at his beloved home Washington had

much to distract his attention from his favorite rural pursuits. He was

in constant correspondence with the members of the cabinet and public

affairs. To Hamilton he was writing about the resistance to the tax on

spirituous liquors, on the dissension between him and Jefferson, and

on politics; to General Knox, Secretary of War, on the preparations for

Wayne's campaign against the Indians; to Jefferson, Secretary of State,

on foreign affairs, on the troubles with the Spaniards in Florida,

and on the Indian war, as well as on his quarrel with Hamilton, and

to Randolph, Attorney-General, on the state of parties and the

licentiousness of the press.

On the subject of newspaper abuse Washington appears to have felt a

degree of sensitiveness which, at the present, is rare among public men.

Hitherto he appears to have been personally free from this annoyance,

but he was unwilling to see his administration calumniated by political

demagogues.