At the head of the Department of Foreign Affairs, since denominated the

Department of State, he placed Jefferson, who had been bred to the bar,

and at an early period of life had acquired considerable reputation

for extensive attainments in the science of politics. He had been a

distinguished member of the Second Congress and had been offered a

diplomatic appointment, which he had declined. Withdrawing from the

administration of Continental affairs, he had been elected Governor

of Virginia, which office he filled for two years. He afterwards again

represented his native State in the councils of the Union, and in

the year 1784 was appointed to succeed Dr. Franklin at the court of

Versailles. In that station he had acquitted himself much to the public

satisfaction. His "Notes on Virginia," which were read with applause,

were believed to evince the soundness of his political opinions, and the

Declaration of Independence was universally ascribed to his pen. He had

long been placed by America amongst the most eminent of her citizens,

and had long been classed by the President with those who were most

capable of serving the nation. Having lately obtained permission to

return for a short time to the United States, he was, while on his

passage, nominated to this important office, and, on his arrival in

Virginia, found a letter from the President, giving him the option of

becoming the Secretary of Foreign Affairs or of retaining his station at

the court of Versailles. He appears rather to have inclined to continue

in his foreign appointment, and, in changing his situation, to have

consulted the wishes of the first magistrate more than the preference of

his own mind. [8]

The task of restoring public credit, of drawing order and arrangement

from the chaotic confusion in which the finances of America were

involved, and of devising means which should render the revenue

productive and commensurate with the demand, in a manner least

burdensome to the people, was justly classed among the most arduous of

the duties which devolved on the new government. In discharging it, much

aid was expected from the head of the treasury. This important, and at

that time, intricate department, was assigned to Colonel Hamilton.

This gentleman was a native of the Island of St. Croix, and at a

very early period of life had been placed by his friends in New York.

Possessing an ardent temper, he caught fire from the concussions of the

moment, and, with all the enthusiasm of youth, engaged first his pen,

and afterwards his sword in the stern contest between the American

Colonies and their parent State. Among the first troops raised by New

York was a corps of artillery, in which he was appointed a captain. Soon

after the war was transferred to the Hudson, his superior endowments

recommended him to the attention of the Commander-in-Chief, into whose

family, before completing his twenty-first year, he was invited to

enter. Equally brave and intelligent, he continued in this situation to

display a degree of firmness and capacity which commanded the confidence

and esteem of his general and of the principal officers in the army.

After the capitulation at Yorktown, the war languished throughout

the American continent and the probability that its termination was

approaching daily increased.

The critical circumstances of the existing government rendered the

events of the civil more interesting than those of the military

department, and Colonel Hamilton accepted a seat in the Congress of

the United States. In all the important acts of the day he performed

a conspicuous part, and was greatly distinguished among those

distinguished men whom the crisis had attracted to the councils of their

country. He had afterwards been active in promoting those measures which

led to the convention at Philadelphia, of which he was a member, and had

greatly contributed to the adoption of the constitution by the State of

New York. In the preeminent part he had performed, both in the military

and civil transactions of his country, he had acquired a great degree of

well-merited fame, and the frankness of his manners, the openness of his

temper, the warmth of his feelings, and the sincerity of his heart, had

secured him many valuable friends.

To talents equally splendid and useful he united a patient industry, not

always the companion of genius, which fitted him, in a peculiar manner,

for subduing the difficulties to be encountered by the man who should be

placed at the head of the American finances. [9]

The Department of War was already filled by General Knox, and he was

again nominated to it.

Throughout the contest of the Revolution this officer had continued

at the head of the American artillery, and from being the colonel of

a regiment, had been promoted to the rank of a major-general. In this

important station he had preserved a high military character, and on the

resignation of General Lincoln had been appointed Secretary of War. To

his past services and to unquestionable? integrity, he was admitted to

unite a sound understanding, and the public judgment, as well as that

of the chief magistrate, pronounced him in all respects competent to the

station he filled.

The office of attorney-general was filled by Edmund Randolph. To a

distinguished reputation in the line of his profession, this gentleman

added a considerable degree of political eminence. After having been,

for several years the attorney-general of Virginia, he had been elected

its Governor. While in this office he was chosen a member of the

convention which framed the constitution, and was also elected to that

which was called by the State for its adoption or rejection. After

having served at the head of the executive the term permitted by the

constitution of the State, he entered into its Legislature, where he

preserved a great share of influence.

Such was the first cabinet council of the President. In its composition,

public opinion as well as intrinsic worth had been consulted, and a high

degree of character had been combined with real talent.

In the selection of persons for high judicial offices, the President was

guided by the same principles. At the head of this department he placed

John Jay.

From the commencement of the Revolution this gentleman had filled a

large space in the public mind. Remaining, without intermission, in

the service of his country, he had passed through a succession of

high offices, and in all of them had merited the approbation of his

fellow-citizens. To his pen, while in Congress, America was indebted

for some of those masterly addresses which reflected most honor upon the

government, and to his firmness and penetration was to be ascribed,

in no inconsiderable degree, the happy issue of those intricate

negotiations which were conducted, toward the close of the war, at

Madrid and at Paris. On returning to the United States he had been

appointed Secretary of Foreign Affairs, in which station he had

conducted himself with his accustomed ability. A sound judgment improved

by extensive reading and great knowledge of public affairs, unyielding

firmness, and inflexible integrity, were qualities of which Mr. Jay had

given frequent and signal proofs. Although for some years withdrawn from

that profession to which he was bred, the acquisitions of his early life

had not been lost, and the subjects on which his mind had been exercised

were not entirely foreign from those which would, in the first instance,

employ the courts in which he was to preside.

John Rutledge of South Carolina, James Wilson of Pennsylvania, William

Gushing of Massachusetts, Robert Harrison of Maryland, and John Blair of

Virginia, were nominated as associate justices. Some of these gentlemen

had filled the highest law offices in their respective States, and all

of them had received distinguished marks of the public confidence.

In the systems which had been adopted by the several States, offices

corresponding to those created by the revenue laws of Congress had been

already established.

Uninfluenced by considerations of personal regard, Washington could

not be induced to change men whom he found in place, if worthy of being

employed, and where the man who had filled such office in the former

state of things was unexceptionable in his conduct and character he

was uniformly reappointed. In deciding between competitors for vacant

offices the law he prescribed for his government was to regard

the fitness of candidates for the duties they would be required to

discharge, and, where an equality in this respect existed, former merits

and sufferings in the public service gave claims to preference which

could not be overlooked.

In the legislative, as well as in the executive and judicial

departments, great respectability of character was also associated with

an eminent degree of talents. The constitutional prohibition to appoint

any member of the Legislature to an office created during the time for

which he had been elected did not exclude men of the most distinguished

abilities from the First Congress. Impelled by an anxious solicitude

respecting the first measures of the government its zealous friends had

pressed into its service, and, in both branches of the Legislature, men

were found who possessed the fairest claims to the public confidence.

From the duties attached to his office the Vice-President of the

United States and President of the Senate, though not a member of the

Legislature, was classed, in the public mind, with that department not

less than with the executive. Elected by the whole people of America in

common with the President he could not fail to be taken from the most

distinguished citizens and to add to the dignity of the body over which

he presided.

John Adams was one of the earliest and most ardent patriots of the

Revolution. Bred to the bar, he had necessarily studied the constitution

of his country and was among the most determined assertors of its

rights. Active in guiding that high spirit which animated all New

England, he became a member of the Congress of 1774 and was among the

first who dared to avow sentiments in favor of independence. In that

body he soon attained considerable eminence, and, at an early stage of

the war, was chosen one of the commissioners to whom the interests of

the United States in Europe were confided. In his diplomatic character

he had contributed greatly to those measures which drew Holland into the

war; had negotiated the treaty between the United States and the Dutch

Republic, and had, at critical points of time, obtained loans of money

which were of great advantage to his country. In the negotiations which

terminated the war he had also rendered important services, and, after

the ratification of the definitive articles of peace, had been deputed

to Great Britain for the purpose of effecting a commercial treaty with

that nation. The political situation of America having rendered this

object unattainable he solicited leave to return, and arrived in the

United States soon after the adoption of the constitution.

As a statesman John Adams had at all times ranked high in the estimation

of his countrymen. He had improved a sound understanding by extensive

political and historical reading, and perhaps no American had reflected

more profoundly on the subject of government. The exalted opinion he

entertained of his own country was flattering to his fellow-citizens,

and the purity of his mind, the unblemished integrity of a life spent in

the public service, had gained him their confidence.

A government, supported in all its departments by so much character

and talent, at the head of which was placed a man whose capacity

was undoubted, whose life had been one great and continued lesson of

disinterested patriotism, and for whom almost every bosom glowed with

an attachment bordering on enthusiasm, could not fail to make a rapid

progress in conciliating the affection of the people. That all hostility

to the constitution should subside, that public measures should receive

universal approbation, that no particular disgusts and individual

irritations should be excited, were expectations which could not

reasonably be indulged. Exaggerated accounts were indeed occasionally

circulated of the pomp and splendor which were affected by certain high

officers of the monarchical tendencies of particular institutions and

of the dispositions which prevailed to increase the powers of the

executive. That the doors of the Senate were closed and that a

disposition had been manifested by that body to distinguish the

President of the United States by a title, gave considerable umbrage,

and were represented as evincing inclinations in that branch of the

Legislature unfriendly to republicanism. The exorbitance of salaries

was also a subject of some declamation, and the equality of commercial

privileges with which foreign bottoms entered American ports, was not

free from objection. But the apprehensions of danger to liberty from the

new system, which had been impressed on the minds of well-meaning men,

were visibly wearing off; the popularity of the administration was

communicating itself to the government, and the materials with which the

discontented were furnished could not yet be efficaciously employed.

Toward the close of the session a report on a petition which had been

presented at an early period by the creditors of the public residing in

the State of Pennsylvania was taken up in the House of Representatives.

Though many considerations rendered a postponement of this interesting

subject necessary two resolutions were passed: the one, "declaring that

the House considered an adequate provision for the support of the

public credit, as a matter of high importance to the national honor and

prosperity," and the other, directing "the Secretary of the Treasury to

prepare a plan for that purpose, and to report the same to the House at

its next meeting."

On the 29th of September (1789) Congress adjourned to the first Monday

in the succeeding January (1790).

Throughout the whole of this laborious and important session perfect

harmony subsisted between the executive and the Legislature, and no

circumstance occurred which threatened to impair it. The modes of

communication between the departments of government were adjusted in

a satisfactory manner, and arrangements were made on some of those

delicate points in which the Senate participate of executive power.

Washington's own views of the proceedings of Congress are expressed in

the following extract from a letter to a friend:

"That Congress does not proceed with all that dispatch which people at

a distance expect, and which, were they to hurry business, they possibly

might, is not to be denied. That measures have been agitated which are

not pleasing to Virginia--and others, pleasing perhaps to her, but

not to some other States--is equally unquestionable. Can it well be

otherwise in a country so extensive, so diversified in its interests?

And will not these different interests naturally produce--in an assembly

of representatives who are to legislate for, and to assimilate and

reconcile them to, the general welfare--long, warm, and animated

debates? Most assuredly they will, and if there was the same propensity

in mankind for investigating the motives as there is for censuring the

conduct of public characters, it would be found that the censure so

freely bestowed is oftentimes unmerited and uncharitable. For instance,

the condemnation of Congress for sitting only four hours in the day. The

fact is, by the established rules of the House of Representatives, no

committee can sit whilst the House is sitting, and that is, and has been

for a considerable time, from 10 o'clock in the forenoon until 3, often

later, in the afternoon, before and after which the business is going on

in committees. If this application is not as much as most constitutions

are equal to, I am mistaken.

"Many other things, which undergo malignant constructions, would be

found, upon a candid examination, to wear a better face than is given to

them. The misfortune is that the enemies to the government, always more

active than its friends and always upon the watch to give it a stroke,

neglect no opportunity to aim one. If they tell truth it is not the

whole truth, by which means one side only of the picture is exhibited,

whereas, if both sides were seen it might, and probably would, assume a

different form in the opinion of just and candid men, who are disposed

to measure matters by a continental scale.

"I do not mean, however, from what I have here said, to justify the

conduct of Congress in all its movements, for some of these movements,

in my opinion, have been injudicious, and others unreasonable; whilst

the questions of assumption, residence, and other matters, have been

agitated with a warmth and intemperance, with prolixity and threats,

which, it is to be feared, have lessened the dignity of that body and

decreased that respect which was once entertained for it. And this

misfortune is increased by many members, even among those who wish well

to the government, ascribing, in letters to their respective States,

when they are defeated in a favorite measure, the worst motives for the

conduct of their opponents, who, viewing matters through another medium,

may and do retort in their turn, by which means jealousies and distrusts

are spread most impolitically far and wide, and will, it is to be

feared, have a most unhappy tendency to injure our public affairs,

which, if wisely managed, might make us, as we are now by Europeans

thought to be, the happiest people upon earth."

Anxious to visit New England to observe in person the condition of the

country and the dispositions of the people toward the government and

its measures, the President was disposed to avail himself of the short

respite from official cares afforded by the recess of Congress, to make

a tour through the eastern States.

His resolution being taken and the executive business which required his

immediate personal attendance being dispatched, he commenced his tour

on the 15th of October (1789), and, passing through Connecticut and

Massachusetts, as far as Portsmouth in New Hampshire, returned by a

different route to New York, where he arrived on the 13th of November.

With this visit the President had much reason to be satisfied. To

contemplate the theater on which many interesting military scenes had

been exhibited, and to review the ground on which his first campaign as

Commander-in-Chief of the American army had been made, were sources of

rational delight. To observe the progress of society, the improvements

in agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, and the temper,

circumstances, and dispositions of the people, could not fail to be

grateful to an intelligent mind, and an employment in all respects

worthy of the chief magistrate of the nation. The reappearance of their

general in the high station he now filled brought back to recollection

the perilous transactions of the war, and the reception universally

given to him attested the unabated love which was felt for his person

and character, and indicated unequivocally the growing popularity, at

least in that part of the Union, of the government he administered.

The sincerity and warmth with which he reciprocated the affection

expressed for his person in the addresses presented to him was well

calculated to preserve the sentiments which were generally diffused. "I

rejoice with you, my fellow-citizens," said he in answer to an address

from the inhabitants of Boston, "in every circumstance that declares

your prosperity, and I do so most cordially, because you have well

deserved to be happy.

"Your love of liberty, your respect for the law, your habits of

industry, and your practice of the moral and religious obligations,

are the strongest claims to national and individual happiness; and they

will, I trust, be firmly and lastingly established."

But the interchange of sentiments with the companions of his military

toils and glory will excite most interest, because on both sides the

expressions were dictated by the purest and most delicious feelings of

the human heart.

From the Cincinnati of Massachusetts he received the following address:

"Amidst the various gratulations which your arrival in this metropolis

has occasioned, permit us, the members of the Society of the Cincinnati

in this commonwealth, most respectfully to assure you of the ardor of

esteem and affection you have so indelibly fixed in our hearts, as our

glorious leader in war and illustrious example in peace.

"After the solemn and endearing farewell on the banks of the Hudson,

which our anxiety presaged as final, most peculiarly pleasing is

the present unexpected meeting. On this occasion we cannot avoid the

recollection of the various scenes of toil and danger through which you

conducted us, and while we contemplate various trying periods of the

war, and the triumphs of peace, we rejoice to behold you, induced by the

unanimous voice of your country, en-terming upon other trials and

other services alike important, and, in some points of view, equally

hazardous. For the completion of the great purposes which a grateful

country has assigned you, long, very long, may your invaluable life

be preserved. And as the admiring world, while considering you as a

soldier, have long wanted a comparison, may your virtue and talents as a

statesman leave them without a parallel.

"It is not in words to express an attachment founded like ours. We can

only say that, when soldiers, our greatest pride was a promptitude

of obedience to your orders; as citizens, our supreme ambition is

to maintain the character of firm supporters of that noble fabric of

Federal government over which you preside.

"As members of the Society of the Cincinnati it will be our endeavor

to cherish those sacred principles of charity and fraternal attachment

which our institution inculcates. And while our conduct is thus

regulated, we can never want the patronage of the first of patriots and

the best of men."

To this address the following answer was returned:

"In reciprocating with gratitude and sincerity the multiplied and

affecting gratulations of my fellow-citizens of this commonwealth, they

will all of them with justice allow me to say, that none can be dearer

to me than the affectionate assurances which you have expressed. Dear,

indeed, is the occasion which restores an intercourse with my faithful

associates in prosperous and adverse fortune; and enhanced are the

triumphs of peace, participated with those whose virtue and valor so

largely contributed to procure them. To that virtue and valor your

country has confessed her obligations. Be mine the grateful task to add

the testimony of a connection which it was my pride to own in the field,

and is now my happiness to acknowledge in the enjoyments of peace and

freedom.

"Regulating your conduct by those principles which have heretofore

governed your actions as men, soldiers, and citizens, you will repeat

the obligations conferred on your country, and you will transmit to

posterity an example that must command their admiration and grateful

praise. Long may you continue to enjoy the endearments of fraternal

attachments and the heartfelt happiness of reflecting that you have

faithfully done your duty.

"While I am permitted to possess the consciousness of this worth, which

has long bound me to you by every tie of affection and esteem, I will

continue to be your sincere and faithful friend."

After Washington's return to New York from his tour to the north

and east, Mrs. Washington expressed, in the following letter, the

gratification and benefit he had derived from his journey. It also

presents a delightful view of her feelings and character:

"NEW YORK, _December_ 26th, 1789.

"MY DEAR MADAM:--Your very friendly letter, of the 27th of last month,

has afforded me much more satisfaction than all the formal compliments

and empty ceremonies of mere etiquette could possibly have done. I am

not apt to forget the feelings that have been inspired by my former

society with good acquaintances, nor to be insensible to their

expressions of gratitude to the President of the United States; for you

know me well enough to do me the justice to believe that I am only fond

of what comes from the heart. Under a conviction that the demonstrations

of respect and affection which have been made to the President originate

from that source, I cannot deny that I have taken some interest and

pleasure in them. The difficulties which presented themselves to view

upon his first entering upon the Presidency, seem thus to be, in some

measure, surmounted. It is owing to this kindness of our numerous

friends, in all quarters, that my new and unwished-for situation is not

indeed a burden to me. When I was much younger, I should probably have

enjoyed the innocent gayeties of life as much as most of my age. But I

had long since placed all the prospects of my future worldly happiness

in the still enjoyments of the fireside at Mount Vernon.

"I little thought, when the war was finished, that any circumstances

could possibly have happened which would call the General into public

life again. I had anticipated that, from that moment, we should have

been left to grow old, in solitude and tranquility, together. That was,

my dear madam, the first and dearest wish of my heart; but in that I

have been disappointed. I will not, however, contemplate with too

much regret disappointments that were inevitable. Though the General's

feelings and my own were perfectly in unison with respect to our

predilection for private life, yet I cannot blame him for having acted

according to his ideas of duty in obeying the voice of his country. The

consciousness of having attempted to do all the good in his power, and

the pleasure of finding his fellow-citizens so well satisfied with the

disinterestedness of his conduct, will doubtless be some compensation

for the great sacrifices which I know he has made. Indeed, in his

journey from Mount Vernon to this place, in his late tour through the

eastern States, by every public and by every private information which

has come to him, I am persuaded that he has experienced nothing to make

him repent his having acted from what he conceived to be, alone, a sense

of indispensable duty. On the contrary, all his sensibility has been

awakened in receiving such repeated and unequivocal proofs of sincere

regards from all his countrymen.

"With respect to myself, I sometimes think the arrangement is not quite

as it ought to have been; that I, who had much rather be at home, should

occupy a place with which a great many younger and gayer women would be

prodigiously pleased. As my grandchildren and domestic connections make

up a great portion of the felicity which I looked for in this world, I

shall hardly be able to find any substitute that would indemnify me for

the loss of a part of such endearing society. I do not say this because

I feel dissatisfied with my present station. No, God forbid! For

everybody and everything conspire to make me as contented as possible

in it; yet I have seen too much of the vanity of human affairs to expect

felicity from the splendid scenes of public life. I am still determined

to be cheerful and to be happy in whatever situation I may be; for I

have also learnt from experience that the greater part of our happiness

or misery depends upon our dispositions, and not upon our circumstances.

We carry the seeds of the one or the other about with us, in our minds,

where-so-ever we go. I have two of my grandchildren with me, who enjoy

advantages in point of education, and who, I trust, by the goodness of

Providence, will continue to be a great blessing to me. My other two

grandchildren are with their mother, in Virginia.

"The President's health is quite re-established by his late journey.

Mine is much better than it used to be. I am sorry to hear that General

Warren has been ill; hope, before this time, that he may be entirely

recovered. We should rejoice to see you both. To both, I wish the best

of Heaven's blessings; and am, my dear madam, with esteem and regard,

your friend and humble servant,

"M. WASHINGTON."

Soon after his return to New York, after his visit to the eastern

States, the President was informed of the ill success which had attended

his first attempt to negotiate a peace with the Creek Indians. General

Lincoln, Mr. Griffin, and Colonel Humphreys had been deputed on this

mission, and had met M'Gillivray with several other chiefs, and about

2,000 men, at Rock Landing, on the Oconee, on the frontiers of Georgia.

The treaty commenced with favorable appearances, but was soon abruptly

broken off by M'Gillivray. Some difficulties arose on the subject of a

boundary, but the principal obstacles to a peace were supposed to grow

out of his personal interests, and his connections with Spain.

This intelligence was more than counterbalanced by the accession

of North Carolina to the Union. In the month of November a second

convention had assembled under the authority of the Legislature of that

State, and the constitution was adopted by a great majority.

We embrace the occasion afforded by the interval between the two

sessions of Congress to insert some further notices of Washington's mode

of life in New York, as well as of his personal appearance.

The manner of living observed by President Washington has been described

in the following speech, delivered by Mr. Stuyvesant, the president of

the New York Historical society, at the dinner on the occasion of the

jubilee celebration, in the city of New York, April 30, 1839.

"It cannot be expected, at this time and place, that any allusion should

be made to the public character of Washington; we are all in possession

of his history, from the dawn of life to the day that Mount Vernon

was wrapped in sable; and, after the exercises of this morning, if any

attempt to portray his political or military life were made, it would

only be the glimmering light of a feeble star succeeding the rays of a

meridian sun.

"But the occasion affords an opportunity of congratulating the small

number of gentlemen present, who enjoyed the privilege of participating

in the ceremonies of the 30th of April, 1789; they will recall to their

memories the spontaneous effusions of joy that pervaded the breasts

of the people who on that occasion witnessed the organization of

a constitutional government, formed by intelligent freemen, and

consummated by placing at its head the man in whom their affections were

concentrated as the father of their country.

"Washington's residence in this city, after his inauguration, was

limited to about two years. His deportment in life was not plain, nor

was it at all pompous, for no man was more devoid of ostentation than

himself, his style, however, gave universal satisfaction to all classes

in the community, and, his historian has informed us, was not adopted

for personal gratification, but from a devotion to his country's

welfare. Possessing a desirable stature, an erect frame, and,

superadded, a lofty and sublime countenance, he never appeared in public

without arresting the reverence and admiration of the beholder; and

the stranger who had never before seen him, was at the first impression

convinced it was the President who delighted him.

"He seldom walked in the street; his public recreation was in riding.

When accompanied by Mrs. Washington, he rode in a carriage drawn by

six horses, with two outriders who wore rich livery, cocked hats, with

cockades and powder. When he rode on horseback he was joined by one or

more of the gentlemen of his family and attended by his outriders.

He always attended Divine service on Sundays. His carriage on those

occasions contained Mrs. Washington and himself, with one or both

of their grandchildren and was drawn by two horses, with two footmen

behind; it was succeeded by a post-chaise, accommodating two gentlemen

of his household. On his arrival in the city the only residence that

could be procured was a house in Cherry street, long known as the

mansion of the Franklin family, but in a short time afterwards he

removed to and occupied the house in Broadway, now Bunker's hotel.

"Washington held a levee once a week, and, from what is now recollected,

they were generally well attended, but confined to men in public life

and gentlemen of leisure, for at that day it would have been thought

a breach of decorum to visit the President of the United States in

dishabille.

"The arrival of Washington, in 1789, to assume the reins of government,

was not his first entry into this city, accompanied with honor to

himself and glory to this country. This was on the 24th of November,

1783, and here again, I must observe, the number present who witnessed

the ceremonies of that day, must, indeed, be very limited; on that day

he made his triumphal entry, not to sway the sceptre, but to lay down

his sword, not for personal aggrandizement, but to secure the happiness

of his countrymen. He early in the morning left Harlem and entered the

city through what is now called the Bowery; he was escorted by cavalry

and infantry and a large concourse of citizens, on horseback and on

foot, in plain dress. The latter must have been an interesting sight to

those of mature age who were capable of comprehending their merit. In

their ranks were seen men with patched elbows, odd buttons on their

coats and unmatched buckles in their shoes; they were not, indeed,

Falstaff's company of scarecrows, but the most respectable citizens who

had been in exile, and endured privations we know not of, for seven long

and tedious years."

On that occasion, and on his arrival in 1789, Washington was received,

as is well known, by the elder Clinton, who was at both periods Governor

of the State.

In the following extract, from a reliable source, we have a fine

description of the effect produced by Washington's personal appearance

and manners on the mind of a highly intelligent observer:

"The beautiful effusion which the reader will find below is the

production of the chaste and classic mind of the late venerable and

distinguished senator from Rhode Island, Mr. Robbins, and was occasioned

by the following circumstances. During the session of 1837-8, Mr.

Webster entertained a large party of friends at dinner, among them

the venerable senator we have named. The evening passed off with much

hilarity, enlivened with wit and sentiment, but, during the greater part

of the time, Mr. Robbins maintained that grave but placid silence which

was his habit. While thus apparently abstracted, someone suddenly called

on him for a toast, which call was seconded by the company. He rose, and

in his surprise asked if they were serious in making such a demand of

so old a man, and being assured that they were, he said, if they would

suspend their hilarity for a few moments, he would give them a toast

and preface it with a few observations. Having thus secured a breathless

stillness, he went on to remark, that they were then on the verge of the

22d of February, the anniversary of the birth of the great patriot and

statesman of our country, whom all delighted to remember and to honor,

and he hoped he might be allowed the privilege of an aged man to recur,

for a few moments, to past events connected with his character

and history. He then proceeded and delivered in the most happy and

impressive manner the beautiful speech which now graces our columns. The

whole company were electrified by his patriotic enthusiasm, and one of

the guests, before they separated, begged that he would take the trouble

to put on paper what he had so happily expressed and furnish a copy for

publication. Mr. Robbins obligingly complied with this request on the

following day, but by some accident the manuscript got mislaid and

eluded all search for it until a few days ago, when it was unexpectedly

recovered, and is now presented to our readers.

"'On the near approach of that calendar-day which gave birth to

Washington, I feel rekindling within me some of those emotions always

connected with the recollection of that hallowed name. Permit me to

indulge them, on this occasion, for a moment, in a few remarks, as

preliminary to a sentiment which I shall beg leave to propose.

"'I consider it as one of the consolations of my age, that I am old

enough and fortunate enough to have seen that wonderful man. This

happiness is still common to so many yet among the living, that less

is thought of it now than will be in after-times; but it is no less a

happiness to me on that account.

"'While a boy at school, I saw him for the first time; it was when

he was passing through New England, to take command in chief of the

American armies at Cambridge. Never shall I forget the impression his

imposing presence then made upon my young imagination, so superior did

he seem to me to all that I had seen or imagined of the human form for

striking effect. I remember with what delight, in my after studies, I

came to the line in Virgil that expressed all the enthusiasm of my own

feelings, as inspired by that presence, and which I could not often

enough repeat:

"'I saw him again at his interview with Rochambeau, when they met to

settle the plan of combined operations between the French fleet and the

American armies against the British on the Chesapeake, and then I saw

the immense crowd drawn together from all the neighboring towns, to get,

if possible, one look at the man who had throned himself in every heart.

Not one of that immense crowd doubted the final triumph of his country

in her arduous conflict, for everyone saw, or thought he saw, in

Washington, her guardian angel, commissioned by Heaven to insure her

that triumph. 'Nil desperandum' was the motto with everyone.

"'In after-life, when the judgment corrects the extravagance of early

impressions, I saw him on several occasions, but saw nothing to admonish

me of any extravagance in my early impressions. "Credo equidem, nee vana

fides, genus esse Deorum." [10]

"'"Nil desperandum, Teucro duce, et auspice Teucro." [11] The impression

was still the same; I had the same overpowering sense of standing in the

presence of some superior being.

"'It is indeed remarkable, and I believe unique, in the history of men,

that Washington made the same impression upon all minds, at all places,

and at once. When his fame first broke upon the world, it spread at

once over the whole world. By the consent of mankind, by the universal

sentiment, he was placed at the head of the human species; above all

envy, because above all emulation; for no one then pretended, or has

pretended to be--at least who has been allowed to be--the co-rival of

Washington in fame.

"'When the great Frederick of Prussia sent his portrait to Washington,

with this inscription upon it--"From the oldest general in Europe to the

greatest general in the world," he did but echo the sentiment of all the

chivalry of Europe. Nor was the sentiment confined to Europe, nor to the

bounds of civilization; for the Arab of the desert talked of Washington

in his tent; his name wandered with the wandering Scythian, and was

cherished by him as a household word in all his migrations. No clime was

so barbarous as to be a stranger to the name, but everywhere, and by

all men, that name was placed at the same point of elevation, and above

compare. As it was in the beginning, so it is now; of the future we

cannot speak with certainty. Some future age, in the endless revolutions

of time, may produce another Washington, but the greater probability

is, that he is destined to remain forever, as he now is, the Phoenix of

human kind.

"'What a possession to his country is such a fame! Such a "Clarum et

venerabile nomen gentibus?" [12]

"'To all his countrymen it gives, and forever will give, a passport to

respect wherever they go, to whatever part of the globe, for his country

is in every other identified with that fame.

"'What, then, is incumbent upon us, his countrymen? Why, to be such a

people as shall be worthy of such a fame--a people of whom it shall be

said, "No wonder such a people have produced such a man as Washington."

I give you, therefore, this sentiment:

"'The memory of Washington: May his countrymen prove themselves a people

worthy of his fame.'"

1. Footnote: Memoir of Martha Washington in Longacre's Gallery.

2. Footnote: Mrs. Ellet, "Women of the Revolution"

3. Footnote: One of the first topics of debate in Congress was the

title by which the President should be addressed. Such title as "His

Highness," "His Mightiness," etc., having been discussed, it was finally

and very properly determined that the title of "President of the United

States" should be used; and it was accordingly used in the answers to

the inaugural address. No title could be more dignified.

4. Footnote: Marshall

5. Footnote: Pitkin.

6. Footnote: Tucker's "Life of Jefferson."

7. Footnote: "Essay on the Character and Influence of Washington."

8. Footnote: "Washington's Writings," vols. IX, X.

9. Footnote: Marshall.

10. Footnote: I verily believe, nor is my confidence unfounded, that he

is of Divine descent.

11. Footnote: Let us never despair, with Teucer to lead us, and under

Teucer's auspices.

12. Footnote: A name, illustrious and venerable among the nations!

CHAPTER III.

THE PUBLIC CREDIT ESTABLISHED. 1789-1790.

During the recess of Congress Washington generally visited Mount Vernon,

but, after the rising of the first Congress under the constitution, his

visit to New England consumed so much time that he remained in New York

till Congress reassembled. His eastern tour commenced on the 15th of

October, as we have already seen, and ended on the 13th of November.

As Congress was to meet on the 1st of January, 1790, he had no time to

visit Mount Vernon. During the short time which elapsed before that

day he was very earnestly engaged in the duties of his office and in

correspondence with public men on political affairs. One of his letters,

addressed to the Emperor of Morocco, is curious, as showing the tact

with which he accommodated his style to the comprehension of the

oriental sovereign. It was written in consequence of an intimation from

Mr. Chiappe, the American agent at Mogadore, that the emperor was not

well pleased at receiving no acknowledgment from the government in

respect to the treaty with Morocco of the 28th of June, 1786, his

subsequent faithful observance of the same, as well as his good offices

in favor of the Americans with the bashaws of Tunis and Tripoli. The

letter is as follows:

"GREAT AND MAGNANIMOUS FRIEND:

"Since the date of the last letter which the late Congress by their

President addressed to your Imperial Majesty, the United States of

America have thought proper to change their government and to institute

a new one, agreeably to the constitution, of which I have the honor of

herewith enclosing a copy. The time necessarily employed in the arduous

task and the derangements occasioned by so great, though peaceable, a

revolution, will apologize and account for your Majesty's not having

received those regular advices and marks of attention from the United

States, which the friendship and magnanimity of your conduct toward them

afforded reason to expect.

"The United States having unanimously appointed me to the supreme

executive authority in this nation, your Majesty's letter of the 17th

of August, 1788, which, by reason of the dissolution of the late

government, remained unanswered, has been delivered to me. I have also

received the letters which your Imperial Majesty has been so kind as

to write, in favor of the United States, to the bashaws of Tunis and

Tripoli, and I present to you the sincere acknowledgments and thanks of

the United States for this important mark of your friendship for them.

"We greatly regret that the hostile disposition of those regencies

toward this nation, who have never injured them, is not to be removed on

terms in our power to comply with. Within our territories there are no

mines either of gold or silver, and this young nation, just recovering

from the waste and desolation of a long war, has not as yet had time to

acquire riches by agriculture and commerce. But our soil is bountiful

and our people industrious, and we have reason to flatter ourselves that

we shall gradually become useful to our friends.

"The encouragement which your Majesty has been pleased generously to

give to our commerce with your dominions, the punctuality with which you

have caused the treaty with us to be observed, and the just and generous

measures taken in the case of Captain Proctor, make a deep impression

on the United States, and confirm their respect for, and attachment to,

your Imperial Majesty.

"It gives me pleasure to have this opportunity of assuring your Majesty

that, while I remain at the head of this nation, I shall not cease to

promote every measure that may conduce to the friendship and harmony

which so happily subsist between your empire and them, and shall esteem

myself happy on every occasion of convincing your Majesty of the

high sense which, in common with the whole nation, I entertain of the

magnanimity, wisdom, and benevolence of your Majesty. In the course of

the approaching winter the national Legislature, which is called by

the former name of Congress, will assemble, and I shall take care that

nothing be omitted that may be necessary to cause the correspondence

between our countries to be maintained and conducted in a manner

agreeable to your Majesty and satisfactory to all parties concerned in

it.

"May the Almighty bless your Imperial Majesty--our great and magnanimous

friend--with his constant guidance and protection.

"Written at the city of New York, the 1st day of December, 1789."

* * * * *

In December, 1789, Washington was requested by Mr. Joseph Willard, the

president of Harvard University, to sit to Mr. Savage for his portrait,

to be placed in the philosophy chamber of the university. Washington

promptly replied to the letter of the president, and the portrait was

painted by Mr. Savage, and deposited in the university.

On the 8th of January, 1790, the President met both houses of Congress

in the Senate chamber. In his speech, which was delivered from the chair

of the Vice-President, after congratulating Congress on the accession of

the important State of North Carolina to the Union and on the prosperous

aspect of American affairs, he proceeded to recommend certain great

objects of legislation to their more especial consideration.

"Among the many interesting objects," continued the speech, "which will

engage your attention, that of providing for the common defense will

merit your particular regard. To be prepared for war is one of the most

effectual means of preserving peace.

"A free people ought not only to be armed but disciplined, to which

end a uniform and well-digested plan is requisite, and their safety and

interest require that they should promote such manufactories as tend

to render them independent on others for essential, particularly for

military, supplies."

As connected with this subject a proper establishment for the troops

which they might deem indispensable, was suggested for their mature

deliberation, and the indications of a hostile temper given by several

tribes of Indians, were considered as admonishing them of the necessity

of being prepared to afford protection to the frontiers and to punish

aggression.

The interests of the United States were declared to require that the

means of keeping up their intercourse with foreign nations should

be provided, and the expediency of establishing a uniform rule of

naturalization was suggested.

After expressing his confidence in their attention to many improvements

essential to the prosperity of the interior, the President added: "Nor

am I less persuaded that you will agree with me in opinion that there

is nothing which can better deserve your patronage than the promotion of

science and literature. Knowledge is in every country the surest basis

of public happiness. In one, in which the measures of government receive

their impression so immediately from the sense of the community as

in ours, it is proportionally essential. To the security of a free

constitution it contributes in various ways, by convincing those who

are entrusted with the public administration that every valuable end of

government is best answered by the enlightened confidence of the people,

and by teaching the people themselves to know and to value their own

rights; to discern and provide against invasions of them; to

distinguish between oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful

authority--between burdens proceeding from a disregard to their

convenience, and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies

of society; to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of

licentiousness, cherishing the first, avoiding the last, and uniting a

speedy but temperate vigilance against encroachments, with an inviolable

respect to the laws.

"Whether this desirable object will be best promoted by affording aids

to seminaries of learning already established by the institution of a

national university or by any other expedients, will be well worthy of a

place in the deliberations of the Legislature."

Addressing himself then particularly to the representatives, he said:

"I saw with peculiar pleasure, at the close of the last session, the

resolution entered into by you, expressive of your opinion that an

adequate provision for the support of the public credit is a matter of

high importance to the national honor and prosperity. In this sentiment

I entirely concur, and to a perfect confidence in your best endeavors to

devise such a provision as will be truly consistent with the end, I add

an equal reliance on the cheerful cooperation of the other branch of the

Legislature. It would be superfluous to specify inducements to a measure

in which the character and permanent interests of the United States are

so obviously and so deeply concerned, and which has received so explicit

a sanction from your declaration."

Addressing himself again to both houses he observed that the estimates

and papers respecting the objects particularly recommended to their

attention would be laid before them, and concluded with saying: "The

welfare of our country is the great object to which our cares and

efforts ought to be directed, and I shall derive great satisfaction from

a cooperation with you in the pleasing though arduous task of insuring

to our fellow-citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect

from a free, efficient, and equal government."

The answers of both houses were indicative of the harmony which

subsisted between the executive and legislative departments.

Congress had been so occupied during its first session with those bills

which were necessary to bring the new system into full operation and to

create an immediate revenue, that some measures which possessed

great and pressing claims to immediate attention had been unavoidably

deferred. The neglect under which the creditors of the public had

been permitted to languish could not fail to cast an imputation on the

American republic, and had been sincerely lamented by the wisest among

those who administered the former government. The power to comply

substantially with the engagements of the United States being at length

conferred on those who were bound by them, it was confidently expected

by the friends of the constitution that their country would retrieve

its reputation, and that its fame would no longer be tarnished with the

blots which stain a faithless people.

On the 9th of January (1790), a letter from Mr. Hamilton, the Secretary

of the Treasury, to the Speaker of the House of Representatives, was

read, stating that, in obedience to the resolution of the 21st of

September (1789), he had prepared a plan for the support of public

credit, which he was ready to report when the House should be pleased to

receive it, and, after a short debate in which the personal attendance

of the secretary, for the purpose of making explanations, was urged by

some and opposed by others, it was resolved that the report should be

received in writing on the succeeding Thursday.

Availing himself of the latitude afforded by the terms of the resolution

under which he acted, the secretary had introduced into his report

an able and comprehensive argument elucidating and supporting

the principles it contained. After displaying, with strength and

perspicuity, the justice and the policy of an adequate provision for the

public debt, he proceeded to discuss the principles on which it should

be made.

"It was agreed," he said, "by all, that the foreign debt should be

provided for according to the precise terms of the contract. It was to

be regretted that, with respect to the domestic debt, the same unanimity

of sentiment did not prevail."

The first point on which the public appeared to be divided, involved

the question, "whether a discrimination ought not to be made between

original holders of the public securities and present possessors by

purchase." After reviewing the arguments generally urged in its support,

the secretary declared himself against this discrimination. He deemed

it "equally unjust and impolitic, highly injurious even to the original

holders of public securities, and ruinous to public credit." To the

arguments with which he enforced these opinions, he added the authority

of the government of the Union. From the circular address of Congress to

the States of the 26th of April, 1783, accompanying their revenue

system of the 18th of the same month, passages were selected indicating,

unequivocally, that in the view of that body the original creditors, and

those who had become so by assignment, had equal claims upon the nation.

After reasoning at great length against a discrimination between the

different creditors of the Union, the secretary proceeded to examine

whether a difference ought to be permitted to remain between them and

the creditors of individual States.

Both descriptions of debt were contracted for the same objects and were

in the main the same. Indeed, a great part of the particular debts of

the States had arisen from assumptions by them on account of the Union,

and it was most equitable that there should be the same measure of

retribution for all. There were many reasons, some of which were stated,

for believing this would not be the case, unless the State debts should

be assumed by the nation.

In addition to the injustice of favoring one class of creditors more

than another which was equally meritorious, many arguments were urged in

support of the policy of distributing to all with an equal hand from the

same source.

After an elaborate discussion of these and some other points connected

with the subject, the secretary proposed that a loan should be opened to

the full amount of the debt, as well of the particular States as of the

Union.

The terms to be offered were--

First. That for every $100 subscribed payable in the debt, as well

interest as principal, the subscriber should be entitled to have

two-thirds funded on a yearly interest of six per cent, (the capital

redeemable at the pleasure of government by the payment of the

principal), and to receive the other third in lands of the western

territory at their then actual value. Or,

Secondly. To have the whole sum funded at a yearly interest of four per

cent., irredeemable by any payment exceeding five dollars per annum both

on account of principal and interest, and to receive as a compensation

for the reduction of interest, fifteen dollars and eighty cents, payable

in lands as in the preceding case. Or,

Thirdly. To have sixty-six and two-thirds of a dollar funded at a yearly

interest of six per cent., irredeemable also by any payment exceeding

four dollars and two-thirds of a dollar per annum on account both of

principal and interest, and to have at the end of ten years twenty-six

dollars and eighty-eight cents funded at the like interest and rate of

redemption.

In addition to these propositions, the creditors were to have an option

of vesting their money in annuities on different plans, and it was

also recommended to open a loan at five per cent, for ten millions of

dollars, payable one-half in specie and the other half in the debt,

irredeemable by any payment exceeding six dollars per annum both of

principal and interest.

By way of experiment, a tontine, on principles stated in the report, was

also suggested.

The secretary was restrained from proposing to fund the whole debt

immediately at the current rate of interest, by the opinion, "that

although such a provision might not exceed the abilities of the country,

it would require the extension of taxation to a degree and to objects

which the true interests of the creditors themselves would forbid. It

was therefore to be hoped and expected that they would cheerfully concur

in such modifications of their claims, on fair and equitable principles

as would facilitate to the government an arrangement substantial,

durable, and satisfactory to the community. Exigencies might ere long

arise which would call for resources greatly beyond what was now deemed

sufficient for the current service, and should the faculties of the

country be exhausted or even strained to provide for the public debt,

there could be less reliance on the sacredness of the provision.

"But while he yielded to the force of these considerations, he did not

lose sight of those fundamental principles of good faith which dictate

that every practicable exertion ought to be made, scrupulously to

fulfill the engagements of government; that no change in the rights of

its creditors ought to be attempted without their voluntary consent,

and that this consent ought to be voluntary in fact, as well as in name.

Consequently, that every proposal of a change ought to be in the

shape of an appeal to their reason and to their interest, not to their

necessities. To this end, it was requisite that a fair equivalent should

be offered for what might be asked to be given up and unquestionable

security for the remainder." This fair equivalent for the proposed

reduction of interest was, he thought, offered in the relinquishment of

the power to redeem the whole debt at pleasure.

That a free judgment might be exercised by the holders of public

securities in accepting or rejecting the terms offered by the

government, provision was made in the report for paying to

nonsubscribing creditors a dividend of the surplus which should remain

in the treasury after paying the interest of the proposed loans; but,

as the funds immediately to be provided were calculated to produce only

four per cent. on the entire debt, the dividend, for the present, was

not to exceed that rate of interest.

To enable the treasury to support this increased demand upon it, an

augmentation of the duties on imported wines, spirits, tea, and coffee

was proposed and a duty on homemade spirits was also recommended.

This celebrated report, which has been alike the fruitful theme of

extravagant praise and bitter censure, merits the more attention,

because the first regular and systematic opposition to the principles

on which the affairs of the Union were administered, originated in the

measures which were founded on it.

On the 28th of January (1790), says Marshall, this subject was taken up,

and, after some animadversions on the speculations in the public debt to

which the report, it was said, had already given birth, the business was

postponed until the 8th of February, when it was again brought forward.

Several resolutions affirmative of the principles contained in the

report, were moved by Mr. Fitzsimmons. To the first, which respected a

provision for the foreign debt, the House agreed without a dissenting

voice. The second, in favor of appropriating permanent funds for payment

of the interest on the domestic debt and for the gradual redemption of

the principal, gave rise to a very animated debate. [1]

Mr. Jackson declared his hostility to funding systems generally. To

prove their pernicious influence, he appealed to the histories of

Florence, Genoa, and Great Britain, and contending that the subject

ought to be deferred until North Carolina should be represented, moved

that the committee should rise. This question being decided in the

negative, Mr. Scott declared the opinion that the United States were

not bound to pay the domestic creditors the sums specified in the

certificates of debts in their possession. He supported this opinion by

urging, not that the public had received less value than was expressed

on the face of the paper which had been issued, but that those to whom

it had been delivered by parting with it at two shillings and sixpence

in the pound, had themselves fixed the value of their claims, and had

manifested their willingness to add to their other sacrifices this

deduction from their demand upon the nation. He therefore moved to amend

the resolution before the committee so as to require a resettlement of

the debt.

The amendment was opposed by Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Ames, Mr.

Sherman, Mr. Hartley, and Mr. Goodhue. They stated at large the terms on

which the debt had been contracted, and urged the confidence which

the creditors had a right to place in the government for its discharge

according to settlements already made, and acknowledgments already

given. The idea that the legislative body could diminish an ascertained

debt was reprobated with great force, as being at the same time unjust,

impolitic, and subversive of every principle on which public contracts

are founded. The evidences of debt possessed by the creditors of the

United States were considered as public bonds, for the redemption of

which the property and the labor of the people were pledged.

After the debate had been protracted to some length, the question was

taken on Mr. Scott's amendment, and it passed in the negative.

Mr. Madison then rose, and, in an eloquent speech, replete with

argument, proposed an amendment to the resolution, the effect of which

was to discriminate between the public creditors, so as to pay the

present holder of assignable paper the highest price it had borne in

the market, and give the residue to the person with whom the debt was

originally contracted. Where the original creditor had never parted with

his claim, he was to receive the whole sum acknowledged to be due on the

face of the certificate.

This motion was supported by Mr. Jackson, Mr. White, Mr. Moore, Mr.

Page, Mr. Stone, Mr. Scott, and Mr. Seney.

It was opposed with great earnestness and strength of argument by Mr.

Sedgewic, Mr. Lawrence, Mr. Smith, of South Carolina, Mr. Ames, Mr.

Gerry, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Wadsworth, Mr. Goodhue, Mr. Hartley, Mr. Bland,

Mr. Benson, Mr. Burke, and Mr. Livermore.

The argument was ably supported on both sides, was long, animated,

and interesting. At length the question was put and the amendment was

rejected by a great majority.

This discussion deeply engaged the public attention. The proposition was

new and interesting. That the debt ought to be diminished for the public

advantage, was an opinion which had frequently been advanced, and was

maintained by many. But a reduction from the claims of its present

holders for the benefit of those who had sold their rights, was a

measure which saved nothing to the public purse, and was therefore

recommended only by considerations, the operation of which can never be

very extensive. Against it were arrayed all who had made purchases, and

a great majority of those who conceived that sound policy and honest

dealing require a literal observance of public contracts.

Although the decision of Congress against a discrimination in favor

of the original creditor produced no considerable sensation, the

determination on that part of the secretary's report which was the

succeeding subject of deliberation, affecting political interests

and powers which are never to be approached without danger, seemed

to unchain all those fierce passions which a high respect for the

government, and for those who administered it, had in a great measure

restrained.

The manner in which the several States entered into and conducted

the war of the Revolution, is well known. Acting in some respects

separately, and in others conjointly, for the attainment of a common

object, their resources were exerted, sometimes under the authority

of Congress, sometimes under the authority of the local government, to

repel the enemy wherever he appeared. The debt incurred in support of

the war was, therefore, in the first instance, contracted partly by

Congress and partly by the States. When the system of requisitions was

adopted, the transactions of the Union were carried on almost entirely

through the agency of the States, and, when the measure of compensating

the army for the depreciation of their pay became necessary, this

burden, under the recommendation of Congress, was assumed by the

respective States. Some had funded this debt, and paid the interest upon

it. Others had made no provision for the interest; but all, by taxes,

paper money, or purchase, had in some measure reduced the principal. In

their exertions some degree of inequality had obtained, and they looked

anxiously to a settlement of accounts, for the ascertainment of claims

which each supposed itself to have upon the Union. Measures to effect

this object had been taken by the former government, but they were slow

in their progress, and intrinsic difficulties were found in the thing

itself, not easily to be overcome.

Hamilton proposed to assume these debts and to fund them in common with

that which continued to be the proper debt of the Union.

The resolution which comprehended this principle of the report was

vigorously opposed.

It was contended that the general government would acquire an undue

influence, and that the State governments would be annihilated by the

measure. Not only would all the influence of the public creditors be

thrown into the scale of the former, but it would absorb all the powers

of taxation, and leave to the latter only the shadow of a government.

This would probably terminate in rendering the State governments

useless, and would destroy the system so recently established. The

Union, it was said, had been compared to a rope of sand, but gentlemen

were cautioned not to push things to the opposite extreme. The attempt

to strengthen it might be unsuccessful, and the cord might be strained

until it should break.

The constitutional authority of the Federal government to assume the

debts of the States was questioned. Its powers, it was said, were

specified, and this was not among them.

The policy of the measure, as it affected merely the government of the

Union, was controverted, and its justice was arraigned.

On the ground of policy, it was objected that the assumption would

impose on the United States a burden, the weight of which was

unascertained, and which would require an extension of taxation beyond

the limits which prudence would prescribe. An attempt to raise the

impost would be dangerous, and the excise added to it would not produce

funds adequate to the object. A tax on real estate must be resorted to,

objections to which had been made in every part of the Union. It would

be more advisable to leave this source of revenue untouched in the hands

of the State governments, who could apply to it with more facility, with

a better understanding of the subject, and with less dissatisfaction to

individuals, than could possibly be done by the government of the United

States.

There existed no necessity for taking up this burden. The State

creditors had not required it. There was no petition from them upon the

subject. There was not only no application from the States, but there

was reason to believe that they were seriously opposed to the measure.

Many of them would certainly view it with a jealous--a jaundiced eye.

The convention of North Carolina which adopted the constitution had

proposed, as an amendment to it, to deprive Congress of the power of

interfering between the respective States and their creditors, and there

could be no obligation to assume more than the balances which on a final

settlement would be found due to creditor States.

That the debt by being thus accumulated would be perpetuated, was

also an evil of real magnitude. Many of the States had already made

considerable progress in extinguishing their debts, and the process

might certainly be carried on more rapidly by them than by the Union. A

public debt seemed to be considered by some as a public blessing, but

to this doctrine they were not converts. If, as they believed, a public

debt was a public evil, it would be enormously increased by adding those

of the States to that of the Union.

The measure was unwise, too, as it would affect public credit. Such an

augmentation of the debt must inevitably depreciate its value, since it

was the character of paper, whatever denomination it might assume, to

diminish in value in proportion to the quantity in circulation.

It would also increase an evil which was already sensibly felt. The

State debts, when assumed by the continent, would, as that of the Union

had already done, accumulate in large cities; and the dissatisfaction

excited by the payment of taxes would be increased by perceiving

that the money raised from the people flowed into the hands of a few

individuals. Still greater mischief was to be apprehended. A great part

of this additional debt would go into the hands of foreigners, and the

United States would be heavily burdened to pay an interest which could

not be expected to remain in the country.

The measure was unjust, because it was burdening those States which had

taxed themselves highly to discharge the claims of their creditors with

the debts of those which had not made the same exertions. It would delay

the settlement of accounts between the individual States and the United

States, and the supporters of the measure were openly charged with

intending to defeat that settlement.

It was also said that in its execution the scheme would be found

extremely embarrassing, perhaps impracticable. The case of a partial

accession to the measure by the creditors, a case which would probably

occur, presented a difficulty for which no provision was made, and of

which no solution had been given. Should the creditors in some States

come into the system, and those in others refuse to change their

security, the government would be involved in perplexities from which no

means of extricating itself had been shown. Nor would it be practicable

to discriminate between the debts contracted for general and for local

objects.

In the course of the debate severe allusions were made to the conduct

of particular States, and the opinions advanced in favor of the measure

were ascribed to local interests.

In support of the assumption, the debts of the States were traced to

their origin. America, it was said, had engaged in a war the object of

which was equally interesting to every part of the Union. It was not

the war of a particular State, but of the United States. It was not the

liberty and independence of a part, but of the whole, for which they had

contended, and which they had acquired. The cause was a common cause. As

brethren, the American people had consented to hazard property and life

in its defense. All the sums expended in the attainment of this great

object, whatever might be the authority under which they were raised or

appropriated, conduced to the same end. Troops were raised, and military

stores purchased, before Congress assumed the command of the army or the

control of the war. The ammunition which repulsed the enemy at Bunker's

Hill was purchased by Massachusetts, and formed a part of the debt of

that State.

Nothing could be more erroneous than the principle which had been

assumed in argument, that the holders of securities issued by individual

States were to be considered merely as State creditors, as if the

debt had been contracted on account of the particular State. It was

contracted on account of the Union, in that common cause in which all

were equally interested.

From the complex nature of the political system which had been adopted

in America, the war was, in a great measure, carried on through the

agency of the State governments, and the debts were, in truth, the debts

of the Union, for which the States had made themselves responsible.

Except the civil list, the whole State expenditure was in the

prosecution of the war, and the State taxes had undeniably exceeded the

provision for their civil list. The foundation for the several classes

of the debt was reviewed in detail, and it was affirmed to be proved

from the review, and from the books in the public offices, that, in its

origin, a great part of it, even in form, and the whole, in fact, was

equitably due from the continent. The States individually possessing all

the resources of the nation, became responsible to certain descriptions

of the public creditors. But they were the agents of the continent in

contracting the debt, and its distribution among them for payment

arose from the division of political power which existed under the old

confederation. A new arrangement of the system had taken place, and

a power over the resources of the nation was conferred on the general

government. With the funds the debt also ought to be assumed. This

investigation of its origin demonstrated that the assumption was not the

creation of a new debt, but the reacknowledgment of liability for an old

one, the payment of which had devolved on those members of the system

who, at the time, were alone capable of paying it. And thence was

inferred not only the justice of the measure, but a complete refutation

of the arguments drawn from the constitution. If, in point of fact,

the debt was in its origin continental and had been transferred to the

States for greater facility of payment, there could be no constitutional

objection to restoring its original and real character.

The great powers of war, of taxation, and of borrowing money, which were

vested in Congress to pay the debts and provide for the common defense

and general welfare of the United States, comprised that in question.

There could be no more doubt of their right to charge themselves with

the payment of a debt contracted in the past war, than to borrow money

for the prosecution of a future war. The impolicy of leaving the public

creditors to receive payment from different sources was also strongly

pressed, and the jealousy which would exist between the creditors of the

Union and of the States was considered as a powerful argument in favor

of giving them one common interest. This jealousy, it was feared, might

be carried so far as even to create an opposition to the laws of the

Union.

If the State should provide for their creditors, the same sum of money

must be collected from the people as would be required if the debt

should be assumed, and it would probably be collected in a manner more

burdensome than if one uniform system should be established. If all

should not make such provision, it would be unjust to leave the soldier

of one State unpaid, while the services of the man who fought by his

side were amply compensated, and, after having assumed the funds, it

would dishonor the general government to permit a creditor, for services

rendered or property advanced for the continent, to remain unsatisfied,

because his claim had been transferred to the State at a time when the

State alone possessed the means of payment. By the injured and

neglected creditor such an arrangement might justly be considered as a

disreputable artifice.

Instead of delaying, it was believed to be a measure which would

facilitate the settlement of accounts between the States. Its advocates

declared that they did not entertain and never had entertained any wish

to procrastinate a settlement. On the contrary it was greatly desired by

them. They had themselves brought forward propositions for that purpose,

and they invited their adversaries to assist in improving the plan which

had been introduced.

The settlement between the States, it was said, either would or would

not be made. Should it ever take place, it would remedy any inequalities

which might grow out of the assumption. Should it never take place, the

justice of the measure became the more apparent. That the burdens

in support of a common war, which from various causes had devolved

unequally on the States, ought to be apportioned among them, was a truth

too clear to be controverted, and this, if the settlement should never

be accomplished, could be effected only by the measure now proposed.

Indeed, in any event, it would be the only certain, as well as only

eligible plan. For how were the debtor States to be compelled to pay the

balances which should be found against them?

If the measure was recommended by considerations which rendered its

ultimate adoption inevitable, the present was clearly preferable to

any future time. It was desirable immediately to quiet the minds of

the public creditors by assuring them that justice would be done, to

simplify the forms of public debt, and to put an end to that speculation

which had been so much reprobated and which could be terminated only by

giving the debt a real and permanent value.

That the assumption would impair the just influence of the States

was controverted with great strength of argument. The diffusive

representation in the State Legislatures, the intimate connection

between the representative and his constituents, the influence of

the State Legislatures over the members of one branch of the national

Legislature, the nature of the powers exercise by the State governments,

which perpetually presented them to the people in a point of view

calculated to lay hold of the public affections, were guarantees that

the States would retain their due weight in the political system and

that a debt was not necessary to the solidity or duration of their

power.

But the argument, it was said, proved too much. If a debt was now

essential to the preservation of State authority it would always be

so. It must therefore never be extinguished, but must be perpetuated

in order to secure the existence of the State governments. If, for this

purpose, it was indispensable that the expenses of the Revolutionary War

should be borne by the States, it would not be less indispensable that

the expenses of future wars should be borne in the same manner. Either

the argument was unfounded or the constitution was wrong, and the powers

of the sword and the purse ought not to have been conferred on the

government of the Union. Whatever speculative opinions might be

entertained on this point, they were to administer the government

according to the principles of the constitution as it was framed. But,

it was added, if so much power followed the assumption as the objection

implies, is it not time to ask--is it safe to forbear assuming? If the

power is so dangerous it will be so when exercised by the States. If

assuming tends to consolidation, is the reverse, tending to disunion, a

less weighty objection? If it is answered that the non-assumption will

not necessarily tend to disunion, neither, it may be replied, does the

assumption necessarily tend to consolidation.

It was not admitted that the assumption would tend to perpetuate the

debt. It could not be presumed that the general government would be

less willing than the local governments to discharge it; nor could it

be presumed that the means were less attainable by the former than the

latter.

It was not contended that a public debt was a public blessing. Whether

a debt was to be preferred to no debt was not the question. The debt

was already contracted, and the question so far as policy might be

consulted, was, whether it was more for the public advantage to give

it such a form as would render it applicable to the purposes of a

circulating medium, or to leave it a mere subject of speculation,

incapable of being employed to any useful purpose. The debt was admitted

to be an evil, but it was an evil from which, if wisely modified, some

benefit might be extracted, and which, in its present state, could have

only a mischievous operation.

If the debt should be placed on adequate funds, its operation on public

credit could not be pernicious; in its present precarious condition,

there was much more to be apprehended in that respect.

To the objection that it would accumulate in large cities, it was

answered it would be a moneyed capital, and would be held by those who

chose to place money at interest, but by funding the debt the present

possessors would be enabled to part with it at its nominal value,

instead of selling it at its present current rate. If it should center

in the hands of foreigners, the sooner it was appreciated to its proper

standard, the greater quantity of specie would its transfer bring into

the United States.

To the injustice of charging those States which had made great exertions

for the payment of their debts with the burden properly belonging to

those which had not made such exertions, it was answered that every

State must be considered as having exerted itself to the utmost of its

resources, and that if it could not or would not make provision for

creditors to whom the Union was equitably bound, the argument in favor

of an assumption was the stronger.

The arguments drawn from local interests were repelled and retorted, and

a great degree of irritation was excited on both sides.

After a very animated discussion of several days, the question was

taken, and the resolution was carried by a small majority. Soon after

this decision, while the subject was pending before the House, the

delegates from North Carolina took their seats, and changed the strength

of parties. By a majority of two voices, the resolution was recommitted,

and, after a long and ardent debate, was negatived by the same majority.

This proposition continued to be supported with a degree of earnestness

which its opponents termed pertinacious, but not a single opinion was

changed. It was brought forward in the new and less exceptionable form

of assuming specific sums from each State. Under this modification of

the principle, the extraordinary contributions of particular States

during the war, and their exertions since the peace, might be regarded,

and the objections to the measure, drawn from the uncertainty of the

sum to be assumed, would be removed. But these alterations produced

no change of sentiment, and the bill was sent up to the Senate with a

provision for those creditors only whose certificates of debt purported

to be payable by the Union.

In this state of things the measure is understood to have derived aid

from another, which was of a nature strongly to interest particular

parts of the Union.

From the month of June, 1783, when Congress was driven from Philadelphia

by the mutiny of a part of the Pennsylvania line, the necessity of

selecting some place for a permanent residence, in which the government

of the Union might exercise sufficient authority to protect itself

from violence and insult, had been generally acknowledged. Scarcely any

subject had occupied more time, or had more agitated the members of the

former Congress than this.

In December, 1784, an ordinance was passed for appointing commissioners

to purchase land on the Delaware, in the neighborhood of its falls, and

to erect thereon the necessary public buildings for the reception of

Congress and the officers of government; but the southern interest had

been sufficiently strong to arrest the execution of this ordinance by

preventing an appropriation of funds, which required the assent of nine

States. Under the existing government, this subject had received the

early attention of Congress, and many different situations, from the

Delaware to the Potomac inclusive, had been earnestly supported, but

a majority of both houses had not concurred in favor of any one place.

With as little success, attempts had been made to change the temporary

residence of Congress. Although New York was obviously too far to the

east, so many conflicting interests were brought into operation whenever

the subject was touched, that no motion designating a more central

place could succeed. At length, a compact respecting the temporary and

permanent seat of government was entered into between the friends of

Philadelphia and the Potomac, stipulating that Congress should adjourn

to and hold its sessions in Philadelphia for ten years, during which

time buildings for the accommodation of the government should be erected

at some place on the Potomac, to which the government should remove

at the expiration of the term. This compact having united the

representatives of Pennsylvania and Delaware with the friends of the

Potomac, in favor both of the temporary and permanent residence which

had been agreed on between them, a majority was produced in favor of

the two situations, and a bill which was brought into the Senate in

conformity with this previous arrangement, passed both houses by small

majorities. This act was immediately followed by an amendment to the

bill then depending before the Senate for funding the debt of the

Union. The amendment was similar in principle to that which had

been unsuccessfully proposed in the House of Representatives. By its

provisions, $21,500,000 of the State debts were assumed in specified

proportions, and it was particularly enacted that no certificate should

be received from a State creditor which could be "ascertained to have

been issued for any purpose other than compensations and expenditures

for services or supplies toward the prosecution of the late war and the

defense of the United States, or of some part thereof, during the same."

When the question was taken in the House of Representatives on this

amendment two members, representing districts on the Potomac, who,

in all the previous stages of the business, had voted against the

assumption, declared themselves in its favor, and thus the majority was

changed. [2]

Thus was a measure carried which was supported and opposed with a

degree of zeal and earnestness not often manifested, and which furnished

presages, not to be mistaken, that the spirit with which the opposite

opinions had been maintained, would not yield, contentedly, to the

decision of a bare majority. This measure has constituted one of the

great grounds of accusation against the first administration of the

general government, and it is fair to acknowledge that though, in its

progress, it derived no aid from the President, whose opinion remained

in his own bosom, it received the full approbation of his judgment.

A bill at length passed both houses, funding the debt upon principles

which lessened considerably the weight of the public burdens and was

entirely satisfactory to the public creditors. The proceeds of the sales

of the lands lying in the western territory and, by a subsequent act of

the same session, the surplus product of the revenue, after satisfying

the appropriations which were charged upon it with the addition of

$2,000,000, which the President was authorized to borrow at 5 per cent.,

constituted a sinking fund to be applied to the reduction of the debt.

The effect of this measure was great and rapid. The public paper

suddenly rose and was for a short time above par. The immense wealth

which individuals acquired by this unexpected appreciation could not

be viewed with indifference. Those who participated in its advantages

regarded the author of a system to which they were so greatly indebted,

with an enthusiasm of attachment to which scarcely any limits were

assigned. To many others this adventitious collection of wealth in

particular hands was a subject rather of chagrin than of pleasure, and

the reputation which the success of his plans gave to the Secretary of

the Treasury was not contemplated with unconcern. As if the debt had

been created by the existing government, not by a war which gave liberty

and independence to the United States, its being funded was ascribed by

many, not to a sense of justice and to a liberal and enlightened policy,

but to the desire of bestowing on the government an artificial strength,

by the creation of a moneyed interest which would be subservient to

its will. The effects produced by giving the debt a permanent value

justified the predictions of those whose anticipations had been most

favorable. The sudden increase of moneyed capital derived from it

invigorated commerce and gave a new stimulus to agriculture.

About this time there was a great and visible improvement in the

circumstances of the people. Although the funding system was certainly

not inoperative in producing this improvement it cannot be justly

ascribed to any single cause. Progressive industry had gradually

repaired the losses sustained by the war, and the influence of the

constitution on habits of thinking and acting, though silent, was

considerable. In depriving the States of the power to impair the

obligation of contracts or to make anything but gold and silver a tender

in payment of debts, the conviction was impressed on that portion of

society which had looked to the government for relief from embarrassment

that personal exertions alone could free them from difficulties, and an

increased degree of industry and economy was the natural consequence of

this opinion. [3]

Various other matters besides those already noticed, occupied the

attention of Congress during this laborious session. The question of

the slave trade was brought up by a petition from the Quakers in

Pennsylvania, Delaware, and other States, and the venerable Dr.

Franklin, as president of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the

Abolition of Slavery, sent in a memorial, early in February, asking the

serious attention of Congress to the importance and duty of extending to

the negroes the blessings of freedom. The subject was discussed at great

length and with much warmth on both sides, and toward the close of March

it was resolved, "That Congress have no authority to interfere in the

emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them within any of

the States." Laws for the naturalization of aliens, after two years'

residence, for the patenting of useful inventions, and for securing

to authors the copyright of their works; and others, regulating the

mercantile marine of the Union, in respect to the seamen engaged in it;

and forming a groundwork for a criminal code; for the ordering of what

was called "the military establishment," only 1,216 rank and file; and

for arranging the means of intercourse with the Indians in respect to

trade and the acquisition of their hunting-grounds, and with European

governments for the larger commerce which required the superintendence

of resident ministers--these were duly considered and framed. Much other

business was done, such as voting for the public service, under the

heads of the civil list, pensions for revolutionary services, the

military establishment, lighthouses, embassies, and outstanding debts,

the moderate sum of about $725,000.

Both houses, having returned thanks to the corporation of the city of

New York, "for the elegant and convenient accommodations furnished the

Congress of the United States," adjourned on the 12th of August (1790),

to meet again in December, in the city of Philadelphia.

Washington's old and valued friend, Dr. Franklin, after painful and

protracted sufferings, closed a life of four-score and four years on

the 17th of April, 1790. He was buried in the cemetery of Christ Church,

Philadelphia, and his funeral was attended by more than 20,000 of

his fellow-citizens. Congress resolved to wear the customary badge of

mourning for one month, "as a mark of veneration due to the memory of

a citizen, whose native genius was not more an ornament to human nature

than his various exertions of it have been precious to science, to

freedom, and to his country." In the National Assembly of France,

Mirabeau eloquently dilated in praise of the illustrious deceased, and

Lafayette seconded the motion for a decree, ordering the members to wear

the usual badge of mourning for three days, and there was not a land

blessed with the light of civilization which did not lament his death

and pour forth expressions of sorrow for the loss which not only

America, but the world had sustained.

An act was passed by Congress to accept the cession of the claims of the

State of North Carolina, to a certain district of western territory,

and on the 20th of May, provision was made for its government, under the

title of "The Territory of the United States south of the river Ohio."

On the 29th of May, 1790, Rhode Island, having become somewhat more

alive to her true interests and to the ill results which must certainly

follow her exclusion from the Union, adopted the constitution and cast

in her lot with the sister States for the great future which was opening

before them all.

A treaty of peace was concluded in August of this year with the Creek

Indians which restored tranquility to the people of Georgia. The pacific

overtures made to the Indians of the Wabash and the Miamis had not been

equally successful. The western frontiers were still exposed to their

incursions, and there was much reason to apprehend that the people of

Kentucky and of the western counties of the middle States could only

be relieved from the horrors of savage warfare by an exertion of the

military strength of the Union. In the opinion of the President, the

emergency required the immediate employment of a force competent to the

object and which should carry terror and destruction into the heart of

the hostile settlements. The people of the West, however, declared

their opinion in favor of desultory military expeditions, and Congress

indulged their wishes. The desire of the executive for a military

establishment equal to the exigency was not regarded and the distresses

of the frontier inhabitants therefore still continued.

The conduct of Spain in relation to the disputed boundary, and its

pretensions to the navigation of the Mississippi, was such as to give

ground to fear that its dispositions toward the United States were

unfriendly. Between the United States and England the nonexecution

of several articles of the treaty of peace still furnished matter for

reciprocal crimination which there was the more difficulty in removing

because there was no diplomatic intercourse maintained between them.

Under the old government, Mr. Adams' mission had been treated with

neglect, and the new administration was not disposed to subject itself

to a similar mark of disrespect. Mr. Gouverneur Morris was instructed,

as an informal agent to the British government, to sound its views

respecting amicable and permanent arrangements of the matters in

dispute. But Mr. Morris remarked, "that there never was, perhaps,

a moment in which this country (Britain) felt herself greater, and,

consequently, it is the most unfavorable moment to obtain advantageous

terms from her in any bargain." He conducted his mission with ability

and address, but was unable to bring it to a satisfactory conclusion.

The communications laid before the American government at the same time

by Major Beckwith, an English gentlemen, who had come in an informal

manner to learn the dispositions of the American government towards

England and Spain, between which a rupture was expected, gave Washington

an insight of the object of the delays which had been practiced with Mr.

Morris. He was persuaded that a disposition existed in the cabinet of

London to retain things in their actual situation until the intentions

of the American government should be ascertained with respect to the war

supposed to be approaching. If America would make a common cause with

Great Britain against Spain, the way would be smoothed to the attainment

of all their objects, but if America should incline toward Spain, no

adjustment of the points of difference between the two nations would

be made. He therefore determined to hold himself free to pursue without

reproach, in the expected war, such a course as the interest and honor

of the United States might dictate. The want of official authenticity

in the communications of Mr. Beckwith was, therefore, signified to that

gentleman as a reason for reserve on the part of the government and the

powers given to Mr. Morris were withdrawn. It was determined that things

should remain in their actual situation until a change of circumstances

should require a change of conduct. Scarcely had this resolution been

adopted when the dispute between Britain and Spain was adjusted, and

thus both the fear of inconveniences, and the hope of advantages

which might result to America from war between the two powers, were

terminated.

By his incessant application to public business and the consequent

change of active for sedentary habits, the constitution of the President

seemed much impaired and during the second session of Congress he had,

for the second time since entering upon the duties of his office, been

attacked by a severe disease, which reduced him to the brink of the

grave. Exercise, and a temporary relief from the cares of office, being

essential to the restoration of his health, he determined for the short

interval afforded by the recess of the Legislature to retire from

the fatigues of public life to the tranquil shades of Mount Vernon.

Previously, however, he made a visit to Rhode Island, which, not having

been a member of the Union at the time of his late tour through New

England, had not been visited by him at that time.

His final departure from New York was not less affecting than his

arrival had been, when he came to assume the reins of government. "It

was always his habit," says Custis in his "Recollections," "to endeavor

to avoid the manifestations of affection and gratitude that met him

everywhere. He strove in vain--he was closely watched and the people

would have their way. He wished to slip off unobserved from New York and

thus steal a march upon his old companions in arms. But there were too

many of the dear glorious old veterans of the Revolution at that time of

day in and near New York to render such an escape possible.

"The baggage had all been packed up; the horses, carriages, and servants

ordered to be over the ferry to Paulus Hook by daybreak and nothing was

wanting for departure but the dawn. The lights were yet burning, when

the President came into the room where his family were assembled,

evidently much pleased in the belief that all was right, when,

immediately under the windows, the band of the artillery struck up

Washington's March. 'There,' he exclaimed, 'it's all over, we are found

out. Well, well, they must have their own way.' New York soon after

appeared as if taken by storm--troops and persons of all descriptions

hurrying down Broadway toward the place of embarkation, all anxious to

take a last look on him whom so many could never expect to see again.

"The embarkation was delayed until all the complimentary arrangements

were completed. The President, after taking leave of many dear and

cherished friends, and many an old companion in arms, stepped into the

barge that was to convey him from New York forever. The coxswain gave

the word 'let fall;' the spray from the oars sparkled in the morning

sunbeams; the bowman shoved off from the pier, and, as the barge swung

round to the tide, Washington rose, uncovered, in the stern, to bid

adieu to the masses assembled on the shore; he waved his hat, and, in a

voice tremulous from emotion, pronounced--Farewell. It may be supposed

that Major Bauman, who commanded the artillery on this interesting

occasion, who was first captain of Lamb's regiment, and a favorite

officer of the war of the Revolution, would, when about to pay his last

respects to his beloved commander, load his pieces with something more

than mere blank cartridges. But ah! the thunders of the cannon were

completely hushed when the mighty shout of the people arose that

responded to the farewell of Washington. Pure from the heart it came,

right up to Heaven it went, to call down a blessing upon the Father of

his Country.

"The barge had scarcely gained the middle of the Hudson when the

trumpets were heard at Paulus Hook, where the Governor and the chivalry

of Jersey were in waiting to welcome the chief to those well-remembered

shores. Escorts of cavalry relieved each other throughout the whole

route up to the Pennsylvania line; every village, and even hamlet,

turned out its population to greet with cordial welcome the man upon

whom all eyes were fixed and in whom all hearts rejoiced.

"What must have been the recollections that crowded on the mind

of Washington during this triumphant progress? Newark, Brunswick,

Princeton, Trenton! What a contrast between the glorious burst of

sunshine that now illumined and made glad everything around these

memorable spots, with the gloomy and desolate remembrances of '76! Then

his country's champion, with the wreck of a shattered host, was flying

before a victorious and well-appointed foe, while all around him was

shrouded in the darkness of despair; now, in his glorious progress

over the self-same route, his firm footstep presses upon the soil of

an infant empire, reposing in the joys of peace, independence, and

happiness.

"Among the many who swelled his triumph, the most endeared to the heart

of the chief were the old associates of his toils, his fortunes, and his

fame. Many of the Revolutionary veterans were living in 1790, and,

by their presence, gave a dignified tone and character to all public

assemblages; and when you saw a peculiarly fine-looking soldier in those

old days, and would ask: 'To what corps of the American army did you

belong?' drawing himself up to his full height, with a martial air, and

back of the hand thrown up to his forehead, the veteran would reply:

'Life Guard, your honor.'

"And proud and happy were these veterans in again beholding their own

good Lady Washington. Greatly was she beloved in the army. Her many

intercessions with the chief for the pardon of offenders--her kindness

to the sick and wounded--all caused her annual arrival in camp to be

hailed as an event that would serve to dissipate the gloom of the winter

quarters.

"Arrived at the line, the Jersey escort was relieved by the cavalry of

Pennsylvania, and, when near to Philadelphia, the President was met by

Governor Mifflin and a brilliant cortege of officers, and escorted by a

squadron of horse to the city. Conspicuous among the Governors suite, as

well for his martial bearing as for the manly beauty of his person, was

General Walter Stewart, a son of Erin, and a gallant and distinguished

officer of the Pennsylvania line. To Stewart, as to Cadwallader,

Washington was most warmly attached; indeed, those officers were among

the very choicest of the contributions of Pennsylvania to the army and

cause of independence. Mifflin, small in stature, was active, alert,

'every inch a soldier.' He was a patriot of great influence in

Pennsylvania in the 'times that tried men's souls,' and nobly did he

exert that influence in raising troops, with which to reinforce the

wreck of the grand army at the close of the campaign of '76.

"Arrived within the city, the crowd became intense, the President left

his carriage and mounted the white charger, and, with the Governor on

his right, proceeded to the city tavern in Third street, where quarters

were prepared for him, the light infantry, after some time, having

opened a passage for the carriages. At the city tavern the President

was received by the authorities of Philadelphia, who welcomed the

chief magistrate to their city as to his home for the remainder of his

Presidential term. A group of old and long-tried friends were also

in waiting. Foremost among these, and first to grasp the hand of

Washington, was one who was always nearest to his heart, a patriot and

public benefactor, Robert Morris.

"After remaining a short time in Philadelphia, the President speeded

on his journey to that home where he ever found rest from his weighty

labors, and enjoyed the sweets of rural and domestic happiness amid his

farms and at his fireside of Mount Vernon."

Whenever Washington was residing at Mount Vernon, he was accustomed to

receive visits from his old and intimate friends, and to relieve his

mind from the cares of state by lively and familiar conversation, and

social and convivial intercourse. On one occasion, some years before the

period of which we are now writing, Mr. Drayton and Mr. Izard, of South

Carolina, were on a visit to Mount Vernon. [4]

After dinner, while the party were still sitting at table, the

conversation turned on Arnold's treason. Mr. Lear, Washington's private

secretary, was present, and after retiring he wrote down in his diary

Washington's own account of that remarkable incident in our history

in his own words. The extract from Mr. Lear's diary has recently been

published for the first time in Mr. Rush's "Washington in Domestic

Life." It is as follows:

"After dinner, Washington was, in the course of conversation, led to

speak of Arnold's treachery, when he gave the following account of

it, which I shall put in his own words, thus: 'I confess I had a good

opinion of Arnold before his treachery was brought to light; had that

not been the case I should have had some reason to suspect him sooner,

for when he commanded in Philadelphia, the Marquis Lafayette brought

accounts from France of the armament which was to be sent to cooperate

with us in the ensuing campaign. Soon after this was known, Arnold

pretended to have some private business to transact in Connecticut,

and on his way there he called at my quarters, and in the course of

conversation expressed a desire of quitting Philadelphia and joining

the army the ensuing campaign. I told him that it was probable we should

have a very active one, and that if his wound and state of health would

permit, I should be extremely glad of his services with the army. He

replied that he did not think his wound would permit him to take a very

active part, but still he persisted in his desire of being with the

army. He went on to Connecticut and on his return called again upon me.

He renewed his request of being with me next campaign, and I made him

the same answer I had done before. He again repeated that he did not

think his wound would permit him to do active duty, and intimated a

desire to have the command at West Point. I told him I did not think

that would suit him, as I should leave none in the garrison but

invalids, because it would be entirely covered by the main army. The

subject was dropped at that time, and he returned to Philadelphia.

It then appeared somewhat strange to me that a man of Arnold's known

activity and enterprise should be desirous of taking so inactive a part.

I however thought no more of the matter. When the French troops arrived

at Rhode Island, I had intelligence from New York that General Clinton

intended to make an attack upon them before they could get themselves

settled and fortified. In consequence of that I was determined to

attack New York, which would be left much exposed by his drawing off the

British troops, and accordingly formed my line of battle and moved down

with the whole army to King's ferry, which we passed. Arnold came to

camp that time, and, having no command, and consequently no quarters

(all the houses thereabouts being occupied by the army), he was obliged

to seek lodgings at some distance from the camp. While the army was

crossing at King's ferry I was going to see the last detachment over,

and met Arnold, who asked me if I had thought of anything for him. I

told him that he was to have the command of the light troops, which was

a post of honor, and which his rank indeed entitled him to. Upon this

information his countenance changed, and he appeared to be quite

fallen; and, instead of thanking me, or expressing any pleasure at

the appointment, never opened his mouth. I desired him to go on to my

quarters and get something to refresh himself, and I would meet him

there soon. He did so. Upon his arrival there he found Colonel Tilghman,

whom he took aside, and, mentioning what I had told him, seemed to

express great uneasiness at it--as his leg, he said, would not permit

him to be long on horseback, and intimated a great desire to have the

command at West Point. When I returned to my quarters Colonel Tilghman

informed me of what had passed. I made no reply to it, but his behavior

struck me as strange and unaccountable. In the course of that night,

however, I received information from New York that General Clinton had

altered his plan and was debarking his troops. This information obliged

me likewise to alter my disposition and return to my former station,

where I could better cover the country. I then determined to comply with

Arnold's desire, and accordingly gave him the command of the garrison at

West Point. Things remained in this situation about a fortnight, when I

wrote to the Count Rochambeau, desiring to meet him at some intermediate

place (as we could neither of us be long enough from our respective

commands to visit the other), in order to lay the plan for the siege of

Yorktown, and proposed Hartford, where I accordingly went and met the

count. On my return I met the Chevalier Luzerne toward evening within

about fifteen miles of West Point (on his way to join the count at Rhode

Island), which I intended to reach that night, but he insisted upon

turning back with me to the next public house, where, in politeness to

him, I could not but stay all night, determining, however, to get to

West Point to breakfast very early. I sent off my baggage, and desired

Colonel Hamilton to go forward and inform General Arnold that I would

breakfast with him. Soon after he arrived at Arnold's quarters a letter

was delivered to Arnold which threw him into the greatest confusion. He

told Colonel Hamilton that something required his immediate attendance

at the garrison, which was on the opposite side of the river to his

quarters, and immediately ordered a horse to take him to the river,

and the barge, which he kept to cross, to be ready, and desired Major

Franks, his aide, to inform me when I should arrive that he was gone

over the river and would return immediately. When I got to his quarters

and did not find him there I desired Major Franks to order me some

breakfast, and, as I intended to visit the fortifications, I would see

General Arnold there. After I had breakfasted I went over the river,

and, inquiring for Arnold, the commanding officer told me that he had

not been there. I likewise inquired at the several redoubts, but no

one could give me any information where he was. The impropriety of his

conduct, when he knew I was to be there, struck me very forcibly, and my

mind misgave me, but I had not the least idea of the real cause. When

I returned to Arnold's quarters about two hours after, and told Colonel

Hamilton that I had not seen him, he gave me a packet which had just

arrived for me from Colonel Jemmison, which immediately brought the

matter to light. I ordered Colonel Hamilton to mount his horse and

proceed with the greatest dispatch to a post on the river about eight

miles below, in order to stop the barge if she had not passed, but it

was too late. It seems that the letter which Arnold received which threw

him into such confusion was from Colonel Jemmison, informing him

that André was taken, and that the papers found upon him were in his

possession. Colonel Jemmison, when André was taken with these papers,

could not believe that Arnold was a traitor, but rather thought it

was an imposition of the British in order to destroy our confidence in

Arnold. He, however, immediately on their being taken, dispatched an

express after me, ordering him to ride night and day till he came up

with me. The express went the lower road, which was the road by which

I had gone to Connecticut, expecting that I would return by the same

route, and that he would meet me, but before he had proceeded far he was

informed that I was returning by the upper road. He then cut across

the country and followed in my track till I arrived at West Point. He

arrived about two hours after and brought the above packet. When Arnold

got down to the barge, he ordered his men, who were very clever fellows

and some of the better sort of soldiery, to proceed immediately on board

the Vulture, sloop-of-war, as a flag, which was lying down the river,

saying that they must be very expeditious, as he must return in a short

time to meet me, and promised them two gallons of rum if they would

exert themselves. They did, accordingly, but when they got on board the

Vulture, instead of their two gallons of rum, he ordered the coxswain to

be called down into the cabin, and informed him that he and the men must

consider themselves as prisoners. The coxswain was very much astonished,

and told him that they came on board under the sanction of a flag. He

answered that that was nothing to the purpose; they were prisoners.

But the captain of the Vulture had more generosity than this pitiful

scoundrel, and told the coxswain that he would take his parole for going

on shore to get clothes, and whatever else was wanted for himself and

his companions. He accordingly came, got his clothes, and returned on

board. When they got to New York, General Clinton, ashamed of so low and

mean an action, set them all at liberty.'"

This narrative, from the lips of Washington himself, throws much

additional light on Arnold's treason. It is also interesting to the

general reader, as affording a specimen of Washington's style in

conversation, when the events of the Revolution formed the topic of

discourse.

1. Footnote: On account of the great importance of this debate, we give

Marshall's synopsis of the arguments used on both sides. It brought up

the question of State rights as opposed to centralization for the first

time; and on many other accounts is particularly interesting for the

political reader, as well as for all who are curious respecting our

early colonial history.

2. Footnote: It has ever been understood that these members were, on

principle, in favor of the assumption as modified in the amendment made

by the Senate; but they withheld their assent from it when originally

proposed in the House of Representatives in the opinion that the

increase of the national debt added to the necessity of giving to the

departments of the national government a more central residence. It

is understood that a greater number would have changed had it been

necessary.

3. Footnote: Marshall.