CHAPTER XXIV.

CLOSE OF THE WAR. 1782-1783.

After the surrender of Cornwallis, the combined forces were distributed

in different parts of the country, in the manner we have described

at the close of the last chapter. Having personally superintended

the distribution of the ordnance and stores, and the departure of the

prisoners as well as the embarkation of the troops, who were to go

northward under General Lincoln, Washington left Yorktown on the 5th of

November (1781) for Eltham, the seat of his friend, Colonel Basset.

He arrived there the same day, but he came to a house of mourning. His

stepson, John Parke Custis, was just expiring when he reached the house.

Washington was just in time to be present, with Mrs. Washington and Mrs.

Custis, her daughter-in-law, at the last painful moment of the young

man's departure to the world of spirits. Mr. Custis had been an object

of peculiar affection and care to Washington, who had superintended his

education and introduction to public life. He had entered King's college

in New York, in 1773, but soon after left that institution and married

the daughter of Mr. Benedict Calvert, February 3, 1774. He had passed

the winter of 1775 at headquarters in Cambridge with his wife and Mrs.

Washington. He had subsequently been elected a member of the House of

Burgesses of Virginia, in which office he acquitted himself with

honor, and he was now cut off on the very threshold of life being only

twenty-eight years of age at the time of his decease. He left a widow

and four young children. The two youngest of these children, one less

than two and the other four years old, were adopted by Washington, and

thenceforward formed a part of his immediate family. During the last

year of Mr. Custis' life, Washington, writing to General Greene, took

occasion to cite a passage from his correspondence. He says, "I have

received a letter from Mr. Custis, dated the 29th ultimo (March, 1781),

in which are these words: 'General Greene has by his conduct gained

universal esteem, and possesses, in the fullest degree, the confidence

of all ranks of people.'" He had just then returned from the Assembly at

Richmond. Washington remained for several days at Eltham to comfort the

family in their severe affliction, and then proceeded to Mount Vernon,

where he arrived on the 13th of November. From this home of his early

affections he wrote to Lafayette on the 15th (1781), accounting for his

not having joined him in Philadelphia, by the pressure of private and

public duties. In this letter, ever attentive to the interests of

his country, Washington expresses his views with respect to the next

campaign; and as Lafayette, after the expedition with de Grasse to

the South was abandoned, had determined to pass the winter in France,

Washington takes occasion in this letter to impress upon his mind the

absolute necessity of a strong naval force in order to conduct the

next campaign to a successful termination. In concluding his letter,

Washington says: "If I should be deprived of the pleasure of a personal

interview with you before your departure, permit me to adopt this method

of making you a tender of my ardent vows for a prosperous voyage,

a gracious reception from your prince, an honorable reward for your

services, a happy meeting with your lady and friends, and a safe return

in the spring to, my dear marquis, your affectionate friend, etc.--

"WASHINGTON."

Washington had given Lafayette leave to proceed to Philadelphia, where

he obtained from Congress permission to visit his family in France

for such a period as he should think proper. Congress at the same time

passed resolutions doing justice to the zeal and military conduct of

Lafayette. Among them were the following:

"Resolved, that the Secretary of Foreign Affairs acquaint the ministers

plenipotentiary of the United States, that it is the desire of Congress

that they confer with the Marquis de Lafayette, and avail themselves of

his information relative to the affairs of the United States.

"Resolved, that the Secretary of Foreign Affairs further acquaint

the minister plenipotentiary at the court of Versailles, that he will

conform to the intention of Congress by consulting with and employing

the assistance of the Marquis de Lafayette in accelerating the supplies

which may be afforded by his most Christian majesty for the use of the

United States."

Lafayette was also commended by Congress to the notice of Louis XVI

in very warm terms. Having received his instructions from Congress

and completed his preparations, he went to Boston, where the American

frigate Alliance awaited his arrival. His farewell letter to Congress

is dated on board this vessel, December 23, 1781, and immediately after

writing it he set sail for his native country.

Before proceeding to Philadelphia Washington visited Alexandria, where

he was honored with a public reception and an address from a committee

of the citizens, in replying to which he was careful to remind them,

when referring to the late success at Yorktown, that "a vigorous

prosecution of this success would, in all probability," procure

peace, liberty, and independence. He also visited Annapolis, where the

Legislature was in session. A vote of thanks was passed by that body

(22d November, 1781), and in replying to it Washington also reminded the

legislators of Maryland that the war was by no means finished, and that

further exertions were required to be made by the States.

The splendid success of the allied arms in Virginia, and the great

advantages obtained still further south, produced no disposition in

Washington to relax those exertions which might yet be necessary to

secure the great object of the contest. "I shall attempt to stimulate

Congress," said he in a letter to General Greene, written at Mount

Vernon, "to the best improvement of our late success, by taking the most

vigorous and effectual measures to be ready for an early and decisive

campaign the next year. My greatest fear is that viewing this stroke

in a point of light which may too much magnify its importance they may

think our work too nearly closed and fall into a state of languor and

relaxation. To prevent this error I shall employ every means in my

power, and, if unhappily we sink into this fatal mistake, no part of the

blame shall be mine."

On the 27th of November (1781) Washington reached Philadelphia, and

Congress passed a resolution granting him an audience on the succeeding

day. On his appearance the President addressed him in a short speech,

informing him that a committee was appointed to state the requisitions

to be made for the proper establishment of the army, and expressing the

expectation that he would remain in Philadelphia, in order to aid the

consultations on that important subject.

The Secretary of War, the financier, Robert Morris, and the Secretary of

Foreign Affairs, Robert R. Livingston, assisted at these deliberations,

and the business was concluded with unusual celerity.

A revenue was scarcely less necessary than an army, and it was obvious

that the means for carrying on the war must be obtained either by

impressments or by a vigorous course of taxation. But both these

alternatives depended on the States, and the government of the Union

resorted to the influence of Washington in aid of its requisitions.

But no exertions on the part of America alone could expel the invading

army. A superiority at sea was indispensable to the success of offensive

operations against the posts which the British still held within

the United States. To obtain this superiority Washington pressed its

importance on the Chevalier de la Luzerne, the minister of France, and

commanding officers of the French troops, as he had on Lafayette when he

was about to return to his native country.

The first intelligence from Europe was far from being conciliatory. The

Parliament of Great Britain reassembled in November (1781). The speech

from the throne breathed a settled purpose to continue the war, and

the addresses from both houses, which were carried by large majorities,

echoed the sentiment.

In the course of the animated debates which these addresses occasioned,

an intention was indeed avowed by some members of the administration to

direct the whole force of the nation against France and Spain, and to

suspend offensive operations in the interior of the United States until

the strength of those powers should be broken. In the meantime the posts

then occupied by their troops were to be maintained.

This development of the views of the administration furnished additional

motives to the American government for exerting all the faculties of the

nation to expel the British garrisons from New York and Charleston.

The efforts of Washington to produce these exertions were earnest and

unremitting, but not successful. The State Legislatures declared the

inability of their constituents to pay taxes. Instead of filling the

Continental treasury some were devising means to draw money from it, and

some of those which passed bills imposing heavy taxes directed that the

demands of the State should be first satisfied, and that the residue

only should be paid to the Continental receiver. By the unwearied

attention and judicious arrangements of Robert Morris, the minister of

finance, the expenses of the nation had been greatly reduced. The bank

established in Philadelphia, and his own high character, had enabled him

to support in some degree a system of credit, the advantages of which

were incalculably great. He had, through the Chevalier de la Luzerne,

obtained permission from the King of France to draw for half a million

of livres monthly, until 6,000,000 should be received. To prevent the

diversion of any part of this sum from the most essential objects, he

had concealed the negotiation even from Congress, and had communicated

it only to Washington; yet after receiving the first installment it was

discovered that Dr. Franklin had anticipated the residue of the loan

and had appropriated it to the purposes of the United States. At the

commencement of the year 1782 not a dollar remained in the treasury, and

although Congress had required the payment of 2,000,000 on the 1st of

April not a cent had been received on the 23d of that month, and so

late as the 1st of June (1782) not more than $20,000 had reached the

treasury. Yet to Robert Morris every eye was turned, to him the empty

hand of every public creditor was stretched for, and against him,

instead of the State governments, the complaints and imprecations of

every unsatisfied claimant were directed. In July (1782), when the

second quarter annual payment of taxes ought to have been received,

Morris was informed by some of his agents, that the collection of the

revenue had been postponed in some of the States, in consequence of

which the month of December would arrive before any money could come

into the hands of the Continental receivers. In a letter communicating

this unpleasant intelligence to Washington, he added: "With such

gloomy prospects as this letter affords I am tied here to be baited

by continual clamorous demands; and for the forfeiture of all that is

valuable in life, and which I hoped at this moment to enjoy, I am to be

paid by invective. Scarce a day passes in which I am not tempted to give

back into the hands of Congress the power they have delegated, and to

lay down a burden which presses me to the earth. Nothing prevents me but

a knowledge of the difficulties I am obliged to struggle under. What

may be the success of my efforts God only knows, but to leave my post at

present would, I know, be ruinous. This candid state of my situation and

feelings I give to your bosom, because you, who have already felt and

suffered so much, will be able to sympathize with me."

Fortunately for the United States the temper of the British nation

on the subject of continuing the war did not accord with that of its

Sovereign. That war, into which the people had entered with at least as

much eagerness as the minister, had become almost universally unpopular.

Motions against the measures of administration respecting America were

repeated by the opposition, and, on every experiment, the strength

of the minority increased. At length, on the 27th of February (1782),

General Conway moved in the House of Commons, "that it is the opinion of

this house that a further prosecution of offensive war against America

would, under present circumstances, be the means of weakening the

efforts of this country against her European enemies, and tend to

increase the mutual enmity so fatal to the interests both of Great

Britain and America." The whole force of administration was exerted to

get rid of this resolution, but was exerted in vain, and it was carried.

An address to the King, in the words of the resolution, was immediately

voted, and was presented by the whole house. The answer of the Crown

being deemed inexplicit it was, on the 4th of March (1782), resolved

"that the house will consider as enemies to his Majesty and the

country, all those who should advise or attempt a further prosecution of

offensive war on the continent of North America."

These votes were soon followed by a change of ministers and by

instructions to the officers commanding the forces in America, which

conformed to them.

While Washington was employed in addressing circular letters to the

State governments, suggesting all those motives which might stimulate

them to exertions better proportioned to the exigency, English papers,

containing the debates in Parliament on the various propositions

respecting America, reached the United States. Alarmed at the impression

these debates might make, he introduced the opinions it was deemed

prudent to inculcate respecting them into the letters he was then about

to transmit to the Governors of the several States. "I have perused

these debates," he said, "with great attention and care, with a view,

if possible, to penetrate their real design, and upon the most mature

deliberation I can bestow I am obliged to declare it as my candid

opinion that the measure, in all its views, so far as it respects

America, is merely delusory, having no serious intention to admit our

independence upon its true principles, but is calculated to produce a

change of ministers to quiet the minds of their own people and reconcile

them to a continuance of the war, while it is meant to amuse this

country with a false idea of peace, to draw us from our connection with

France, and to lull us into a state of security and inactivity; which

taking place, the ministry will be left to prosecute the war in other

parts of the world with greater vigor and effect. Your Excellency will

permit me on this occasion to observe that, even if the nation and

Parliament are really in earnest to obtain peace with America, it

will undoubtedly be wisdom in us to meet them with great caution and

circumspection, and by all means to keep our arms firm in our hands, and

instead of relaxing one iota in our exertions, rather to spring forward

with redoubled vigor, that we may take the advantage of every favorable

opportunity until our wishes are fully obtained. No nation yet suffered

in treaty by preparing (even in the moment of negotiation) most

vigorously for the field.

"The industry which the enemy is using to propagate their pacific

reports appears to me a circumstance very suspicious, and the eagerness

with which the people, as I am informed, are catching at them, is, in my

opinion, equally dangerous."

While Washington was still residing at Philadelphia, in conference with

the committees of Congress, a spirited naval action took place near the

capes of the Delaware, which must have afforded him much gratification.

The Delaware bay was, at this period, says Peterson, [1] infested with

small cruisers of the enemy, which not only captured the river craft,

but molested the neighboring shores. To repress these marauders, the

State of Pennsylvania determined to fit out a vessel or two at its own

expense, and with this view a small merchant ship, called the Hyder All,

then lying outward-bound with a cargo of flour, was purchased. It took

but a few days to discharge her freight, to pierce her for sixteen

guns, and to provide her with an armament. Volunteers flocked to offer

themselves for her crew. The command was given to Barney, and, at the

head of a convoy of outward-bound merchantmen, he stood down the bay,

and anchored, on the 8th of April (1782), in the roads off Cape May,

where he awaited a proper wind for the traders to go to sea. Suddenly

two ships and a brig, one of the former a frigate, were seen rounding

the cape, obviously with the intention of attacking him, on which

he signaled the convoy to stand up the bay, the wind being at the

southward, himself covering their rear, and the enemy in hot pursuit.

In order to head off the fugitives, the frigate took one channel and her

consorts the other, the ship and brig choosing that which the Hyder

Ali had selected. The brig, being a very fast vessel, soon overhauled

Barney, but, contenting herself with giving him a broadside as she

passed, pressed on in pursuit of the convoy. The Hyder Ali declined

to return this fire, holding herself in reserve for the ship,

a sloop-of-war mounting twenty guns, which was now seen rapidly

approaching. When the Englishman drew near, Barney suddenly luffed,

threw in his broadside, and immediately righting his helm, kept away

again. This staggered the enemy, who, being so much the superior and

having a frigate within sustaining distance, had expected the Hyder Ali

to surrender. The two vessels were now within pistol shot of each other,

and the forward guns of the British were just beginning to bear, when

Barney, in a loud voice, ordered his quartermaster "to port his helm."

The command was distinctly heard on board the enemy, as indeed Barney

had intended it should be, and the Englishman immediately prepared to

maneuver his ship accordingly. But the quartermaster of the Hyder Ali

had, prior to this, received his instructions, and, instead of obeying

Barney's pretended order, whirled his wheel in the contrary direction,

luffing the American ship athwart the hawse of her antagonist. The

jib-boom of the enemy, in consequence of this, caught in the forerigging

of the Hyder Ali, giving the latter the raking position which Barney had

desired.

Not a cheer rose from the American vessel, even at this welcome

spectacle, for the men knew that victory against such odds was still

uncertain, and they thought as yet only of securing it. Nor did the

British, at a sight so dispiriting to them, yield in despair. On the

contrary, both crews rushed to their guns, and, for half an hour, the

combat was waged on either side with desperate fury. The two vessels

were soon enveloped in smoke. The explosions of the artillery were like

continuous claps of thunder. In twenty-six minutes not less than

twenty broadsides were discharged. Nor was the struggle confined to the

batteries. Riflemen, posted in the tops of the Hyder Ali, picked off one

by one the crew of the enemy, until his decks ran slippery with blood

and 56 out of his crew of 140 had fallen. All this while Barney stood

on the quarter-deck of his ship, a mark for the enemy's sharpshooters,

until they were driven from their stations by the superior aim of

the Americans. At length, finding further resistance hopeless, the

Englishman struck his colors. Huzza on huzza now rose from the deck of

the victor. Barney, on taking possession, discovered that the vessel

he had captured was the General Monk, and that her weight of metal was

nearly twice his own. Notwithstanding the presence of the frigate, the

young hero succeeded in bringing off his prize in safety and in a few

hours had moored her by the Hyder Ali's side, opposite Philadelphia,

with the dead of both ships still on their decks. In this action Barney

lost but 4 killed and 11 wounded. For the victory, conceded to be the

most brilliant of the latter years of the war, Barney was rewarded by

the State of Pennsylvania with a gold-hilted sword. In consequence of

the capture of the General Monk, the Delaware ceased to be infested with

the enemy.

About the middle of April (1782), Washington left Philadelphia, where

he had remained since November (1781), and joined the army, his

headquarters being at Newburg. He was directly informed of a very

shameful proceeding on the part of some refugees from New York, and felt

compelled to give the matter his serious attention. The circumstances

were these: Captain Huddy, who commanded a body of troops in Monmouth

county, New Jersey, was attacked by a party of refugees, was made

prisoner, and closely confined in New York. A few days afterward they

led him out and hanged him, with a label on his breast declaring that

he was put to death in retaliation for some of their number, who,

they said, had suffered a similar fate. Taking up the matter promptly,

Washington submitted it to his officers, laid it before Congress, and

wrote to Clinton demanding that Captain Lippencot, the perpetrator of

the horrid deed, should be given up. The demand not being complied with,

Washington, in accordance with the opinion of the council of officers,

determined upon retaliation. A British officer, of equal rank with

Captain Huddy, was chosen by lot. Captain Asgill, a young man just

nineteen years old, and the only son of his parents, was the one upon

whom the lot fell. The whole affair was in suspense for a number of

months. Both Clinton and Carleton, his successor, reprobated the act

of Lippencot with great severity, yet he was not given up, it being

considered by a court-martial that he had only obeyed the orders of the

Board of Associated Loyalists in New York. Great interest was made to

save Asgill's life; his mother begged the interference of the Count

de Vergennes, who wrote to Washington in her behalf. Early in November

Washington performed the grateful task of setting Captain Asgill at

liberty.

Meantime the army, by whose toils and sufferings the country had

been carried through the perils of the Revolution, remained unpaid,

apparently disregarded by Congress and by the people whom they had

delivered from oppression. It seemed probable that they would speedily

be disbanded, without any adequate provision being made by Congress

for the compensation which was due to them, and which had been solemnly

promised by repeated acts of legislation. They were very naturally

discontented. Their complaints and murmurs began to be ominous of very

serious consequences. They even began to question the efficiency of the

form of government, which appeared to be unfitted for meeting the first

necessities of the country--the maintenance and pay of its military

force. They began to consider the propriety of establishing a more

energetic form of government, while they still had their arms in their

hands. Colonel Nicola, an able and experienced officer, who stood high

in Washington's estimation, and had frequently been made the medium of

communication between him and the officers, was chosen as the organ

for making known their sentiments to him on the present occasion. In

a letter carefully written, after commenting upon the gloomy state

of public affairs, the disordered finances, and other embarrassments

occasioned by the war, all caused by defective political organization,

he proceeded to say: "This must have shown to all, and to military men

in particular, the weakness of republics, and the exertions the army

have been able to make by being under a proper head. Therefore, I little

doubt that, when the benefits of a mixed government are pointed out and

duly considered, such will be readily adopted. In this case it will,

I believe, be uncontroverted that the same abilities which have led

us through difficulties, apparently insurmountable by human power, to

victory and glory, those qualities that have merited and obtained the

universal esteem and veneration of an army, would be most likely to

conduct and direct us in the smoother paths of peace. Some people

have so connected the ideas of tyranny and monarchy as to find it very

difficult to separate them. It may, therefore, be requisite to give

the head of such a constitution as I propose some title apparently

more moderate; but, if all things were once adjusted, I believe strong

arguments might be produced for admitting the name of King, which I

conceive would be attended with some material advantages."

The answer of Washington to this communication was in the following

terms:

"NEWBURG, 22d _May_, 1782.

"SIR.--With a mixture of great surprise and astonishment, I have read

with attention the sentiments you have submitted to my perusal. Be

assured, sir, no occurrence in the course of the war has given me more

painful sensations than your information of there being such ideas

existing in the army as you have expressed, and I must view with

abhorrence and reprehend with severity. For the present, the

communication of them will rest in my own bosom, unless some further

agitation of the matter shall make a disclosure necessary.

"I am much at a loss to conceive what part of my conduct could have

given encouragement to an address, which to me seems big with the

greatest mischiefs that can befall my country. If I am not deceived in

the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a person to whom your

schemes are more disagreeable. At the same time, in justice to my own

feelings, I must add, that no man possesses a more sincere wish to see

ample justice done to the army than I do; and as far as my powers and

influence, in a constitutional way, extend, they shall be employed, to

the utmost of my abilities, to effect it, should there be any occasion.

Let me conjure you, then, if you have any regard for your country,

concern for yourself or posterity, or respect for me, to banish these

thoughts from your mind, and never communicate, as from yourself or any

one else, a sentiment of the like nature.

"I am, sir, &c.,

"GEORGE WASHINGTON."

* * * * *

This was the language of Washington at a time when the army was entirely

devoted to him, when his popularity was equal to that of Cromwell or

Napoleon in their palmiest days. Certain officers of the army were

ready, at a word, to make him king; and the acknowledged inefficiency of

the existing government would have furnished a plausible reason for the

act. But Washington was not formed of the material that kings are made

of. Personal ambition he despised. To be, not to seem great and good was

his aim. To serve, and not to rule his country was his object. He was

too true a patriot to assume the power and title of a monarch.

Early in May (1782) Sir Guy Carleton, who had succeeded Sir Henry

Clinton in the command of all the British forces in the United States,

arrived at New York. Having been also appointed, in conjunction with

Admiral Digby, a commissioner to negotiate a peace, he lost no time in

conveying to Washington copies of the votes of the British

Parliament, and of a bill which had been introduced on the part of the

administration, authorizing the King to conclude a peace or truce

with those who were still denominated "the revolted Colonies of North

America." These papers, he said, would manifest the dispositions

prevailing with the government and people of England toward those of

America, and, if the like pacific temper should prevail in this country,

both inclination and duty would lead him to meet it with the most

zealous concurrence. He had addressed to Congress, he said, a letter

containing the same communications, and he solicited a passport for the

person who should convey it.

At this time (1782) the bill enabling the British monarch to conclude a

peace or truce with America had not become a law, nor was any assurance

given that the present commissioners were empowered to offer other

terms than those which had been formerly rejected. General Carleton,

therefore, could not hope that negotiations would commence on such a

basis, nor be disappointed at the refusal of the passports he requested

by Congress, to whom the application was, of course, referred by

Washington. The letter may have been written for the general purpose

of conciliation, but the situation of the United States justified a

suspicion of different motives, and prudence required that their conduct

should be influenced by that suspicion. The repugnance of the King to a

dismemberment of the empire was understood, and it was thought

probable that the sentiments expressed in the House of Commons might be

attributable rather to a desire of changing ministers than to any fixed

determination to relinquish the design of reannexing America to the

Crown.

Under these impressions, the overtures now made were considered as

opiates administered to lull the spirit of vigilance, which Washington

and his friends in Congress labored to keep up, into a state of fatal

repose, and to prevent those measures of security which it might yet be

necessary to adopt.

This jealousy was nourished by all the intelligence received from

Europe. The utmost address of the British cabinet had been employed to

detach the belligerents from each other. The mediation of Russia had

been accepted to procure a separate peace with Holland; propositions had

been submitted both to France and Spain, tending to an accommodation

of differences with each of those powers singly, and inquiries had been

made of Mr. Adams, the American minister at the Hague in place of Mr.

Laurens, which seemed to contemplate the same object with regard to the

United States. These political maneuvers furnished additional motives

for doubting the sincerity of the English cabinet. Whatever views might

actuate the court of St. James on this subject, the resolution of the

American government to make no separate treaty was unalterable.

But the public votes which have been stated, and probably his private

instructions, restrained Sir Guy Carleton from offensive war, and the

state of the American army disabled Washington from making any attempt

on the posts in possession of the British. The campaign of 1782

consequently passed away without furnishing any military operations

of moment between the armies under the immediate direction of the

respective Commanders-in-Chief.

Early in August (1782) a letter was received by Washington from Sir

Guy Carleton and Admiral Digby, which, among other communications

manifesting a pacific disposition on the part of England, contained the

information that Mr. Grenville was at Paris, invested with full powers

to treat with all the parties at war, that negotiations for a general

peace were already commenced and that his Majesty had commanded his

minister to direct Mr. Grenville that the independence of the thirteen

provinces should be proposed by him in the first instance instead of

being made a condition of a general treaty. But that this proposition

would be made in the confidence that the Loyalists would be restored

to their possessions, or a full compensation made them for whatever

confiscations might have taken place.

This letter was, not long afterward, followed by one from Sir Guy

Carleton, declaring that he could discern no further object of contest,

and that he disapproved of all further hostilities by sea or land, which

could only multiply the miseries of individuals, without a possible

advantage to either nation. In pursuance of this opinion, he had, soon

after his arrival in New York, restrained the practice of detaching

parties of Indians against the frontiers of the United States and had

recalled those which were previously engaged in those bloody incursions.

These communications appear to have alarmed the jealousy of the minister

of France. To quiet his fears Congress renewed the resolution "to enter

into no discussion of any overtures for pacification, but in confidence

and in concert with his most Christian Majesty," and again recommended

to the several States to adopt such measures as would most effectually

guard against all intercourse with any subjects of the British Crown

during the war.

In South Carolina the American army under General Greene maintained

its position in front of Jacksonborough, and that of the British under

General Leslie was confined to Charleston and its immediate vicinity.

Both were inactive for a long period, and during this time Greene's army

suffered so much for want of provisions that he was under the necessity

of authorizing the seizure of them by the odious measure of impressment.

Privations, which had been borne without a murmur under the excitement

of active military operations, produced great irritation during the

leisure which prevailed after the enemy had abandoned the open field,

and, in the Pennsylvania line, which was composed chiefly of foreigners,

the discontent was aggravated to such a point as to produce a

treasonable intercourse with the enemy, in which a plot is understood

to have been laid for seizing General Greene and delivering him to a

detachment of British troops which would move out of Charleston for the

purpose of favoring the execution of the design. It was discovered when

it is supposed to have been on the point of execution, and a Sergeant

Gornell, believed to be the chief of the conspiracy, was condemned to

death by a court-martial, and executed on the 22d of April. Some others,

among whom were two domestics in the general's family, were brought

before the court on suspicion of being concerned in the plot, but the

testimony was not sufficient to convict them, and twelve deserted the

night after it was discovered. There is no reason to believe that the

actual guilt of this transaction extended further.

Charleston was held until the 14th of December. Previous to its

evacuation General Leslie had proposed a cessation of hostilities, and

that his troops might be supplied with fresh provisions, in exchange

for articles of the last necessity in the American camp. The policy of

government being adverse to this proposition, General Greene was under

the necessity of refusing his assent to it, and the British general

continued to supply his wants by force. This produced several skirmishes

with foraging parties, to one of which importance was given by the

untimely death of the intrepid Laurens, whose loss was universally

lamented.

This gallant and accomplished young gentleman had entered into the

military family of Washington at an early period of the war and had

always shared a large portion of his esteem. Brave to excess, he sought

every occasion to render service to his country and to acquire that

military fame which he pursued with the ardor of a young soldier, whose

courage seems to have partaken largely of that romantic spirit which

youth and enthusiasm produce in a fearless mind. No small addition to

the regrets occasioned by his loss was derived from the reflection that

he fell unnecessarily, in an unimportant skirmish, in the last moments

of the war, when his rash exposure to the danger which proved fatal to

him could no longer be useful to his country.

From the arrival of Sir Guy Carleton at New York, the conduct of the

British armies on the American continent was regulated by the spirit

then recently displayed in the House of Commons, and all the sentiments

expressed by their general were pacific and conciliatory. But to these

flattering appearances it was dangerous to yield implicit confidence.

With a change of men a change of measures might also take place, and, in

addition to the ordinary suggestions of prudence, the military events

in the West Indies were calculated to keep alive the attention, and to

continue the anxieties of the United States.

After the surrender of Lord Cornwallis the arms of France and Spain in

the American seas had been attended with such signal success that the

hope of annihilating the power of Great Britain in the West Indies was

not too extravagant to be indulged. Immense preparations had been made

for the invasion of Jamaica, and, early in April, Admiral Count de

Grasse sailed from Martinique with a powerful fleet, having on board the

land forces and artillery which were to be employed in the operations

against that island. His intention was to form a junction with the

Spanish Admiral Don Solano, who lay at Hispaniola; after which the

combined fleet, whose superiority promised to render it irresistible,

was to proceed on the important enterprise which had been concerted. On

his way to Hispaniola de Grasse was overtaken by Rodney, and brought to

an engagement in which he was totally defeated and made a prisoner. This

decisive victory disconcerted the plans of the combined powers and gave

security to the British islands. In the United States it was feared that

this alteration in the aspect of affairs might influence the councils

of the English cabinet on the question of peace, and these apprehensions

increased the uneasiness with which all intelligent men contemplated the

state of the American finances.

It was then in contemplation to reduce the army by which many of

the officers would be discharged. While the general declared, in a

confidential letter to the Secretary of War, his conviction of the

alacrity with which they would retire into private life, could they be

placed in a situation as eligible as they had left to enter into the

service, he added--"Yet I cannot help fearing the result of the

measure, when I see such a number of men goaded by a thousand stings of

reflection on, the past, and of anticipation on the future, about to

be turned on the world, soured by penury, and what they call the

ingratitude of the public; involved in debts, without one farthing of

money to carry them home, after having spent the flower of their days,

and many of them their patrimonies, in establishing the freedom and

independence of their country; and having suffered everything which

human nature is capable of enduring on this side of death. I repeat

it, when I reflect on these irritating circumstances, unattended by one

thing to soothe their feelings or brighten the gloomy prospect, I cannot

avoid apprehending that a train of evils will follow of a very serious

and distressing nature.

"I wish not to heighten the shades of the picture so far as the real

life would justify me in doing, or I would give anecdotes of patriotism

and distress which have scarcely ever been paralleled, never surpassed,

in the history of mankind. But you may rely upon it, the patience and

long-sufferance of this army are almost exhausted, and there never was

so great a spirit of discontent as at this instant. While in the field I

think it may be kept from breaking out into acts of outrage, but when we

retire into winter quarters (unless the storm be previously dissipated)

I cannot be at ease respecting the consequences. It is high time for a

peace."

"To judge rightly," says Marshall, "of the motives which produced this

uneasy temper in the army it will be necessary to recollect that the

resolution of October, 1780, granting half-pay for life to the officers

stood on the mere faith of a government possessing no funds enabling

it to perform its engagements. From requisitions alone, to be made on

sovereign States, the supplies were to be drawn which should satisfy

these meritorious public creditors, and the ill success attending these

requisitions while the dangers of war were still impending, furnished

melancholy presages of their unproductiveness in time of peace. In

addition to this reflection, of itself sufficient to disturb the

tranquility which the passage of the resolution had produced, were other

considerations of decisive influence. The dispositions manifested by

Congress itself were so unfriendly to the half-pay establishment as to

extinguish the hope that any funds the government might acquire would be

applied to that object. Since the passage of the resolution the articles

of confederation, which required the concurrence of nine States to any

act appropriating public money, had been adopted, and nine States had

never been in favor of the measure. Should the requisitions of Congress

therefore be respected, or should permanent funds be granted by the

States, the prevailing sentiment of the nation was too hostile to the

compensation which had been stipulated to leave a probability that it

would be substantially made. This was not merely the sentiment of the

individuals then administering the government which might change with

a change of men; it was known to be the sense of the States they

represented, and consequently the hope could not be indulged that, on

this subject, a future Congress would be more just or would think more

liberally. As, therefore, the establishment of that independence for

which they had fought and suffered appeared to become more certain as

the end of their toils approached--the officers became more attentive to

their own situation, and the inquietude of the army increased with the

progress of the negotiation."

In October (1782) the French troops marched to Boston, in order to

embark for the West Indies, and the Americans retired into winter

quarters. The apparent indisposition of the British general to act

offensively, the pacific temper avowed by the cabinet of London, and the

strength of the country in which the American troops were cantoned, gave

ample assurance that no military operations would be undertaken during

the winter which would require the continuance of Washington in camp.

But the irritable temper of the army furnished cause for serious

apprehension, and he determined to forego every gratification to be

derived from a suspension of his toils, in order to watch the progress

of its discontent.

The officers who had wasted their fortunes and the prime of their lives

in unrewarded service, fearing, with reason, that Congress possessed

neither the power nor the inclination to comply with its engagements

to the army, could not look with unconcern at the prospect which was

opening to them. In December, soon after going into winter quarters,

they presented a petition to Congress respecting the money actually due

to them, and proposing a commutation of the half-pay stipulated by the

resolutions of October, 1780, for a sum in gross, which, they flattered

themselves, would encounter fewer prejudices than the half-pay

establishment. Some security that the engagements of the government

would be complied with was also requested. A committee of officers was

deputed to solicit the attention of Congress to this memorial, and to

attend its progress through the house.

Among the most distinguished members of the Federal government were

persons sincerely disposed to do ample justice to the public creditors

generally, and to that class of them particularly whose claims were

founded in military service. But many viewed the army with jealous eyes,

acknowledged its merit with unwillingness, and betrayed, involuntarily,

their repugnance to a faithful observance of the public engagements.

With this question another of equal importance was connected, on which

Congress was divided almost in the same manner. One party was attached

to a State, the other to a Continental system. The latter labored to

fund the public debts on solid Continental security, while the former

opposed their whole weight to measures calculated to effect that object.

In consequence of these divisions on points of the deepest interest,

the business of the army advanced slowly, and the important question

respecting the commutation of their half-pay remained undecided

(March, 1783), when intelligence was received of the signature of the

preliminary and eventual articles of peace between the United States and

Great Britain.

The officers, soured by their past sufferings, their present wants,

and their gloomy prospects--exasperated by the neglect which they

experienced and the injustice which they apprehended, manifested an

irritable and uneasy temper, which required only a slight impulse to

give it activity. To render this temper the more dangerous, an opinion

had been insinuated that the Commander-in-Chief was restrained, by

extreme delicacy, from supporting their interests with that zeal which

his feelings and knowledge of their situation had inspired. Early

in March a letter was received from their committee in Philadelphia,

showing that the objects they solicited had not been obtained. On the

10th of that month (1783) an anonymous paper was circulated, requiring a

meeting of the general and field officers at the public building on the

succeeding day at 11 in the morning, and announcing the expectation

that an officer from each company, and a delegate from the medical staff

would attend. The object of the meeting was avowed to be, "to consider

the late letter from their representatives in Philadelphia, and what

measures (if any) should be adopted to obtain that redress of grievances

which they seemed to have solicited in vain."

On the same day an address to the army was privately circulated, which

was admirably well calculated to work on the passions of the moment,

and to lead to the most desperate resolutions. This was the first of the

celebrated "Newburg Addresses," since acknowledged to have been written

by Gen. John Armstrong, at the request of several of the officers in

camp. The following were the concluding passages of the first address:

"After a pursuit of seven long years, the object for which we set out

is at length brought within our reach. Yes, my friends, that suffering

courage of yours was active once. It has conducted the United States of

America through a doubtful and a bloody war. It has placed her in the

chair of independency; and peace returns again to bless--whom? A country

willing to redress your wrongs, cherish your worth, and reward your

services? A country courting your return to private life with tears

of gratitude and smiles of admiration--longing to divide with you that

independency which your gallantry has given, and those riches which your

wounds have preserved? Is this the case? Or is it rather a country

that tramples upon your rights, disdains your cries, and insults your

distresses? Have you not more than once suggested your wishes and made

known your wants to Congress? Wants and wishes which gratitude and

policy would have anticipated rather than evaded; and have you not

lately, in the meek language of entreating memorials, begged from their

justice what you could no longer expect from their favor? How have you

been answered? Let the letter which you are called to consider tomorrow

reply.

"If this, then, be your treatment while the swords you wear are

necessary for the defense of America, what have you to expect from

peace, when your voice shall sink and your strength dissipate by

division? When those very swords, the instruments and companions of your

glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no remaining mark of military

distinction left but your wants, infirmities, and scars? Can you then

consent to be the only sufferers by this Revolution, and, retiring from

the field, grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt? Can you

consent to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the

miserable remnant of that life to charity which has hitherto been spent

in honor? If you can, go; and carry with you the jest of Tories and the

scorn of Whigs, the ridicule, and, what is worse, the pity of the world.

Go--starve and be forgotten. But if your spirit should revolt at this,

if you have sense enough to discover, and spirit enough to oppose,

tyranny under whatever garb it may assume, whether it be the plain

coat of republicanism or the splendid robe of royalty; if you have yet

learned to discriminate between a people and a cause, between men and

principles, awake; attend to your situation and redress yourselves. If

the present moment be lost, every future effort is in vain, and your

threats then will be as empty as your entreaties now.

"I would advise you, therefore, to come to some final opinion upon what

you can bear and what you will suffer. If your determination be in any

proportion to your wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice to the

fears of the government. Change the milk-and-water style of your

last memorial. Assume a bolder tone, decent, but lively; spirited and

determined; and suspect the man who would advise to more moderation and

longer forbearance. Let two or three men who can feel as well as write

be appointed to draw up your last remonstrance; for I would no longer

give it the suing, soft, unsuccessful epithet of memorial. Let it be

represented in language that will neither dishonor you by its rudeness

nor betray you by its fears, what has been promised by Congress and what

has been performed; how long and how patiently you have suffered; how

little you have asked, and how much of that little has been denied. Tell

them that, though you were the first, and would wish to be the last

to encounter danger; though despair itself can never drive you into

dishonor it may drive you from the field; that the wound often irritated

and never healed may at length become incurable, and that the slightest

mark of indignity from Congress now must operate like the grave,

and part you forever; that in any political event, the army has its

alternative--if peace, that nothing shall separate you from your

arms but death; if war, that, courting the auspices and inviting the

directions of your illustrious leader, you will retire to some unsettled

country, smile in your turn, and 'mock when their fear cometh on.' But

let it represent also that should they comply with the request of your

late memorial, it would make you more happy and them more respectable.

That while war should continue you would follow their standard into the

field, and when it came to an end, you would withdraw into the shade

of private life, and give the world another subject of wonder and

applause--an army victorious over its enemies, victorious over itself."

Persuaded as the officers in general were of the indisposition of

government to remunerate their services, this eloquent and impassioned

address, dictated by genius and by feeling, found in almost every bosom

a kindred though latent sentiment prepared to receive its impression.

Quick as the train to which a torch is applied, the passions caught its

flame and nothing seemed to be required but the assemblage proposed for

the succeeding day to communicate the conflagration to the combustible

mass and to produce an explosion ruinous to the army and to the nation.

Accustomed as Washington had been to emergencies of great delicacy and

difficulty, yet none had occurred which called more pressingly than the

present for the utmost exertion of all his powers. He knew well that it

was much easier to avoid intemperate measures than to recede from them

after they have been adopted. He therefore considered it as a matter

of the last importance to prevent the meeting of the officers on the

succeeding day, as proposed in the anonymous summons. The sensibilities

of the army were too high to admit of this being forbidden by authority,

as a violation of discipline; but the end was answered in another way

and without irritation. Washington, in general orders, noticed the

anonymous summons, as a disorderly proceeding, not to be countenanced;

and the more effectually to divert the officers from paying any

attention to it, he requested them to meet for the same nominal purpose,

but on a day four days subsequent to the one proposed by the anonymous

writer. On the next day (March 12th), the second "Newburg Address"

appeared, affecting to consider Washington as approving the first, and

only changing the day of meeting. But this artifice was defeated.

The intervening period was improved in preparing the officers for the

adoption of moderate measures. Washington sent for one officer after

another, and enlarged in private on the fatal consequences, and

particularly the loss of character, which would result from the adoption

of intemperate resolutions. His whole personal influence was exerted to

calm the prevailing agitation. When the officers assembled (March

15, 1783), General Gates was called to the chair. Washington rose and

apologized for being present, which had not been his original intention;

but the circulation of anonymous addresses had imposed on him the duty

of expressing his opinion of their tendency. He had committed it to

writing, and, with the indulgence of his brother officers, he would take

the liberty of reading it to them; and then proceeded as follows:

"GENTLEMEN.--By an anonymous summons an attempt has been made to

convene you together. How inconsistent with the rules of propriety, how

unmilitary, and how subversive of all order and discipline, let the good

sense of the army decide.

"In the moment of this summons, another anonymous production was sent

into circulation, addressed more to the feelings and passions than to

the reason and judgment of the army. The author of the piece is entitled

to much credit for the goodness of his pen, and I could wish he had

as much credit for the rectitude of his heart; for, as men see through

different optics, and are induced, by the reflecting faculties of the

mind, to use different means to attain the same end, the author of the

address should have had more charity than to mark for suspicion the man

who should recommend moderation and longer forbearance; or, in other

words, who should not think as he thinks, and act as he advises. But he

had another plan in view, in which candor and liberality of sentiment,

regard to justice, and love of country have no part; and he was right to

insinuate the darkest suspicion to effect the blackest design. That

the address is drawn with great art and is designed to answer the most

insidious purposes; that it is calculated to impress the mind with an

idea of premeditated injustice in the sovereign power of the United

States, and rouse all those resentments which must unavoidably flow from

such a belief that the secret mover of this scheme, whoever he may be,

intended to take advantage of the passions, while they were warmed

by the recollection of past distresses, without giving time for cool,

deliberate thinking, and that composure of mind which is so necessary to

give dignity and stability to measures, is rendered too obvious, by the

mode of conducting the business, to need other proof than a reference to

the proceeding. Thus much, gentlemen, I have thought it incumbent on me

to observe to you, to show upon what principles I opposed the irregular

and hasty meeting which was proposed to have been held on Tuesday last,

and not because I wanted a disposition to give you every opportunity,

consistent with your own honor and the dignity of the army, to make

known your grievances. If my conduct heretofore has not evinced to you

that I have been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration of it at

this time would be equally unavailing and improper. But as I was among

the first who embarked in the cause of our common country; as I have

never left your side one moment, but when called from you on public

duty; as I have been the constant companion and witness of your

distresses, and not among the last to feel and acknowledge your merits;

as I have ever considered my own military reputation as inseparably

connected with that of the army; as my heart has ever expanded with joy

when I have heard its praises, and my indignation has arisen when the

mouth of detraction has been opened against it, it can scarcely be

supposed, at this late stage of the war, that I am indifferent to its

interests. But how are they to be promoted? The way is plain, says

the anonymous addresser. If war continues, remove into the unsettled

country; there establish yourselves and leave an ungrateful country to

defend itself. But who are they to defend? Our wives, our children, our

farms and other property, which we leave behind us? Or, in this state of

hostile separation, are we to take the two first (the latter cannot be

removed), to perish in a wilderness with hunger, cold, and nakedness?

If peace takes place, never sheathe your swords, says he, until you have

obtained full and ample justice. This dreadful alternative of either

deserting our country in the extremist hour of her distress, or turning

our arms against it, which is the apparent object, unless Congress can

be compelled into instant compliance, has something so shocking in it

that humanity revolts at the idea. My God! What can this writer have in

view, by recommending such measures? Can he be a friend to the army? Can

he be a friend to this country? Rather is he not an insidious foe? some

emissary, perhaps, from New York, plotting the ruin of both, by sowing

the seeds of discord and separation between the civil and military

powers of the continent? And what a compliment does he pay to our

understandings, when he recommends measures, in either alternative,

impracticable in their nature!

"But here, gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, because it would be as

imprudent in me to assign my reasons for this opinion as it would be

insulting to your conception to suppose you stood in need of them.

A moment's reflection will convince every dispassionate mind of the

physical impossibility of carrying either proposal into execution. There

might, gentlemen, be an Impropriety in my taking notice, in this

address to you, of an anonymous production, but the manner in which that

performance has been introduced to the army, the effect it was intended

to have, together with some other circumstances, will amply justify my

observations on the tendency of that writing. With respect to the advice

given by the author, to suspect the man who shall recommend moderate

measures and longer forbearance, I spurn it, as every man who regards

that liberty and reveres that justice for which we contend, undoubtedly

must; for, if men are to be precluded from offering their sentiments on

a matter which may involve the most serious and alarming consequences

that can invite the consideration of mankind, reason is of no use to us.

The freedom of speech may be taken away, and, dumb and silent, we may be

led like sheep to the slaughter.

"I cannot, in justice to my own belief and what I have great reason to

conceive is the intention of Congress, conclude this address without

giving it as my decided opinion that that honorable body entertain

exalted sentiments of the services of the army, and from a full

conviction of its merits and sufferings will do it complete justice;

that their endeavors to discover and establish funds for this purpose

has been unwearied, and will not cease till they have succeeded, I have

not a doubt. But, like all other large bodies where there is a variety

of different interests to reconcile, their determinations are slow. Why,

then, should we distrust them, and, in consequence of that distrust,

adopt measures which may cast a shade over that glory which has been

so justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of an army which is

celebrated through all Europe for its fortitude and patriotism? And

for what is this done? To bring the object we seek nearer? No; most

certainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a greater distance. For

myself--and I take no merit in giving the assurance, being induced to it

from principles of gratitude, veracity, and justice--a grateful sense

of the confidence you have ever placed in me, a recollection of the

cheerful assistance and prompt obedience I have experienced from you

under every vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere affection I feel

for an army I have so long had the honor to command, will oblige me

to declare in this public and solemn manner that in the attainment

of complete justice for all your toils and dangers, and in the

gratification of every wish, so far as may be done consistently with the

great duty I owe my country, and those powers we are bound to respect,

you may freely command my services to the utmost extent of my abilities.

While I give you these assurances, and pledge myself in the most

unequivocal manner to exert whatever ability I am possessed of in your

favor, let me entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to take any

measure, which, viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessen the

dignity and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained. Let me request

you to rely on the plighted faith of your country, and place a full

confidence in the purity of the intentions of Congress, that, previous

to your dissolution as an army, they will cause all your accounts to be

fairly liquidated, as directed in the resolutions which were published

to you two days ago; and that they will adopt the most effectual

measures in their power to render ample justice to you for your faithful

and meritorious services. And let me conjure you, in the name of our

common country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect

the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and national

character of America, to express your utmost horror and detestation

of the man who wishes, under any specious pretenses, to overturn

the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts to open the

floodgates of civil discord and deluge our rising empire in blood.

"By thus determining and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and

direct road to the attainment of your wishes; you will defeat the

insidious designs of our enemies, who are compelled to resort from open

force to secret artifice. You will give one more distinguished proof

of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the

pressure of the most complicated sufferings; and you will, by the

dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, when

speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to mankind--'Had

this day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage of

perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining.'"

After concluding this address, Washington read to the meeting a letter

from one of his frequent correspondents in Congress, the Hon. Joseph

Jones, pointing out the difficulties Congress had to contend with, but

expressing the opinion that the claims of the army would, at all events,

be paid. When he got through with the first paragraph of the letter he

made a short pause, took out his spectacles, and craved the indulgence

of the audience while he put them on, remarking, while he was engaged in

that operation, that "he had grown gray in their service, and now found

himself growing blind." The effect of such remark from Washington, at

such a moment, may be imagined. It brought tears to the eyes of many a

veteran in that illustrious assemblage. When he had finished reading

the letter he retired, leaving the officers to deliberate and act as the

crisis demanded.

On the present occasion, as on previous ones, Washington's appeal to the

officers was successful. The sentiments uttered in his address, from

a person whom the army had been accustomed to love, to revere, and to

obey--the solidity of whose judgment and the sincerity of whose zeal

for their interests were alike unquestioned--could not fail to be

irresistible. No person was hardy enough to oppose the advice he had

given, and the general impression was apparent. A resolution, moved by

General Knox and seconded by Brigadier-General Putnam, "assuring him

that the officers reciprocated his affectionate expressions with the

greatest sincerity of which the human heart is capable," was unanimously

voted. On the motion of General Putnam, a committee consisting of

General Knox, Colonel Brooks, and Captain Howard was then appointed to

prepare resolutions on the business before them, and to report in half

an hour. The report of the committee being brought in and considered,

resolutions were passed declaring that no circumstances of distress

should induce the officers to sully, by unworthy conduct, the reputation

acquired in their long and faithful service; that they had undiminished

confidence in the justice of Congress and of their country; and that

the Commander-in-Chief should be requested to write to the President

of Congress, earnestly entreating a speedy decision on the late address

forwarded by a committee of the army. In compliance with the request of

the officers, expressed in the above mentioned resolution, and with the

pledge which he had voluntarily given, Washington forthwith addressed

the following letter to the President of Congress:

"The result of the proceedings of the grand convention of the officers,

which I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency for the

inspection of Congress, will, I flatter myself, be considered as the

last glorious proof of patriotism which could have been given by men who

aspired to the distinction of a patriot army, and will not only

confirm their claim to the justice but will increase their title to the

gratitude of their country. Having seen the proceedings on the part

of the army terminate with perfect unanimity and in a manner entirely

consonant to my wishes; being impressed with the liveliest sentiments

of affection for those who have so long, so patiently, and so cheerfully

suffered and fought under my immediate direction; having, from motives

of justice, duty, and gratitude, spontaneously offered myself as an

advocate for their rights, and, having been requested to write to your

Excellency, earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of Congress

upon the subjects of the late address from the army to that honorable

body, it now only remains for me to perform the task I have assumed, and

to intercede in their behalf, as I now do, that the sovereign power

will be pleased to verify the predictions I have pronounced of, and the

confidence the army have reposed in, the justice of their country. And

here I humbly conceive it is altogether unnecessary (while I am pleading

the cause of an army which have done and suffered more than any other

army ever did in the defense of the rights and liberties of human

nature) to expatiate on their claims to the most ample compensation

for their meritorious services, because they are known perfectly to the

whole world, and because (although the topics are inexhaustible) enough

has already been said on the subject. To prove these assertions, to

evince that my sentiments have ever been uniform, and to show what

my ideas of the rewards in question have always been, I appeal to the

archives of Congress, and call on those sacred deposits to witness for

me. And in order that my observations and arguments in favor of a

future adequate provision for the officers of the army may be brought

to remembrance again and considered in a single point of view, without

giving Congress the trouble of having recourse to their files, I will

beg leave to transmit herewith an extract from a representation made by

me to a committee of Congress, so long ago as the 29th of January, 1778,

and also the transcript of a letter to the President of Congress, dated

near Passaic Falls, October 11, 1780.

"That in the critical and perilous moment when the last-mentioned

communication was made there was the utmost danger a dissolution of the

army would have taken place unless measures similar to those recommended

had been adopted, will not admit a doubt. That the adoption of the

resolution granting half-pay for life has been attended with all the

happy consequences I had foretold, so far as respected the good of the

service, let the astonishing contrast between the state of the army

at this instant and at the former period determine. And that the

establishment of funds and security of the payment of all the just

demands of the army will be the most certain means of preserving the

national faith and future tranquility of this extensive continent, is my

decided opinion.

"By the preceding remarks it will readily be imagined that instead of

retracting and reprehending (from further experience and reflection) the

mode of compensation so strenuously urged in the enclosures, I am more

and more confirmed in the sentiment, and if in the wrong, suffer me to

please myself with the grateful delusion.

"For if, besides the simple payment of their wages, a further

compensation is not due to the sufferings and sacrifices of the

officers, then have I been mistaken indeed. If the whole army have not

merited whatever a grateful people can bestow, then have I been beguiled

by prejudice and built opinion on the basis of error. If this country

should not in the event perform everything which has been requested in

the late memorial to Congress, then will my belief become vain, and

the hope that has been excited void of foundation. And if (as has been

suggested for the purpose of inflaming their passions) the officers of

the army are to be the only sufferers by this revolution; 'if, retiring

from the field, they are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and

contempt; if they are to wade through the vile mire of dependency and

owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity which has hitherto

been spent in honor,' then shall I have learned what ingratitude

is--then shall I have realized a tale which will embitter every moment

of my future life.

"But I am under no such apprehensions; a country rescued by their arms

from impending ruin will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude.

"Should any intemperate or improper warmth have mingled itself amongst

the foregoing observations, I must entreat your Excellency and Congress

it may be attributed to the effusion of an honest zeal in the best of

causes, and that my peculiar situation may be my apology, and I hope

I need not on this momentous occasion make any new protestations of

personal disinterestedness, having ever renounced for myself the idea

of pecuniary reward. The consciousness of having attempted faithfully to

discharge my duty and the approbation of my country will be a sufficient

recompense for my services."

This energetic letter, connected with recent events, induced Congress to

decide on the claims of the army. These were liquidated, and the amount

acknowledged to be due from the United States. Thus the country was

once more indebted to the wisdom and moderation of Washington for its

preservation from imminent danger.

Soon after these events intelligence of a general peace was received.

The news came by a French vessel from Cadiz, with a letter from

Lafayette, who was then at that place preparing for an expedition to the

West Indies, under Count d'Estaing. Shortly after, Sir Guy Carleton gave

official information to the same effect and announced a cessation of

hostilities. The joyful intelligence was notified by proclamation of

Washington to the army, in the camp at Newburg, on the 19th of April

(1783), exactly eight years after the commencement of hostilities at

Lexington. In general orders a public religious service and thanksgiving

was directed by him to take place on the evening of the same day, when

the proclamation was read at the head of every regiment and corps of

the army. The immediate reduction of the army was resolved upon, but the

mode of effecting it required deliberation. To avoid the inconveniences

of dismissing a great number of soldiers in a body, furloughs were

freely granted on the application of individuals, and after their

dispersion they were not enjoined to return. By this arrangement

a critical moment was got over. A great part of an unpaid army was

dispersed over the States without tumult or disorder.

At the instance of Washington the soldiers were permitted to carry

home their arms, to be preserved and transmitted to their posterity as

memorials of the glorious war of independence.

While the veterans serving under the immediate eye of their beloved

Commander-in-Chief manifested the utmost good temper and conduct,

a mutinous disposition broke out among some new levies stationed at

Lancaster, in Pennsylvania. About eighty of this description marched in

a body to Philadelphia, where they were joined by some other troops, so

as to amount in the whole to 300. They marched with fixed bayonets to

the statehouse, in which Congress and the State Executive Council held

their sessions. They placed guards at every door and threatened the

President and Council of the State with letting loose an enraged

soldiery upon them, unless they granted their demands in twenty minutes.

As soon as this outrage was known to Washington, he detached General

Howe with a competent force to suppress the mutiny. This was

effected without bloodshed before his arrival. The mutineers were too

inconsiderable to commit extensive mischief, but their disgraceful

conduct excited the greatest indignation in the breast of the

Commander-in-Chief, which was expressed in a letter to the President of

Congress in the following words:

"While I suffer the most poignant distress in observing that a handful

of men, contemptible in numbers, and equally so in point of service (if

the veteran troops from the southward have not been seduced by their

example), and who are not worthy to be called soldiers, should disgrace

themselves and their country, as the Pennsylvania mutineers have done,

by insulting the sovereign authority of the United States, and that of

their own, I feel an inexpressible satisfaction that even this behavior

cannot stain the name of the American soldiery.

"It cannot be imputable to or reflect dishonor on the army at large,

but, on the contrary, it will, by the striking contrast it exhibits,

hold up to public view the other troops in the most advantageous point

of light. Upon taking all the circumstances into consideration, I cannot

sufficiently express my surprise and indignation at the arrogance,

the folly, and the wickedness of the mutineers; nor can I sufficiently

admire the fidelity, the bravery, and patriotism which must forever

signalize the unsullied character of the other corps of our army. For

when we consider that these Pennsylvania levies who have now mutinied

are recruits and soldiers of a day, who have not borne the heat and

burden of war, and who can have in reality very few hardships to

complain of, and when we at the same time recollect that those soldiers

who have lately been furloughed from this army, are the veterans who

have patiently endured hunger, nakedness, and cold; who have suffered

and bled without a murmur, and who, with perfect good order have retired

to their homes without a settlement of their accounts or a farthing of

money in their pockets, we shall be as much astonished at the virtues of

the latter as we are struck with detestation at the proceedings of the

former."

On the occasion of disbanding the army, Washington addressed a circular

letter to the governors of all the States, in which he gave his views

of the existing state of the country and the principles upon which the

future fabric of united government should be founded. It is one of the

most remarkable state papers ever produced in this country.

Meantime Sir Guy Carleton was preparing to evacuate the city of New

York. On the 27th of April (1783) a fleet had sailed for Nova Scotia

with 7,000 persons and their effects. These were partly soldiers and

partly Tories exiled by the laws of the States.

On the 6th of May Washington had a personal interview with Carleton at

Orangetown respecting the delivery of the British ports in the United

States, and of property directed to be surrendered by an article of the

treaty.

The independence of his country being established, Washington looked

forward with anxiety to its future destinies. These might greatly

depend on the systems to be adopted on the return of peace, and to

those systems much of his attention was directed. The future peace

establishment of the United States was one of the many interesting

subjects which claimed the consideration of Congress. As the experience

of Washington would certainly enable him to suggest many useful ideas on

this important point, his opinions respecting it were requested by

the committee of Congress to whom it was referred. His letter on this

occasion will long deserve the attention of those to whom the interests

of the United States may be confided. His strongest hopes of securing

the future tranquility, dignity, and respectability of his country

were placed on a well-regulated and well-disciplined militia; and his

sentiments on this subject are entitled to the more regard as a

long course of severe experience had enabled him to mark the total

incompetence of the existing system to the great purposes of national

defense.

At length the British troops evacuated New York, and on the 25th of

November (1783) a detachment from the American army took possession of

that city.

Guards being posted for the security of the citizens, Washington,

accompanied by Governor George Clinton, and attended by many civil

and military officers and a large number of respectable inhabitants on

horseback, made his public entry into the city, where he was received

with every mark of respect and attention. His military course was now on

the point of terminating, and he was about to bid adieu to his comrades

in arms. This affecting interview took place on the 4th of December. At

noon the principal officers of the army assembled at Frances' tavern,

soon after which their belove'd Commander entered the room. His emotions

were too strong to be concealed. Filling a glass, he turned to them and

said, "With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of

you; I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous

and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable." Having

drunk, he added, "I cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but

shall be obliged if each of you will come and take me by the hand."

General Knox, being nearest, turned to him. Washington, incapable of

utterance, grasped his hand and embraced him. In the same affectionate

manner he took leave of each succeeding officer. The tear of manly

sensibility was in every eye, and not a word was articulated to

interrupt the dignified silence and the tenderness of the scene. Leaving

the room, he passed through the corps of light infantry and walked to

Whitehall, where a barge waited to convey him to Paulus Hook. The

whole company followed in mute and solemn procession, with dejected

countenances, testifying feelings of delicious melancholy which no

language can describe. Having entered the barge he turned to the company

and, waving his hat, bid them a silent adieu. They paid him the same

affectionate compliment, and, after the barge had left them, returned in

the same solemn manner to the place where they had assembled.

Congress was then in session at Annapolis, in Maryland, to which place

Washington repaired for the purpose of resigning into their hands the

authority with which they had invested him. He arrived on the 19th of

December (1783). The next day he informed that body of his intention to

ask leave to resign the commission he had the honor of holding in their

service, and requested to know whether it would be their pleasure that

he should offer his resignation in writing or at an audience.

To give the more dignity to the act, they determined that it should be

offered at a public audience on the following Tuesday, 23d of December,

at 12.

When the hour arrived for performing a ceremony so well calculated

to recall the various interesting scenes which had passed since the

commission now to be returned was granted, the gallery was crowded with

spectators and several persons of distinction were admitted on the floor

of Congress. The members remained seated and covered. The spectators

were standing and uncovered. Washington was introduced by the secretary

and conducted to a chair. After a short pause the President, General

Mifflin, informed him that "the United States in Congress assembled were

prepared to receive his communications." With native dignity, improved

by the solemnity of the occasion, Washington rose and delivered the

following address:

"MR. PRESIDENT.--The great events on which my resignation depended

having at length taken place, I have now the honor of offering my

sincere congratulations to Congress, and of presenting myself before

them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to

claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country.

"Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and

pleased with an opportunity afforded the United States of becoming

a respectable nation, I resign with satisfaction the appointment I

accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish

so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded by a confidence in

rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the Union,

and the patronage of Heaven.

"The successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguine

expectations, and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and

the assistance I have received from my countrymen increases with every

review of the momentous contest. While I repeat my obligations to

the army in general, I should do injustice to my own feelings not to

acknowledge in this place the peculiar services and distinguished merits

of the gentlemen who have been attached to my person during the war. It

was impossible the choice of confidential officers to compose my

family should have been more fortunate. Permit me, sir, to recommend

in particular, those who have continued in the service to the present

moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of Congress.

"I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last act of my

official life, by commending the interests of our dearest country to the

protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence of

them to His holy keeping.

"Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great

theater of action, and, bidding an affectionate farewell to this

august body, under whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my

commission and take my leave of all the employments of public life."

After advancing to the chair and delivering his commission to the

President, he returned to his place and received, standing, the

following answer of Congress, which was delivered by the President:

"SIR.--The United States, in Congress assembled, receive with emotions

too affecting for utterance, the solemn resignation of the authorities

under which you have led their troops with success through a perilous

and a doubtful war. Called upon by your country to defend its invaded

rights, you accepted the sacred charge before it had formed alliances

and whilst it was without funds or a government to support you. You

have conducted the great military contest with wisdom and fortitude,

invariably regarding the rights of the civil power through all disasters

and changes. You have, by the love and confidence of your fellow

citizens, enabled them to display their martial genius and transmit

their fame to posterity. You have persevered until these United States,

aided by a magnanimous King and nation, have been enabled, under a just

Providence, to close the war in freedom, safety, and independence, on

which happy event we sincerely join you in congratulations.

"Having defended the standard of liberty in this new world, having

taught a lesson useful to those who inflict and to those who feel

oppression, you retire from the great theater of action with the

blessings of your fellow-citizens. But the glory of your virtues will

not terminate with your military command; it will continue to animate

remotest ages.

"We feel with you our obligations to the army in general and will

particularly charge ourselves with the interests of those confidential

officers who have attended your person to this affecting moment.

"We join you in commending the interests of our dearest country to the

protection of Almighty God, beseeching Him to dispose the hearts and

minds of its citizens to improve the opportunity afforded them of

becoming a happy and respectable nation. And for you we address to Him

our earnest prayers that a life so beloved may be fostered with all his

care; that your days may be as happy as they have been illustrious, and

that he will finally give you that reward which this world cannot give."

This scene being closed, a scene rendered peculiarly interesting by the

personages who appeared in it, by the great events it recalled to the

memory, and by the singularity of the circumstances under which it

was displayed, the American chief withdrew from the hall of Congress,

leaving the silent and admiring spectators deeply impressed with those

sentiments which its solemnity and dignity were calculated to inspire.

Divested of his military character, Washington, on the following day,

set out for Mount Vernon to which favorite residence he now retired,

followed by the enthusiastic love, esteem, and admiration of his

countrymen. Relieved from the agitations of a doubtful contest and from

the toils of an exalted station he returned with increased delight to

the duties and the enjoyments of a private citizen. He indulged the

hope that in the shade of retirement, under the protection of a free

government and the benignant influence of mild and equal laws, he might

taste that felicity which is the reward of a mind at peace with itself

and conscious of its own purity. [2]

"Though General Washington was not stayed in his progress to

Philadelphia, by the Congress, who, on the 1st of November, had elected

the Honorable Thomas Mifflin President, and three days after had

adjourned to meet at Annapolis in Maryland on the 26th; yet it was

the 8th of December, at noon, before General Washington arrived at the

Capital of Pennsylvania. When his intention of quitting the army was

known he was complimented and received with the utmost respect and

affection, by all orders of men, both civil and military. He remained

some days in Philadelphia. While in the city he delivered in his

accounts to the comptroller, down to December the 13th, all in his own

handwriting, and every entry made in the most particular manner,

stating the occasion of each charge, so as to give the least trouble

in examining and comparing them with the vouchers with which they were

attended.

"The heads are as follows, copied from the folio manuscript paper book,

in the file of the treasury office, No. 3700, being a black box of tin

containing, under lock and key, both that and the vouchers:

"Total of expenditures from 1775 to 1783, exclusive £. s. d.

of provisions from commissaries and contractors,

and of liquors, &c., from them and others............ 3387 14 4

Secret intelligence and service...................... 1982 10 0

Spent in reconnoitering and traveling................ 874 8 8

Miscellaneous charges ............................... 2952 10 1

Expended besides, dollars according to the scale of

depreciation ........................................ 6114 14 0

___________

£16,311 17 1

[3] "(General Washington's account) from June, 1775, £. s. d.

to the end of June, 1783............................ 16,311 17 1

Expenditure from July 1, 1783, to Dec. 13........... 1717 5 4

(Added afterwards) from thence to Dec. 28........... 213 8 4

Mrs. Washington's traveling expenses in coming

to the General and returning........................ 1064 1 0

£19,306 11 9

"Lawful money of Virginia,

the same as the Massachusetts, or £14,479 18 9 3/4 sterling.

"The General entered in his book--'I find upon the final adjustment of

these accounts, that I am a considerable loser--my disbursements falling

a good deal short of my receipts, and the money I had upon hand of my

own; for besides the sums I carried with me to Cambridge in 1775, I

received moneys afterward on private account in 1777 and since, which

(except small sums that I had occasion now and then to apply to private

uses) were all expended in the public service: through hurry, I suppose,

and the perplexity of business (for I know not how else to account for

the deficiency) I have omitted to charge the same, whilst every debit

against me is here credited. July 1, 1783.'" [4]

"Happy would it have been for the United States had each person who has

handled public money been equally exact and punctual!

"General Washington, after delivering in his accounts, hastened to

Annapolis, where he arrived on the evening of the 19th December."

A facsimile of the original account, filling many foolscap pages, has

been published; and copies were eagerly ordered by collectors in Europe

as well as the United States.

The document through which Washington, at the close of the Revolution,

left to the States whose trust he had held, and whose work he had

done, does not yield in interest and importance to even the more famous

Farewell Address. It was sent to each of the Governors of the several

States, and was as follows:

WASHINGTON'S CIRCULAR LETTER TO THE GOVERNORS OF ALL THE STATES ON

DISBANDING THE ARMY.

"Headquarters, Newburg, June 18, 1783. Sir:--The object for which I

had the honor to hold an appointment in the service of my country

being accomplished, I am now preparing to resign it into the hands of

Congress, and return to that domestic retirement, which, it is well

known, I left with the greatest reluctance; a retirement for which I

have never ceased to sigh through a long and painful absence, in which

(remote from the noise and trouble of the world) I meditate to pass the

remainder of life, in a state of undisturbed repose: but, before I carry

this resolution into effect, I think it a duty incumbent on me to make

this my last official communication, to congratulate you on the glorious

events which Heaven has been pleased to produce in our favor; to offer

my sentiments respecting some important subjects, which appear to me to

be intimately connected with the tranquility of the United States; to

take my leave of your Excellency as a public character; and to give my

final blessing to that country in whose service I have spent the prime

of my life, for whose sake I have consumed so many anxious days and

watchful nights, and whose happiness, being extremely dear to me, will

always constitute no inconsiderable part of my own.

"Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this pleasing occasion, I

will claim the indulgence of dilating the more copiously on the subject

of our mutual felicitation. When we consider the magnitude of the prize

we contended for, the doubtful nature of the contest, and the favorable

manner in which it has terminated, we shall find the greatest possible

reason for gratitude and rejoicing. This is a theme that will afford

infinite delight to every benevolent and liberal mind, whether the event

in contemplation be considered as a source of present enjoyment, or

the parent of future happiness; and we shall have equal occasion to

felicitate ourselves on the lot which Providence has assigned us,

whether we view it in a natural, a political, or moral point of light.

"The citizens of America, placed in the most enviable condition, as the

sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of continent, comprehending

all the various soils and climates of the world, and abounding with

all the necessaries and conveniences of life, are now, by the late

satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute

freedom and independency: they are from this period to be considered as

the actors on a most conspicuous theatre, which seems to be peculiarly

designed by Providence for the display of human greatness and felicity.

Here they are not only surrounded with every thing that can contribute

to the completion of private and domestic enjoyment; but Heaven has

crowned all its other blessings, by giving a surer opportunity for

political happiness, than any other nation has ever been favored

with. Nothing can illustrate these observations more forcibly than a

recollection of the happy conjuncture of times and circumstances under

which our republic assumed its rank among the nations. The foundation of

our empire was not laid in a gloomy age of ignorance and superstition,

but at an epoch when the rights of mankind were better understood and

more clearly defined, than at any former period. Researches of the human

mind after social happiness have been carried to a great extent; the

treasures of knowledge acquired by the labors of philosophers, sages,

and legislators, through a long succession of years, are laid open

for us, and their collected wisdom may be happily applied in the

establishment of our forms of government. The free cultivation of

letters, the unbounded extension of commerce, the progressive refinement

of manners, the growing liberality of sentiment; and, above all, the

pure and benign light of revelation, have had a meliorating influence

on mankind, and increased the blessings of society. At this auspicious

period, the United States came into existence as a nation; and if their

citizens should not be completely free and happy, the fault will be

entirely their own.

"Such is our situation, and such are our prospects. But notwithstanding

the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us; notwithstanding happiness

is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion, and make it our

own; yet it appears to me there is an option still left to the United

States of America, whether they will be respectable and prosperous,

or contemptible and miserable as a nation. This is the time of their

political probation; this is the moment when the eyes of the whole

world are turned upon them; this is the time to establish or ruin their

national character forever; this is the favorable moment to give such a

tone to the federal government, as will enable it to answer the ends of

its institution; or, this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the

powers of the union, annihilating the cement of the confederation, and

exposing us to become the sport of European politics, which may play one

State against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to serve

their own interested purposes. For, according to the system of policy

the States shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; and,

by their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, whether the

Revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse:--a

blessing or a curse, not to the present age alone, for with our fate

will the destiny of unborn millions be involved.

"With this conviction of the importance of the present crisis, silence

in me would be a crime; I will therefore speak to your Excellency

the language of freedom and sincerity, without disguise. I am aware,

however, those who differ from me in political sentiments may, perhaps,

remark, I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty; and they may

possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, what I know alone is the

result of the purest intention. But the rectitude of my own heart, which

disdains such unworthy motives; the part I have hitherto acted in

life; the determination I have formed of not taking any share in public

business hereafter; the ardent desire I feel, and shall continue to

manifest, of quietly enjoying in private life, after all the toils of

war, the benefits of a wise and liberal government, will, I flatter

myself, sooner or later, convince my countrymen, that I could have

no sinister views in delivering with so little reserve the opinions

contained in this address.

"There are four things which I humbly conceive are essential to the

well-being, I may even venture to say to the existence, of the United

States as an independent power.

"1st. An indissoluble union of the States under one federal head.

"2dly. A sacred regard to public justice.

"3dly. The adoption of a proper peace establishment. And,

"4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition among

the people of the United States, which will induce them to forget their

local prejudices and policies; to make those mutual concessions which

are requisite to the general prosperity; and, in some instances, to

sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community.

"These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our independency

and national character must be supported. Liberty is the basis; and

whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the structure,

under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the

bitterest execration, and the severest punishment, which can be

inflicted by his injured country.

"On the three first articles I will make a few observations; leaving the

last to the good sense and serious consideration of those immediately

concerned.

"Under the first head, although it may not be necessary or proper for me

in this place to enter into a particular disquisition of the principles

of the union, and to take up the great question which has been

frequently agitated, whether it be expedient and requisite for the

States to delegate a larger portion of power to Congress, or not; yet

it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, to assert,

without reserve, and to insist upon the following positions:--That

unless the States will suffer Congress to exercise those prerogatives

they are undoubtedly invested with by the Constitution, every thing must

very rapidly tend to anarchy and confusion: That it is indispensable

to the happiness of the individual States, that there should be lodged,

somewhere, a supreme power to regulate and govern the general concerns

of the confederated Republic, without which the union cannot be of long

duration: That there must be a faithful and pointed compliance on the

part of every State with the late proposals and demands of Congress, or

the most fatal consequences will ensue: That whatever measures have a

tendency to dissolve the union, or contribute to violate or lessen the

sovereign authority, ought to be considered as hostile to the

liberty and independence of America, and the authors of them treated

accordingly. And, lastly, that unless we can be enabled by the

concurrence of the States to participate of the fruits of the

Revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of civil society, under a

form of government so free and uncorrupted, so happily guarded against

the danger of oppression, as has been devised and adopted by the

articles of confederation, it will be a subject of regret that so much

blood and treasure have been lavished for no purpose; that so many

sufferings have been encountered without a compensation; and that so

many sacrifices have been made in vain. Many other considerations might

here be adduced to prove, that without an entire conformity to the

spirit of the union, we cannot exist as an independent power. It will be

sufficient for my purpose to mention but one or two, which seem to me

of the greatest importance. It is only in our united character, as an

empire, that our independence is acknowledged that our power can be

regarded, or our credit supported among foreign nations. The treaties

of the European powers with the United States of America, will have no

validity on a dissolution of the union. We shall be left nearly in a

state of nature; or we may find, by our own unhappy experience, that

there is a natural and necessary progression from the extreme of anarchy

to the extreme of tyranny; and that arbitrary power is most easily

established on the ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness.

"As to the second article, which respects the performance of public

justice, Congress have, in their late address to the United States,

almost exhausted the subject; they have explained their ideas so

fully, and have enforced the obligations the States are under to render

complete justice to all the public creditors, with so much dignity

and energy, that, in my opinion, no real friend to the honor and

independency of America can hesitate a single moment respecting the

propriety of complying with the just and honorable measures proposed. If

their arguments do not produce conviction, I know of nothing that will

have greater influence, especially when we reflect that the system

referred to, being the result of the collected wisdom of the continent,

must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least objectionable of

any that could be devised; and that, if it should not be carried into

immediate execution, a national bankruptcy, with all its deplorable

consequences, will take place before any different plan can possibly be

proposed or adopted; so pressing are the present circumstances, and such

is the alternative now offered to the States.

"The ability of the country to discharge the debts which have been

incurred in its defense, is not to be doubted; and inclination, I

flatter myself, will not be wanting. The path of our duty is plain

before us; honesty will be found, on every experiment to be the best and

only true policy. Let us then, as a nation, be just; let us fulfill the

public contracts which Congress had undoubtedly a right to make for

the purpose of carrying on the war, with the same good faith we suppose

ourselves bound to perform our private engagements. In the mean time,

let an attention to the cheerful performance of their proper business,

as individuals, and as members of society, be earnestly inculcated

on the citizens of America; then will they strengthen the bands of

government, and be happy under its protection. Every one will reap the

fruit of his labors: every one will enjoy his own acquisitions, without

molestation and without danger.

"In this state of absolute freedom and perfect security, who will grudge

to yield a very little of his property to support the common interests

of society, and insure the protection of government? Who does not

remember the frequent declarations at the commencement of the war, that

we should be completely satisfied, if, at the expense of one half, we

could defend the remainder of our possessions? Where is the man to be

found, who wishes to remain in debt for the defense of his own person

and property, to the exertions, the bravery, and the blood of others,

without making one generous effort to pay the debt of honor and of

gratitude? In what part of the continent shall we find any man, or body

of men, who would not blush to stand up and propose measures purposely

calculated to rob the soldier of his stipend, and the public creditor of

his due? And were it possible that such a flagrant instance of injustice

could ever happen, would it not excite the general indignation, and tend

to bring down upon the authors of such measures the aggravated vengeance

of Heaven? If, after all, a spirit of disunion, or a temper of obstinacy

and perverseness should manifest itself in any of the States; if such an

ungracious disposition should attempt to frustrate all the happy effects

that might be expected to flow from the union; if there should be a

refusal to comply with requisitions for funds to discharge the annual

interest of the public debts; and if that refusal should revive all

those jealousies, and produce all those evils, which are now happily

removed, Congress, who have in all their transactions shown a great

degree of magnanimity and justice, will stand justified in the sight of

God and man! and that State alone, which puts itself in opposition to

the aggregate wisdom of the continent, and follows such mistaken and

pernicious councils, will be responsible for all the consequences.

"For my own part, conscious of having acted, while a servant of the

public, in the manner I conceived best suited to promote the real

interests of my country; having, in consequence of my fixed belief, in

some measure pledged myself to the army that their country would finally

do them complete and ample justice; and not wishing to conceal any

instance of my official conduct from the eyes of the world, I have

thought proper to transmit to your Excellency the enclosed collection of

papers, relative to the half-pay and commutation granted by Congress to

the officers of the army. From these communications my decided sentiment

will be clearly comprehended, together with the conclusive reasons

which induced me, at an early period, to recommend the adoption of this

measure in the most earnest and serious manner. As the proceedings of

Congress, the army, and myself, are open to all, and contain, in my

opinion, sufficient information to remove the prejudices and errors

which may have been entertained by any, I think it unnecessary to say

any thing more than just to observe, that the resolutions of Congress

now alluded to, are as undoubtedly and absolutely binding upon the

United States, as the most solemn acts of confederation or legislation.

"As to the idea which, I am informed, has in some instances prevailed,

that the half-pay and commutation are to be regarded merely in the

odious light of a pension, it ought to be exploded forever: that

provision should be viewed, as it really was, a reasonable compensation

offered by Congress, at a time when they had nothing else to give to

officers of the army, for services then to be performed. It was the only

means to prevent a total dereliction of the service. It was a part of

their hire; I may be allowed to say, it was the price of their blood,

and of your independency. It is therefore more than a common debt; it is

a debt of honor: it can never be considered as a pension, or gratuity,

nor cancelled until it is fairly discharged.

"With regard to the distinction between officers and soldiers, it is

sufficient that the uniform experience of every nation of the world,

combined with our own, proves the utility and propriety of the

discrimination. Rewards in proportion to the aid the public draws from

them, are unquestionably due to all its servants. In some lines, the

soldiers have perhaps, generally, had as ample compensation for their

services, by the large bounties which have been paid them, as their

officers will receive in the proposed commutation; in others, if,

besides the donation of land, the payment of arrearages of clothing and

wages (in which articles all the component parts of the army must be put

upon the same footing), we take into the estimate the bounties many of

the soldiers have received, and the gratuity of one year's full pay,

which is promised to all, possibly their situation (every circumstance

being duly considered) will not be deemed less eligible than that of the

officers. Should a further reward, however, be judged equitable, I

will venture to assert, no man will enjoy greater satisfaction than

myself,--in an exemption from taxes for a limited time (which has been

petitioned for in some instances), or any other adequate immunity or

compensation granted to the brave defenders of their country's cause.

But neither the adoption or rejection of this proposition will, in any

manner, affect, much less militate against, the act of Congress by which

they have offered five years' full pay in lieu of the half-pay for life,

which had been before promised to the officers of the army.

"Before I conclude the subject on public justice, I cannot omit to

mention the obligations this country is under to the meritorious class

of veterans, the non-commissioned officers and privates, who have been

discharged for inability, in consequence of the resolution of Congress

of the 23d of April, 1782, on an annual pension for life. Their peculiar

sufferings, their singular merits and claims to that provision, need

only to be known to interest the feelings of humanity in their behalf.

Nothing but a punctual payment of their annual allowance can rescue them

from the most complicated misery; and nothing could be a more melancholy

and distressing sight than to behold those who have shed their blood,

or lost their limbs in the service of their country, without a shelter,

without a friend, and without the means of obtaining any of the comforts

or necessaries of life, compelled to beg their bread daily from door

to door. Suffer me to recommend those of this description, belonging

to your State, to the warmest patronage of your Excellency and your

legislature.

"It is necessary to say but a few words on the third topic which was

proposed, and which regards particularly the defense of the republic--as

there can be little doubt but Congress will recommend a proper peace

establishment for the United States, in which a due attention will

be paid to the importance of placing the militia of the Union upon a

regular and respectable footing. If this should be the case, I should

beg leave to urge the great advantage of it in the strongest terms.

"The militia of this country must be considered as the palladium of our

security, and the first effectual resort in case of hostility. It is

essential, therefore, that the same system should pervade the whole;

that the formation and discipline of the militia of the continent should

be absolutely uniform; and that the same species of arms, accoutrements,

and military apparatus should be introduced in every part of the United

States. No one, who has not learned it from experience, can conceive the

difficulty, expense, and confusion which result from a contrary system,

or the vague arrangements which have hitherto prevailed.

"If, in treating of political points, a greater latitude than usual has

been taken in the course of the address, the importance of the crisis,

and the magnitude of the objects in discussion, must be my apology.

It is, however, neither my wish nor expectation that the preceding

observations should claim any regard, except so far as they shall appear

to be dictated by a good intention, consonant to the immutable rules of

justice, calculated to produce a liberal system of policy, and founded

on whatever experience may have been acquired by a long and close

attention to public business. Here I might speak with more confidence,

from my actual observations; and if it would not swell this letter

(already too prolix) beyond the bounds I had prescribed myself, I could

demonstrate to every mind, open to conviction, that in less time, and

with much less expense than has been incurred, the war might have been

brought to the same happy conclusion, if the resources of the continent

could have been properly called forth; that the distresses and

disappointments which have very often occurred have, in too many

instances, resulted more from a want of energy in the continental

government, than a deficiency of means in the particular States; that

the inefficiency of the measures, arising from the want of an adequate

authority in the supreme power, from a partial compliance with the

requisitions of Congress in some of the States, and from a failure of

punctuality in others, while they tended to damp the zeal of those who

were more willing to exert themselves, served also to accumulate the

expenses of the war, and to frustrate the best concerted plans; and

that the discouragement occasioned by the complicated difficulties and

embarrassments in which our affairs were by this means involved, would

have long ago produced the dissolution of any army, less patient, less

virtuous, and less persevering than that which I have had the honor to

command. But while I mention those things which are notorious facts, as

the defects of our federal constitution, particularly in the prosecution

of a war, I beg it may be understood, that as I have ever taken a

pleasure in gratefully acknowledging the assistance and support I have

derived from every class of citizens, so shall I always be happy to do

justice to the unparalleled exertions of the individual States, on many

interesting occasions.

"I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to make known, before I

surrendered up my public trust to those who committed it to me. The task

is now accomplished. I now bid adieu to your Excellency, as the chief

magistrate of your State; at the same time, I bid a last farewell to the

cares of office, and all the employments of public life.

"It remains, then, to be my final and only request, that your Excellency

will communicate these sentiments to your legislature at their next

meeting; and that they may be considered as the legacy of one who has

ardently wished, on all occasions, to be useful to his country, and who,

even in the shade of retirement, will not fail to implore the divine

benediction upon it.

"I now make it my earnest prayer, that God would have you, and the State

over which you preside, in his holy protection; that he would incline

the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination and

obedience to government; to entertain a brotherly affection and love for

one another; for their fellow-citizens of the United States at large,

and particularly for their brethren who have served in the field; and,

finally, that he would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all to

do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity,

humility, and pacific temper of the mind, which were the characteristics

of the divine Author of our blessed religion; without an humble

imitation of whose example, in these things, we can never hope to be a

happy nation.

"I have the honor to be, with much esteem and respect, sir, your

Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,

"GEO. WASHINGTON."

NOTE.--On the 3d of September, 1783, the Definitive Treaty of Peace,

between Great Britain and the United States of America, was signed at

Paris, by David Hartley, Esq., on the part of his Britannic Majesty, and

by John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay, Esqs., on the part of

the United States. The treaty was ratified by Congress early in January,

1784.

IN THE NAME OF THE MOST HOLY AND UNDIVIDED TRINITY.

It having pleased the Divine Providence to dispose the hearts of the

most serene and most potent prince, George the Third, by the grace of

God King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith,

Duke of Brunswick and Lunenburg, Arch-Treasurer and Prince Elector of

the holy Roman empire, etc., and of the United States of America, to

forget all past misunderstandings and differences that have unhappily

interrupted the good correspondence and friendship which they mutually

wish to restore, and to establish such a beneficial and satisfactory

intercourse between the two countries, upon the ground of reciprocal

advantages and mutual convenience, as may promote and secure to both

perpetual peace and harmony; and having for this desirable end already

laid the foundation of peace and reconciliation, by the provisional

articles signed at Paris, on the 30th of November, 1782, by the

commissioners empowered on each part; which articles were agreed to

be inserted in, and to constitute the treaty of peace proposed to be

concluded between the crown of Great Britain and the said United States,

but which treaty was not to be concluded until the terms of peace should

be agreed upon between Great Britain and France, and his Britannic

majesty should be ready to conclude such treaty accordingly; and the

treaty between Great Britain and France having since been concluded, his

Britannic majesty and the United States of America, in order to carry

into full effect the provisional articles above mentioned, according to

the tenor thereof, have constituted and appointed, that is to say,

his Britannic majesty on his part, David Hartley, Esq., member of the

Parliament of Great Britain; and the said United States on their part,

John Adams, Esq., late a commissioner of the United States of America

at the court of Versailles, late delegate in Congress from the State

of Massachusetts, and chief-justice of the said State, and minister

plenipotentiary of the said United States to their high mightinesses the

States General of the United Netherlands; Benjamin Franklin, Esq., late

delegate in Congress from the State of Pennsylvania, president of the

Convention of the said State, and minister plenipotentiary from the

United States of America at the court of Versailles; and John Jay, Esq.,

late president of Congress, and chief-justice of the State of New York,

and minister plenipotentiary from the said United States at the court of

Madrid; to be the plenipotentiaries for the concluding and signing the

present definitive treaty; who, after having reciprocally communicated

their respective full powers, have agreed upon and confirmed the

following articles.

ART. I.--His Britannic majesty acknowledges the said United States,

viz., New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence

Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware,

Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be

free, sovereign, and independent States; that he treats them as such,

and for himself, his heirs, and successors, relinquishes all claim to

the government, proprietary, and territorial right of the same, and

every part thereof.

ART. II.-And that all disputes which might arise in future on the

subject of the boundaries of the said United States may be prevented, it

is hereby agreed and declared that the following are and shall be their

boundaries, viz.: from the northwest angle of Nova Scotia, viz., that

angle which is formed by a line drawn due north from the source of

St. Croix River to the high lands which divide those rivers that empty

themselves into the river St. Lawrence from those which fall into the

Atlantic Ocean, to the northwestern most head of Connecticut River;

thence drawn along the middle of that river to the forty-fifth degree of

north latitude; from thence by a line due west on said latitude, until

it strikes the river Iroquois or Cataraquy; thence along the middle of

said river into Lake Ontario; through the middle of said lake until

it strikes the communication by water between that lake and Lake Erie;

thence along the middle of the said communication into Lake Erie,

through the middle of said lake, until it arrives at the water

communication between that lake and Lake Huron; thence through the

middle of said lake to the water communication between that lake and

Lake Superior; thence through Lake Superior northward to the isles Royal

and Philipeaux, to the Long Lake; thence through the middle of said Long

Lake, and the water communication between it and the Lake of the Woods,

to the said Lake of the Woods; thence through the said lake to the most

northwestern most point thereof, and from thence a due west course to

the river Mississippi; thence by a line to be drawn along the middle of

the said river Mississippi, until it shall intersect the northernmost

part of the thirty-first degree of north latitude; south, by a line to

be drawn due east from the determination of the line last mentioned, in

the latitude of thirty-one degrees north of the equator, to the middle

of the river Apalachicola or Catahouche; thence along the middle

thereof, to its junction with the Flint River; thence straight to the

head of St. Mary's River, and thence down the middle of St. Mary's River

to the Atlantic Ocean; east, by a line to be drawn along the middle of

the River St. Croix, from its mouth in the Bay of Fundy to its source,

and from its source directly north to the aforesaid high lands, which

divide the rivers that fall into the Atlantic Ocean from those which

fall into the river St. Lawrence, comprehending all islands within

twenty leagues of any part of the shores of the United States, and lying

between lines to be drawn due east from the points where the aforesaid

boundaries between Nova Scotia on the one part, and east Florida on the

other, shall respectively touch the Bay of Fundy and the Atlantic Ocean,

excepting such islands as now are or heretofore have been within the

limits of the said province of Nova Scotia.