CHAPTER XII.

The Bank Rate and Stock Exchange Securities.

At the present time large advances are made by the banking companies to

members of the Stock Exchange, and it is supposed that at the beginning

of 1894, when the Bank rate fell to two per cent., and an investment

of surplus funds in the London short loan market brought in very poor

returns, the banks, tempted by higher rates, largely increased their

loans to the Stock Exchange. In 1890 rumour had it that a few of the

banks made rather heavy losses in connection with the South American

gamble, which brought down the firm of Barings; and the unanimity

they displayed, under the leadership of the late Mr. Lidderdale, in

supporting the tottering structure, certainly lends force to the

suggestion; for philanthropists are not to be found either in Lombard

Street or in Gorgonzola Hall.

The same rumour was circulated after the Kaffir boom in 1895, and

a little later it was whispered that some of the banks intended

curtailing their loans to the Stock Exchange, and that in future mining

shares would be received with the greatest circumspection. So close

is the connection between the banks and the "House" that the utmost

consternation prevailed when it was feared that the banks would not

touch certain stocks and shares of a fluctuating character. The mere

rumour created almost a panic among those dealers whose books were full

of the tabooed securities.

But 1895 was a bad year for the banking companies, and, from a dividend

point of view, 1896 was little better, for the Bank rate did not touch

two-and-a-half per cent. until September of that year. The short loan

market, therefore, was not a tempting place into which to pour surplus

deposits, so the banks apparently thought better of their decision (if

it were a decision), and continued their loans to the Stock Exchange on

the same liberal scale, because such loans yielded a much better return

than those to the bill brokers.

The very rumour that the banks intended increasing their margin on,

say, American Rails, would cause those securities to fall, and were

the threat actually executed, then, unless strong support came either

from the public or from New York, the result would be failures of weak

jobbers in that particular market, and a heavy fall in the prices of

American Railway securities. There is the same link between the other

markets of the Stock Exchange and the banks, and, such being the case,

it naturally follows that the prices of securities are influenced by

the abundance or scarcity of loanable capital, and that, therefore,

continuation rates fluctuate with the Bank rate.

But a very considerable proportion of the transactions conducted on the

Stock Exchange is of a speculative or gambling nature, in which those

mysterious persons called "bulls" and "bears" figure largely, and whose

object it is, not to invest savings in particular stocks and shares,

but to receive a cheque from their broker representing differences

due to them on the rise or fall of the securities in which they are

temporarily interested.

The "bull" buys stock because he believes that it will rise, and

that he will be able to sell it at a profit before the fortnightly

settlement comes round, but he does not pay for it; and if his sanguine

anticipation is not realised, so human and hopeful is he, that he

endeavours to obtain a loan on his stock through his broker in order

to carry it over to the next settlement, trusting that he will be able

to sell at a profit before contango day again comes round. The broker

sometimes obtains an advance on the stock through his banker, and so is

enabled to accommodate his client, whom he charges both interest and

commission. Again, the broker may carry over the stock through a jobber

or with a money broker who is a member of the "House," as the Stock

Exchange is colloquially called.

It has been suggested that some of these money brokers are in reality

agents of the banks--that, in short, they are the middlemen between the

banks and those who want to borrow on the Stock Exchange, just as the

bill broker is the middleman between the banks and those persons who

possess bills. The bill broker deposits the bills he has discounted for

his customers as security against a loan from the banker, and the money

broker deposits the stocks and shares against which he has advanced to

members of the Stock Exchange as security for a loan from the banker to

himself. His profit, therefore, like that of the bill broker, would be

the difference between the rate at which he borrows from the banker

and the rate at which he lends in the House. When large sums are

advanced in this manner the prices of stocks and shares are forced up

to fictitious figures in the hope that the public will come in and buy.

Yet the Stock Exchange Committee preaches about the iniquities of the

outside broker! Far be it from me to defend the possibly questionable

methods of the latter; but, to an unbiased observer, it sounds somewhat

like the pot calling the kettle black.

Huge sums of money are advanced every fortnight by the banks to the

money brokers and jobbers, principally against sold stocks and shares,

which are awaiting the arrival of _bonâ fide_ investors. The banks, of

course, require a good margin in order to cover themselves against loss

through any possible depreciation in the hypothecated securities, and

when the settlement or day of reckoning arrives, fresh loans are made,

or old advances are renewed, and the securities carried over to the

end of the account. A high rate of interest naturally makes "carrying

over" from account to account a very expensive operation, whilst an

abnormally high rate renders the process prohibitive.

When, therefore, the Bank rate is high and money is dear, a check is

immediately given to speculation on the Stock Exchange, because those

persons who have bought securities for a rise prefer to sell at a loss

before the settlement rather than pay excessive contango rates. It

follows, then, that dear money greatly reduces the dimensions of the

accounts open for the rise.

The banks, too, often become alarmed by the magnitude of the account,

and having demands upon them for capital elsewhere, they grow nervous

and lend less freely, at greatly enhanced rates, and then jobbers and

money brokers have to refuse a large number of applicants. The result

may be either a fall in the securities dealt in by a particular market

or a general depression throughout the House. Then the "bears" come in

and buy, take their profits, and are jubilant.

Conversely, a plethora of money and a low Bank rate encourage

speculation, as was the case before the boom of 1895. Continuation

rates are low, and capital comes out of trade into the better-class

securities, which begin to rise in consequence. Then, for a little

while, the "bulls" have it all their own way. But why does the

Committee pose as the friend of the _bonâ fide_ investor? It is a

little difficult to see where he comes in, unless it be in at the top

and out at the bottom. As a matter of fact, there is so much gambling

in securities taking place in the House that the genuine investor, if

he do not understand the market, falls an easy prey to the "bulls"

and "bears," who, by studying the habits of his kind, anticipate

their requirements, and, after taking a large bite, pass on their

hypothecated shares. On the other hand, the investor who studies the

markets sometimes waits patiently for exhausted "bulls" or sells to

frightened "bears." So, to those who know the game it is about as broad

as it is long.

The Story of the Bank of England (A History of English Banking, and a Sketch of the Money Market) · 第 12 / 17 章