CHAPTER XI.

The London Money Market.

It is usual, when describing the Money Market, to assert that it

consists of the numerous banks in the City of London; but it seems to

me that, in reality, the money market extends throughout the United

Kingdom, for wherever there is a bank or a branch bank there is a

market for money. Moreover, the demand arising for loanable capital

in the provinces largely influences the rates of interest ruling from

time to time in London, because, if demand is brisk in the country, the

banks have less to lend in London, consequently the rate advances there.

When reference is made to the money market the London short loan

fund is invariably meant, and we now have to consider how this fund

is formed. The banks, which are liable to the public for huge sums

of money at call and short notice, are obliged to keep a certain

proportion of cash in their tills and strong rooms and with the Bank of

England in order to be prepared for any sudden demand that may be made

upon them.

Their cash in hand is, of course, required to meet the ordinary demands

of a banking business, and that deposited with the Bank of England is

held as a reserve fund against those risks of withdrawal from which a

credit institution owing immense sums at call is never free. Roughly

speaking, a well-managed bank would keep, say, six per cent. of its

public liabilities in legal tender on the premises, and a further ten

to twelve per cent. at its credit in the books of the Bank of England.

The latter accumulation might be called the bank's _real_ reserve, for

it is upon this that it would have to rely during a run.

Secondly, from eighteen to thirty per cent. of its liabilities to

the public would be invested in first class securities. Those of and

guaranteed by the British Government are in great request for this

purpose, as the Bank of England would not hesitate to advance against

such investments should a company find itself compelled to meet a

sudden drain upon its resources. Every prudent banker therefore takes

care that a large proportion of these securities is included in his

list, which would also contain Metropolitan and other Corporation

Stocks, English Railway Debentures, Colonial Government Securities, and

so on. A banker's list, in short, should be a so-called "gilt-edged"

one.

Thirdly, a banker lends a certain proportion of his deposits in the

London money market. Some banks have eight per cent. there, some

fourteen per cent., and others from fifteen to twenty per cent., though

the larger and better managed companies generally employ from seven

to fourteen per cent. therein. A certain amount of this "call money,"

however, represents money which has been lent to jobbers and brokers

on the Stock Exchange for "carrying over" purposes at the various

settlements, but by far the larger part of it is money which has been

lent to the bill brokers and discount houses.

In no sense can this asset in the balance sheets of the banks be looked

upon as a reserve. It is money invested in the London short loan

market--money lent to the bill brokers, who, in times of bad credit,

might not be able to repay it on demand. Just at the very moment

when bankers are most in need, this asset is the least available;

therefore, it is about the worst possible form in which the reserve of

a credit institution, owing large sums at call, can be invested.

As a credit bank's debts are due at call and short notice, a true

reserve can only consist of legal tender, and the till money, which

is required in the ordinary course of business during normal times,

certainly cannot be classed with that reserve. When considering what

is a bank's real cash reserve, we ought to deduct from four to five

per cent. from the ratio of cash in hand and with the Bank of England

to liabilities, for a trader would not include the cash required from

day to day in his business with any reserve he might accumulate against

accidents.

Reverting to investments, we might take Consols as an illustration of

their liquidity. During normal times Consols can be sold for cash at

any moment, but it is otherwise in a time of panic, when practically

everybody wants either to sell them or to borrow upon them. The market

is then disorganised, and people require either gold or large credits

at their bankers--not securities. Hence, even Consols are unsaleable

when a panic develops into a crisis.

As the Bank of England holds the cash reserve of the nation, it alone

can advance against securities in the midst of a crisis, and those

banks which were caught short would then have to apply to the Bank

for help. The Bank certainly would not lend upon any but gilt-edged

securities during a time of stress, and if their customers then made a

call upon them those companies which held second-rate investments would

have to close their doors, as they could not obtain assistance from any

other source. A strong list of securities is, therefore, essential to

every bank that is anxious to protect its customers against disaster.

These three assets (cash in hand and at the Bank of England, money at

call and notice, and investments) constitute a bank's so-called liquid

assets. The ratio of total liquid assets to liabilities maintained by

the best English banks ranges from 43 to 78 per cent. The last-named

figures, which are quite exceptional in their strength, were published

by Stuckey's Banking Company. The remainder of a bank's resources is

employed in making advances and loans, and in discounting bills for its

clients, whilst a small proportion is locked up in premises.

We can now form some idea as to what the short loan fund of the London

money market really is. Immense sums are collected at the head offices

of the banks in London through their metropolitan and provincial

branches; and, as the demands of trade are always uncertain--now brisk,

then slack--it is impossible for them to invest all their surplus

capital in securities; consequently, a certain portion of it finds

remunerative employment in this channel.

A huge stream of credit is constantly circulating through the three

kingdoms, and London, so to speak, is the heart of the system. In years

of active or good trade this stream increases in volume, and during

years of depression it contracts; yet it is difficult to say whether or

not the resources of the banks (the floating capital of the country)

are appreciably lessened during a period of temporary depression,

although the national turnover unquestionably is, as may be seen by the

Clearing House returns. During years of rising prices and increasing

trade activity profits are augmented, and, consequently, the resources

of the banks are swollen; but when the profits are invested within the

country, a similar amount of credit is returned to the banks by those

who have sold their securities, and though less capital is created

when trade is dull, it is questionable whether the resources of the

banks then shrink very greatly, unless foreign securities are largely

purchased.

We have seen that this stream of credit flows to London, and as demand

throughout the country is not sufficiently strong to attract it all

back again, a large fund of loanable capital accumulates in the hands

of the London banks, and flows from them to the bill brokers, who

employ it in discounting bills of exchange. But though by far the

greater part of the London short loan fund is accumulated in this

manner by the banks, other firms and companies also discharge their

surplus capital into it. The pool, of course, is not a stagnant one,

for capital is constantly flowing in and out.

The India Council, for instance, lends large sums in the London short

loan market. The numerous foreign and colonial banks in London do

the same, and so, too, do many of the large insurance companies and

merchants, while during slack times money finds its way from the

Stock Exchange to the bill broking houses. At first sight it seems

strange that bankers should advance money to the bill brokers, and so

provide their rivals with capital with which to compete against them,

especially as the banks have discount departments of their own.

Let us, however, consider the position of the bill broker in relation

to the Bank of England and the money market.

Towards the beginning of the nineteenth century the broker acted as

agent for the country bankers, but this connection was naturally

severed when the country firms opened accounts with the London bankers,

and the broker, whose knowledge of bills was extensive, then transacted

business for himself. Through holding out for high rates, the London

private bankers drove a large amount of business into the hands of the

bill brokers, who, by confining their attention solely to this class

of credit document, came to be largely trusted by the joint stock

companies, which could not obtain servants with the special training of

their rivals.

In no other country has the bill broker such influence as in

England. In Paris, for instance, the customer discounts with his

banker, who re-discounts with the Bank of France; but in London, for

reasons already stated, bills find their way to the bill brokers,

who re-discount either with the banks or with the Bank of England.

Moreover, all the best bills get into the hands of the bill brokers,

who, at one time, only discounted the acceptances of the banks and the

larger houses; but they now take small trade bills, and, should the

banking business grow less profitable, it is questionable whether the

banks might not endeavour to dispense with the middleman whom they now

encourage.

We next have to consider the London money market as a whole. First we

find a system which comprises Lombard Street and Threadneedle Street.

In other words, the London banks, by keeping accounts with the Bank

of England (Threadneedle Street), have placed that institution in the

centre of the system, and we know the Bank derives great power from

this situation; but its power is not innate--it is derived through and

is dependent upon Lombard Street. This group we will call "the money

market" or "the market."

Then we have the bill brokers, of whom we will speak as "the outside

market." Every morning the bill broker goes from bank to bank inquiring

at what rates he can borrow; and if Lombard Street (the London banks)

cannot supply him with all the capital he requires, then he is

compelled to apply to the Bank of England, which, however, he always

endeavours to avoid, because the Bank invariably charges him a higher

rate than do the other banks.

The Bank of England is a great bank of discount: consequently, the

brokers are its rivals; so it is hardly reasonable to expect the Bank

to charge the same rates to them as to its own clients, seeing that

the brokers, by their competition, reduce the Bank's business. When

trade is brisk loanable capital is in considerable demand, and the

banks, therefore, have less money to lend to the bill brokers, who

consequently are then driven to the Bank, which holds the bankers'

balances.

But the Bank of England's position is an extremely delicate one; and

when the resources of Lombard Street are temporarily exhausted and

demand centres upon itself, it has to take care that its ratio of

reserve of notes and cash in the Banking Department does not sink

too low in proportion to its liabilities. Should the demand upon its

resources prove considerable, it raises its rate until the pressure

is reduced. As a large part of the trade of this country is conducted

through the medium of bills of exchange, it is absolutely essential

that there should always be a market for good bills. Otherwise, panic

and failures would be the result; so, were the Bank to refuse to take

bills from the brokers at a price, our credit system would collapse at

once, unless the banks themselves, determined to crush the brokers,

offered to deal direct with the holders. But the experiment would be

a most risky one to make. Moreover, it could not be attempted at a

critical moment.

When Lombard Street is not lending freely, or cannot lend further with

comparative safety, the Bank, by raising its rate of discount from time

to time, reduces the merchant's profit on each transaction, until at

last money becomes so dear that he finds that he is making little or

no profit on his goods. He therefore produces less, and, consequently,

discounts less, when the pressure upon the Bank relaxes.

So long as money may be obtained, let the price paid for it be what

it may, a sense of security pervades the community; but were it

whispered during a period of temporary tightness that the Bank refused

to discount good bills at any price, our credit system would be in

imminent danger, for the trade of the country would be at a standstill.

Further, did such a state of affairs continue for many days, the crash

would come, and the Bank of England would then be swept away with the

rest of the market. Our present system is so delicately poised that the

Bank simply dare not refuse to take good trade bills from the brokers.

We next come to the other side of the picture. The broker, when he goes

his rounds, sometimes finds that the surplus resources of the banks

are abundant, and that they are ready to let him have even more than

he requires. When he makes this discovery, he begins to higgle, to try

to ascertain the lowest rate certain banks are prepared to accept; for

the difference between the rate at which he discounts bills for his

own customers and the rate at which he re-discounts or borrows, is

his margin of profit, and he is naturally anxious to make it as wide

as possible. (The poor man, be it remembered, does not visit Lombard

Street simply because he finds the air pure and the society of bank

officials congenial.) He therefore does his best to discover those

banks which are in funds, and, having found them, to induce them to

lend as cheaply as possible. This he can do when loanable capital is

cheap and abundant, and the Bank of England probably doing but little

business. Possibly, though the Bank rate is at two and a half, bills

are being taken by the brokers at one and a half. Then the Bank, in

order to get business, either lowers its rate of discount or else, by

selling stock, endeavours to lessen the resources of Lombard Street.

If the Bank adopt the latter expedient, it usually sells Consols for

cash, and buys them back for the account, thereby temporarily reducing

"bankers' balances," and attracting business to itself. The banks,

having less to lend, raise their rates, which then approximate more

closely to the Bank rate.

The brokers often complain bitterly of this interference by the Bank

of England with the market's supply of loanable capital, asserting

that this artificial enhancement of rates by the reduction of bankers'

balances through the sale of stock affects their business injuriously,

and benefits the Bank but little; and it certainly is difficult to see

how the Bank of England can make a profit out of the transaction.

On the other hand, when the market rate is appreciably below the Bank

rate, it is impossible to attract foreign gold to London; and the Bank,

by borrowing on Consols, and making its rate representative, is acting

in the public interest, should it be desirable either to attract gold

to this country or to prevent its leaving these shores.

We can now see that the Bank of England, though it states its minimum

rate, is often powerless to transact business thereat; and, recognising

that its own rate is out of touch with the market rate, the Bank often

discounts bills for its own customers at the rates ruling in the open

market, as, were it to refuse to do so, its clients would naturally

take their bills to the cheapest house. When, however, Lombard Street

is empty, and the bill brokers are compelled to approach the Bank

which holds the final reserve, the Bank of England is frequently in a

position to charge its rivals one per cent. above its declared minimum,

and the bill brokers quite naturally feel a little sore. For this

reason they try every source of supply before making application to the

Bank.

As security against loans made to them the brokers usually deposit

either bills which they have discounted in the ordinary course of their

business or gilt-edged securities, but sometimes the bill broker's

credit is so good that the banks lend him money at call practically

without security. When securities are deposited they are of course

returned directly the loan is paid off.

There is also another little point to which attention may be drawn: to

wit--that, although the market we are discussing is a special market,

yet if a borrower's credit be good it is generally possible to obtain

an advance either at or about Bank rate.

The Story of the Bank of England (A History of English Banking, and a Sketch of the Money Market) · 第 11 / 17 章