The Beluch-Afghan boundary--Substantial advantages obtained--The
Afghans driven from Chagai--Who owns Beluchistan?--How
Beluchistan is subdivided--Treaties and engagements with the Kahn
of Kelat--The _Brahui_ and _Nhauri_--When British political
connection with Kelat began--Intrigue--The treaty of 1839--The
treaty stolen--Kelat stormed by the British--A
revolution--Protection of caravans--Treaty of 1841--At the death
of Nasir Khan--Boundary matters settled in 1887--A Brahui
rebellion--British mediation--A state of chaos--The Marris and
Bugtis--Reconciliation of the Sardars with the Khan of
Kelat--Treaty of 1876--British agents at the Khan's
court--Railways and telegraphs--Subsidies--British troops
stationed in the country--Major Sandeman, agent to the
Governor-General--The agreement of 1883--Transfer of dues and
tolls--The chiefship of Kharan--The chief of Las
Bela--Troublesome Marris--British Beluchistan--The occupants of
Zhob.
A few details of how the British Government came to make the Nushki-Robat
road may interest the reader.
After the Afghan war was over, it was supposed that our boundary extended
as far north as the river Halmund, but we let things slide for many years
and took no steps to extend our influence so far, and the result was that
the Amir of Afghanistan--who very rightly regarded Chagai as a most
important strategical position, in fact, almost the key to the
Halmund--took possession of the place. In 1896 a commission was sent out
to define the Perso-Beluch frontier properly, and Major MacMahon, a most
thorough and conscientious officer, was placed in charge of the mission.
On looking at the map, one might, if unaware of certain important
circumstances, be led rashly to believe that the natural geographical
boundary between Beluchistan and Afghanistan is along the course of the
river Halmund, or else that it should follow the watershed of the chain
of mountains extending, from west to east, from the Malek Siah, the Lahr
Kuh, the Kacha Kuh, Mirjawa or Saindak Mountains, to the mountain mass
extending as far as the Sultan Mountain. One cannot at first grasp why,
when two such excellent natural boundaries exist, the boundary has been
drawn right across the desert between the Halmund and these ranges--where
there is nothing to mark a division except the whitewashed pillar-posts
put up by the boundary commission.
This is what would appear, but here is what really happened. While we
were taking no trouble to spread our influence in that portion of the
country, the Afghans claimed as theirs a considerable portion of what
to-day makes part of N. Beluchistan. A point which it is well not to lose
sight of is that, after the Sistan Mission of 1872, when General Sir
Frederick Goldsmid, assisted by General Sir Richard Pollock, acted as
arbitrators between the Persian and Afghan Governments, it was agreed
that the Kuh-i-Malek-Siah (mountains), close to where the Ziarat has been
erected, should mark the most south-westerly point common to the two
countries. This point being given, when the Beluch-Afghan Boundary
Commission began its work in March, 1894, they found that the Afghans
claimed a great deal more land as theirs than was expected.
The line of boundary to be defined from Gomal to the Persian frontier was
some 800 miles, and during the two years which it took to complete the
laying down of the boundary line the Mission is said to have had very
great trouble with the Afghan Commissioners.
And here one can hardly forbear comparing the magnificently thorough
manner in which this frontier was fixed, with the shoddy, confused method
in which the Perso-Beluch frontier was "demarcated"--if the word can be
used in this case--by Sir Thomas Holdich at the same epoch.
In the case of the Afghan-Beluch frontier, 800 miles of frontier line was
carefully laid down under the direction of Captain (now Major) A. H.
MacMahon, to whom Great Britain may be grateful for possessing to-day
several hundred square miles of land more than she would have done; and,
mark you, these additional square miles are--in a way--strategically the
most important portion to us of Beluchistan. I am referring to that zone
of flat territory, north of the Mirjawa, Saindak and Sultan Mountains,
which forms a southern barrier to the Afghan desert, and along a portion
of which we have now built the Nushki-Robat route.
Strategically, more particularly if a railway is to be constructed, the
advantages in gaining that strip of land on the north side of the
mountainous region cannot be over-estimated, and only a fearless, but
extremely tactful, well-informed and, above all, able officer like
MacMahon could have scored such an unexpected success against the very
shrewd Afghan Commissioners. The latter well knew the political value of
the concession, and so did the Amir at Cabul--who, angered at hearing of
the advantages gained by the British Commissioners for their own country,
is said to have treated his representatives in a summary way on their
return to the Afghan capital.
But the line of boundary was laid in an unmistakable manner. The final
agreements and really _accurately_ drawn maps were signed on May 14th,
1896, by both the Afghan and British Commissioners, and there was no
going back on what had been done.
One of the important results of this Boundary Commission was that we
definitely drove the Afghans out of Chagai, north of which place the
frontier now extends eastwards to the Sarlat Mountains. The first thing
that directed attention to these remote regions was Nushki, a little
district some 90 miles from Quetta--a place most conveniently situated
for strategical and trade purposes. This was an outlying portion of the
Khan of Kelat's territory.
As a matter of fact these people were always fighting among themselves;
they had a bitter enmity with one another, and their feuds had
accumulated on an ever increasing scale for centuries. They merely
acknowledged the Khan's authority when it suited their ends.
The Government first requested the Khan or Kelat to keep the district in
order, being a frontier district, not far from the Afghan boundary, and
notified him that trouble there might involve trouble with the British
Government. The Khan, however, was helpless, and the ultimate result was
that the Government came to terms with the Khan and agreed to give him a
quit rent of 9,000 rupees a year--a sum much larger than he ever got out
of it for himself--and took over Nushki from him.
One question frequently asked is: "Who owns Beluchistan?" To which one
might almost answer: "Yes, who does?"
Like Afghanistan, Nepal, and other such buffer states, Beluchistan is
going through a somewhat slow but sure process of absorption. Beluchistan
is a mere expression of political geography, and the country called by
that name has on the west a semi-mythical boundary with Persia; on the
north a real boundary with Afghanistan; to the south the Arabian Sea, and
to the west, the Brahuic and Lukhi Mountains, bordering with Sindh and
the lower Dejarath.
Beluchistan may be subdivided as follows:--
British Beluchistan, with the assigned districts of Quetta and
the Bolan; territories under the immediate rule of the Khan of
Kelat.
Sarawan and Thalawan, the lands belonging to the two leading
Brahui clans.
The Chiefship of Las Bela.
Makran, Kharan, and the country of the Beluch tribes, such as the
Marris and Bugtis, along the Punjab and Sind borders.
Bori and Zhob.
We have certain treaties, engagements and Sanads with the Khan of Kelat
and the other chiefs, and the country--again I have to use a paradoxical
expression--may be regarded as a sort of "dependent independent" state. I
can find no better way of describing it. We have bought up all the rights
held by the chiefs that were worth buying for our purposes, and while,
theoretically, the country is supposed to be merely under our "sphere of
influence," we might with our fast-absorbing qualities practically
consider it absolutely our own.
The Brahui Khan of Kelat is the most powerful ruler in Beluchistan, and
the city of Kelat may be looked upon as the Beluch capital of
Beluchistan. Quetta, of course, is the capital of British Beluchistan.
The Beluch may be roughly divided into two great classes, the _Brahui_
and the _Nharui_, the latter to be subdivided again into the _Rinds_ and
the _Numris_. These classes, however, are again to be split up into a
great many tribes of different names.
[Illustration: A Beluch Family.]
The meaning of the word _Brahui_ is said to be "inhabitants of the
desert," and of _Nharui_ "men of the plains." The Nharui profess to be of
Arab origin, and to have come from the west; and they despise the idea
that they are akin to the Afghans or the Turkomans. Their features and
habits would support this view, and their language undoubtedly bears
traces of strong western influence if not of actual western origin. Their
being such much finer specimens of men than the average Persians, may be
accounted for by the fact that during the Arab invasion only the fittest
and finest survived to get as far as this, and that of these men the
Beluch are the present descendants.
Like all nomads the Beluch are most wonderful linguists. I met a great
many men who knew three, four or five languages, such as Brahui, Nharui,
Persian, Afghan, and even Hindustani, and on experiment they showed
remarkable facility for picking up and correctly retaining words of any
foreign language.
The theory that the Brahui--the most numerous class in Beluchistan--are
Tartar mountaineers is, to my mind, incorrect. They believe themselves to
be the aboriginal people of Beluchistan, and this, I think, is more
likely the case. Their language is quite different from any of the Nharui
dialects. The Nharui tribes are much given to raids and warfare, and
even last year, when I was going through Beluchistan, a small war had
just been settled by a British force, sent to suppress the rebels, in
conjunction with a Persian force from Kerman on the other side.
I cannot speak of the southern tribes as I did not visit them, but the
Brahui with whom I came in contact, although very fond of a life of
adventure, I invariably found extremely gentlemanly, hospitable and
dignified in every way. They were men of a splendid type who, combined
determined bravery with the quietest, softest, most considerate and
graceful manner.
The Khan of Kelat is the most powerful ruler, and with him we have
several important treaties. From the time of Abdullah Khan, in the
eighteenth century, Kelat had been a state independent of the Delhi
Empire, and had incorporated several provinces. To understand fully the
evolution of Beluchistan into its present condition I will give a hasty
historical review of the most important occurrences.
The political connection of the British Government with Kelat commenced
during the time of the grandson of Nasir Khan, Mehrab Khan, a weak ruler
who became Khan in 1819. He was disliked by the chiefs of the various
tribes for being under the influence of a man of low extraction called
Daud Mahommed, for whom Fateh Mahommed, the hereditary Minister, was
sacrificed. Fateh's son, Naib Mulla Mahommed Hasan, however, murdered
the intruder and was himself placed in the position his father should
have occupied, but his hatred for the Khan never ceased to crave for
revenge. In 1838 this treacherous Minister, in the Khan's name, but
without his knowledge, incited the tribes to rise and harm the British
troops in their march to restore Shah Shujia to his dominions.
Sir Alexander Burns had to be deputed to Kalat to prevent hostility and
attempt to negotiate a treaty. The treaty contained the following
stipulations.[7]
"(Art. 1.) The descendants of Nasir Khan, as well as his tribe and sons,
shall continue in future to be masters of the country of Kelat, Kachki,
Khorstan, Makran, Kej, Bela and the port of Soumiani, as in the time of
the lamented Ahmad Shah Durani.
"(Art. 2.) The English Government will never interfere between the Khan,
his dependants and subjects, and particularly lend no assistance to Shah
Nawaz Fateh Khan, and the descendants of the Mahabbatzai branch of the
family, but always exert itself to put away evil from his house. In case
of H. M. the Shah's displeasure with the Khan of Kelat, the English
Government will exert itself to the utmost to remove the same in a manner
which may be agreeable to the Shah and according to the rights of the
Khan.
"(Art. 3.) As long as the British Army continues in the country of
Khorasan, the British Government agrees to pay to Mehrab Khan the sum of
150,000 of Company's rupees from the date of this engagement by half
yearly instalments.
"(Art. 4.) In return for this sum the Khan, while he pays homage to the
Shah and continues in friendship with the British nation, agrees to use
his best endeavours to procure supplies, carriage and guards to protect
provisions and stores going and coming from Shikarpur by the route of
Rozan Dadar, the Bolan pass, through Shal to Kuchlak from one frontier to
another."
With assurances of fidelity to the Saddozai family and friendship to the
British Government--and stipulation that all supplies and carriage
obtained from the Khan must be paid for "without hesitation"--the treaty
was duly concluded on March 28th, 1839.
Everything seemed satisfactory and the Khan promised to visit Quetta to
pay his salaams to Shah Shujia. Sir Alexander Burnes, who had preceded
him, was robbed on the way of the draft of the treaty signed by the Khan.
Treacherous Mulla Mahommed Hasan did not fail to impress upon the British
that the Khan had given directions to have the treaty stolen, and had,
furthermore, prevented Mehrab from proceeding to Quetta. The hostility of
the Khan being evident, it was resolved to send a punitive expedition to
Kelat to give the Khan a lesson.
On the 13th of November, 1839, the town was stormed and taken by a
detachment of General Wiltshire's brigade, Mehrab Khan was killed and his
son fled, while the Khan's Minister was made prisoner and his treachery
proved.
Shah Nawaz Khan--a youth of fourteen, a direct descendant in the male
line from Mahabat Khan--was set up by the British as the future Khan of
Kelat. The provinces of Sarawan and Kach Gandava were annexed to the
dominions of the Amir of Afghanistan.
Mehrab's son, Nasir Khan, the rightful successor to the rule of Kelat,
headed a revolution; Shah Nawaz was deposed, the British representative
at Kelat was killed, and Nasir Khan was eventually established in power
by the British, the two provinces restored to him, and a new treaty
concluded with him on October 6th, 1841.
This treaty acknowledged Nasir Khan and his descendants the vassals of
the King of Cabul; allowed if necessary, the Honourable Company's or Shah
Shujia's troops to be stationed in any positions they deemed advisable in
any part of his territory; and declared that a British resident officer's
advice should always be followed. Caravans into Afghanistan from the
Indus as well as from Soumiani port were to be protected from attacks,
and no undue exactions imposed on them; the British Government undertook
to afford Nasir Khan protection in case of attack; while Nasir Khan bound
himself to provide for the support of Shah Nawaz whom he had deposed.
This treaty became useless after the retirement from Cabul, and it was
found necessary to negotiate a new agreement dated 4th of May, 1854,
which annulled the treaty of October 6th, 1841, enjoined perpetual
friendship between the British Government and the Khan of Kelat, his
heirs and successors, and bound Nasir Khan and successive Khans "to
oppose to their utmost all enemies of the British Government with whom he
must act in subordinate co-operation, and not enter, without consent,
into negotiations with foreign States."
British troops might occupy, if necessary, any position they thought
advisable in the Kelat territory, and British subjects and merchants from
Sindh or the coast to Afghanistan were to be protected against outrage,
plunder and exactions. A transit duty, however, was to be imposed at the
rate of six rupees on each camel-load from the coast to the northern
frontier, and 5 rupees from Shikarpur to the same frontier.
To aid Nasir Khan, his heirs and successors, in the fulfilment of these
obligations, and on condition of faithful performance of them, the
British Government bound itself to pay to Mir Nasir Khan, his heirs and
successors, an annual subsidy of 50,000 Company's rupees. If, however,
the conditions required were not fulfilled year by year the Government
would stop the payment of the annual subsidy.
When Nasir Khan died in 1857, his brother, his son, and his half-brother
claimed the succession, and the latter, Khudadad Khan, a boy of ten, was
elected by the chiefs; but had it not been for the support given him by
the British Government, who for four successive years paid him an
additional 50,000 rupees besides the 50,000 stipulated in the agreement,
in order to help him to suppress the rebellious Marris tribe, he could
not have maintained his position.
The leading Kelat chiefs, dissatisfied with their ruler, elected Sherdil
Khan, Khudadad's cousin, as Khan of Kelat, but he was murdered the
following year, 1864, and the banished ruler reinstated in his former
position. Previous to his banishment, in 1862, a proper agreement was
signed defining the boundary line between British India and the Khan's
territory, but it was not till 1887 that matters regarding it were
absolutely settled.
One thing may be said for the Beluch, and that is that, barring a few
squabbles, they have in the main been friendly and faithful towards the
British.
On February 20th and March 23rd, 1863, a convention was entered into with
the Khan containing an additional clause for the extension of a telegraph
line through such of his dominions as lie between the western boundary of
the province of Mekran under the feudatory rule of the Jam of Beyla and
the eastern boundary of the territory of Gwadur, for the protection
(only) of which line, and those employed upon it, the Khan was to receive
an annual payment of 5,000 rupees, the whole sum to be expended among the
chiefs and people through whose country the line passed. It was
particularly stipulated that the sites on which British Government
buildings were to be erected should remain the property of the Khan.
Constant risings took place during the rule of Khudadad, and the Brahui
chiefs combined in an open rebellion in 1871. The Khan, being unable to
suppress the rising, demanded aid of the British. A mediation took place
in Jacobabad, their confiscated lands were restored to the Sardars, the
allowances which they customarily received in the time of Mir Nasir Khan
the younger were again granted, and the Sardars on their side had to
return all the property plundered.
A state of chaos followed this arrangement, the Khan ceased to take an
interest in the administration of his country, caravans were constantly
attacked and robbed, raids were frequent, and no compensation was ever
paid for losses sustained. The Political Agent had to withdraw from
Kelat, and in 1854 the payment of the subsidy was withheld until the Khan
should stand by his agreement and restore order.
An attempt was made to keep quiet the Marris and Bugtis frontier tribes
by additional payments to the chiefs in the name of the Khan, but their
attitude was uncertain. Constant attacks occurred on the frontier and a
state or absolute anarchy reigned in the Khan's country, when Captain
Sandeman was despatched in 1875 as a special Agent for the Government to
attempt to bring about a reconciliation between the Khan and the
Sardars. At a Darbar held at Mastung in July, 1876, an official
reconciliation actually took place between the Khan and the leading
Brahui chiefs. On the 8th of December of that same year the Khan was
received by the Viceroy of India at Jacobabad, and a new treaty was
concluded, which was the actual foundation of the Beluchistan Agency.
The new treaty renewed and reaffirmed the treaty of 1854, and while the
Khan of Kelat and his successors and Sardars bound themselves faithfully
to observe the provisions of Article 3 of that treaty, viz., "to oppose
all enemies of the British Government, and in all cases to act in
subordinate co-operation with the British Government; the British
Government on its part engaged to respect the independence of Kelat and
to aid the Khan, in case of need, in the maintenance of a just authority
and the protection of his territories from external attacks."
British Agents with suitable escorts were in future to reside permanently
at the Court of the Khan and elsewhere in the Khan's dominions, and a
representative of the Khan would in future be accredited to the
Government of India.
The British Agent at the Court of the Khan would, in case of dispute with
the Sardars, use his influence to bring about an amicable settlement, and
if unsuccessful, the dispute was to be submitted to arbitration. At the
request of the Khan and of the Sardars, and "in recognition of the
intimate relations existing between the two countries, the British
Government (by Article 6 of Treaty) assented to the request of H.H. the
Khan for the presence of a detachment of British troops in his country,
on condition that the troops should be stationed in such positions as the
British Government might deem expedient and be withdrawn at the pleasure
of the Government."
The agreement further provided for the construction of railways and
telegraphs through the territories of the Khan, and for free trade
between the State of Kelat and British territory, subject to certain
conditions for the mutual protection of fiscal interests.
The annual subsidy of the Khan's successor was increased by this treaty
to 100,000 rupees, plus 20,500 rupees annually for the establishment of
posts and development of traffic along the trade routes in a manner
agreeable to the British Government.
In compliance with the agreement, British troops were stationed at
Shalkot (Quetta) and Mittri, and on February 21st, 1877, Major Sandeman
was appointed Agent to the Governor-General, with three assistants, the
headquarters to be in Quetta. Afterwards the territories, under the
political control of the Agent, were subdivided into distinct Agencies of
which Kelat was one. During the Afghan war the Khan behaved most loyally
towards the British.
Further developments necessitated a fresh agreement signed on June 8th,
1883, by which the Khan of Kelat made over the entire management of the
Quetta district and Niabat absolutely, and with all the rights and
privileges, as well as full revenue, civil and criminal jurisdiction, and
all other powers of administration, to the British Government, the
agreement to take effect from April 1st, 1883, on condition that, in lieu
of the annual surplus of revenue hitherto paid to the Khan, the British
Government should from March 31st, 1884, pay a fixed annual rent of
Rs.25,000, without deductions for cost of administration.
The Khan transferred all his rights to levy dues or tolls on the trade in
either direction through the Bolan Pass, as well as from Kachi to
Khorassan, and to and from British India and the districts of Sibi,
Quetta and Pishin.
For the latter concession the British Government paid the Khan the annual
sum of Rs.30,000 net, plus a fixed yearly sum to be paid by the Viceroy
of India to the Sarawan and Kurd Sardars for their services in the Pass.
The full civil, criminal jurisdiction, and all other powers of
administration within the limits of the said Pass, and within the land
purchased by the British, were also ceded to the British Government.
The population of the State of Kelat, including Kharan and Makran, was
estimated by Aitchison at about 220,500 souls--the area at 106,000 square
miles.
The Chiefship of Kharan lies along the northern border of the State of
Kelat, roughly from near Nushki, west-south-west to Panjur. The principal
tribes are the Naushirwanis, and their Chiefs have at various epochs
acknowledged the suzerainty of the Khan of Kelat, and the rulers of
Persia and Afghanistan respectively. In 1884 Sardar Azad Khan
acknowledged allegiance to the Khan of Kelat, and in 1885 a settlement
was made with him by which he undertook to do certain tribal services in
consideration of an annual payment of Rs.6,000. Besides Kharan the Sardar
holds lands in Panjgur, and lays claim to Jalk, Dizak, and Kohak, the two
first being within the Persian boundary.
We have other important agreements, such as the one (1861) with the Chief
of Las Bela for the protection of the telegraph, for which he receives a
subsidy of Rs.8,400 a year; and a number of agreements with the various
chiefs of Makran, mostly relating also to the protection of the telegraph
line with subsidies or allowances to each chief.
To the troublesome Marris, a tribe occupying the country from the Nari
river and the outskirts of the Bolan as far as the plain of Sham near the
Punjab boundary to the east, allowances are paid directly for tribal
services and for good behaviour. These people have given considerable
trouble on several occasions, but are now friendly.
A petroleum concession was ceded by Sardar Mehrulla Khan to the British
Government for an annual cash payment.
The affairs of British Beluchistan (Pishin, Sibi and dependencies) are
too well known for me to refer to them again beyond what I have already
mentioned in these pages. Till 1878 British Beluchistan formed part of
the territories of Afghanistan, and was occupied by British troops
during the Afghan war. By the treaty of Gandamak its administration was
put into the hands of British officers, but the surplus revenue was paid
to the Amir at Cabul. The control of the Khyber and Michui Passes was
also retained. In 1887, however, the district was incorporated with
British India, and is now known as the province of British Beluchistan.
[Illustration: Beluch Huts thatched with Palm Leaves and Tamarisk.]
An agreement of submission and allegiance was made by the Maliks of Zhob,
Bori and the Muza Khal, and Sardar Shahbaz Khan, on November 22nd, 1884,
and they further undertook to pay a fine of Rs.22,000, to put a stop to
further raiding in British territory, and raise no opposition to British
troops being stationed in Zhob and Bori. The occupation of Zhob took
place in 1889-90, when the Somal Pass was opened up, and the tribes
intervening between the Zhob and the Punjab in the Suliman range were
subsequently added to the district.
FOOTNOTES:
[7] See Treaties, Engagements and Sanads. Aitchison, Office
Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta.