THE REIGN OF MARY.
[Sidenote: The succession to the crown.]
Lawyers and casuists might dispute about the succession. Logically, Mary
and Elizabeth could not both be legitimate; but the people of England
swept these cobwebs away. Catherine had for twenty-two years borne the
title of Queen, and in that great place she was not known to have done
anything worthy of blame, but much deserving the highest praise. And then
there was the will of Henry VIII. Its execution had perhaps been
informal, but the people cared nothing for that; it was his will, and he
had been authorised by Parliament to make it. The sick-room fancies of a
boy of sixteen were not to be allowed to alter such a settlement.
[Sidenote: Mary proclaimed.]
The struggle for the crown was short, and was little felt at the distance
at which Ireland then was, though the Dudley party took care that Queen
Jane's accession should be officially known there. On the thirteenth day
after her brother's death Mary was proclaimed by the Council in London,
on the fourteenth the baffled Northumberland renewed the proclamation at
Cambridge, on the fifteenth the grand conspirator himself was arrested.
On the very day of the Cambridge proclamation the Privy Council wrote to
Aylmer, the acting Lord Justice cancelling the former communication, and
directing that Mary should be proclaimed 'Queen of England, France, and
Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and on earth supreme head of the churches
of England and Ireland.'[391]
[Sidenote: St. Leger is Deputy, 1553.]
Besides twelve Privy Councillors, six individuals connected with Ireland,
who happened to be in England, signed these letters--Cusack, the
Chancellor; Lord Gormanston; Staples, Bishop of Meath; Thomas Luttrell,
Chief Justice of the Common Pleas; James Bathe, Chief Baron; and the
veteran John Alen. The object probably was to show the men in Dublin that
this time at least there was no mistake as to which Queen they were to
obey. Cusack, Aylmer, Luttrell, and Bathe were confirmed in their offices
with increased emoluments, and no immediate change was made in the
general management of Irish affairs. Some disturbances amongst the
O'Connors were easily put down, and the citizens of Dublin repulsed a
raid of the O'Neills near Dundalk. In the meantime Northumberland had
expiated his crimes on the scaffold. Gardiner, Bonner, Tunstall, and
others had been restored, and Cranmer, Latimer, and Hooper imprisoned;
and there was time to think of the affairs of Ireland. In October, soon
after the coronation, St. Leger was appointed Lord Deputy in fulfilment
of the late King's intention. He landed at Dalkey on November 11, and on
the 19th took the oath and received the sword in Christ Church.
[Sidenote: His instructions.]
St. Leger's instructions show the policy which Mary had adopted. As
regards temporal affairs it did not greatly differ from that of her
father. The Scots in Ulster were not to be molested unless they gave
fresh trouble. The army was to be reduced to 500 regular soldiers, of
which not more than ten per cent. were to be Irishmen. Extraordinary
garrisons were to be discharged at the next general pay day, and if
possible induced to go back to England without raising riots. The Lord
Deputy might employ kerne and gallowglasses where necessary, and the
usual private bands were to be continued; but coyne and livery were to be
eschewed as much as possible. St. Leger found it impossible to carry out
the reduction of the army lower than 1,100 men, besides kerne. The
question as to the desirability of a Presidency for Munster was to be
carefully considered in all its bearings. Leix and Offaly being in great
measure waste, the Lord Deputy was to grant lands in fee simple at a
small quit-rent either to Englishmen or Irishmen, binding them to erect
and maintain farm buildings, and to till a certain portion of land. By
this means it was hoped that these unfortunate districts would soon be
made like the English Pale. Leases for twenty-one years were to be given
to Crown tenants generally, including holders of monastic lands. Goodacre
had just died, so that there was no difficulty about Armagh, to which, as
well as to the Primacy of all Ireland, Dowdall was immediately restored,
with the additional grant of the priory of Ards rent free for life. The
Mass and the rest of the old religion was to be restored as nearly as
possible.[392]
[Sidenote: Mary maintains the rights of the Crown.]
But Mary, though zealous for orthodoxy, had no intention of yielding the
rights of the Crown to the Pope, and this was no doubt well understood.
One of St. Leger's earliest duties was to go to Drogheda and place the
government of Eastern Ulster in the hands of Eugene Magennis, who
specially covenanted not to admit any provisor from Rome. An Irish-born
priest named Connor MacCarthy asked Mary for a letter of licence to go to
Rome, there to obtain certain benefices from the Pope, fearing lest some
should be in the Queen's gift, 'and also considering the statute of
Premunire.' Nor was the fear an idle one, for when Tyrone afterwards
obtained a Papal bull for the appointment of his chaplain to the restored
priory of Down, the Queen sharply reminded him that she intended to
maintain the prerogative in that behalf which she had received from her
progenitors. MacCarthy was not the only Irish ecclesiastic of the reign
who thought it necessary to petition for relief from the consequences of
the dreaded statute.[393]
[Sidenote: Catholicism restored. Bale refuses to give way.]
[Sidenote: Bale's religious dramas.]
In some places the old religion was restored without waiting for any
formal order. As soon as Edward's death was known Justice Howth and Lord
Mountgarret, the Earl of Ormonde's uncle, went to Kilkenny and desired to
have the sacrament celebrated in honour of St. Anne. The priest said the
Bishop had forbidden celebrations on week days; 'as indeed I had,' says
Bale, 'for the abominable idolatry that I had seen therein.' The learned
judge, who seems to have had no commission, then discharged the clergy
from obedience to their Bishop, and commanded them to proceed in the old
way. On August 20 Mary was proclaimed at Kilkenny with much solemnity.
Bale strongly objected to wear cope or mitre, or to have the crozier
borne before him; not from any opposition to the Queen's title, but from
dislike to vain ceremonies. Taking a New Testament in his hand, he went
to the market-cross followed by a great crowd, to whom he preached from
the 13th chapter of Romans, on the reverence due to magistrates. But the
clergy of the cathedral, who had no sympathy with the Bishop's doctrines,
provided two disguised priests to carry mitre and crozier before him
against his will. The people were amused, instructed, or scandalised, as
the case might be, by the representation of a tragedy concerning God's
promises in the old law, and by a comedy of St. John the Baptist. The
baptism and temptation of Christ were brought upon the stage, and the
young men of the town acted both at the morning and evening performance.
Both dramas were written by Bale himself, and in a literary point of view
they are far from contemptible. They mark the transition between the
mystery plays of the middle ages and the compositions of Shakespeare's
immediate precursors. Personified abstractions as well as historical
characters appear on the stage; nor did Bale shrink from a representation
which seems impossible to us, for he boldly introduces the first person
in the Trinity under the name of Pater Cælestis. Justification by faith
is the great doctrine inculcated, and where the author speaks in person
he loses no opportunity of attacking the Church of Rome. In an epilogue
he exhorts the people to
'Hear neither Francis, Benedict, nor Bruno,
Albert nor Dominic, for they new rules invent,
Believe neither Pope nor Priest of his consent,
Follow Christ's gospel,' &c.
In another play on the instructive story of King John, 'Ynglond vidua'
says:--
'Such lubbers as hath disguised heads in their hoods,
Which in idleness do live by other men's goods,
Monks, chanons, and nones.'
In his other works Bale throughout shows the same spirit. Thus he calls
that very questionable hero, Sir John Oldcastle, 'a blessed martyr not
canonised by the Pope, but in the precious blood of his Lord Jesus
Christ.' St. Paul is the great object of Bale's admiration, and he seems
to have thought that he was like him. The points of resemblance are
similar to those which Captain Fluelen discovered between himself and
Alexander the Great. Thus, Paul was tossed up and down between Candia and
Melita, Bale between Milford and Waterford. There was a river in Monmouth
and a river in Macedon, and there were salmon in both.[394]
[Sidenote: Opposition to Bale in his diocese.]
Sir Richard Howth, Treasurer of St. Canice's, and his friend Sir James
Joys, were among Bale's most energetic opponents. To annoy him they
suggested solemn exequies and prayers for the soul of Edward VI. The
Bishop argued that it would be better to wait for orders from Dublin. The
ceremony had already once been postponed to see the devil dance at
Thomastown--a Sunday amusement which the mob perhaps preferred to the
Bishop's plays. Bale found another enemy in one whom he calls Bishop of
Galway, and who was probably John Moore, Bishop of Enaghdune, the ancient
diocese in which Galway stands. This Moore was commissioned, along with
other prelates not acknowledged in the Roman succession, to consecrate
Patrick Walsh Bishop of Waterford. He was no credit to the Reformation,
for Bale represents him as spending his nights in drinking and his days
in confirming children at twopence a head. A gallowglass brought a dog in
a sheet with twopence hanging round his neck to be confirmed with his
neighbours' children; in this, says Bale, 'noting this beastly Bishop
more fit to confirm dogs than Christian men's children.' The soldier may
have regarded him as a schismatic, but it is not easy to understand how
such a man can have attained episcopal orders.[395]
[Sidenote: He is forced to fly.]
Ten days after the proclamation of Mary there was a general revolt
against Bale, incited by Howth, whose position in legal circles gave him
ample means of knowing how the wind blew at Court, but who was rather
horrified at the length to which the clergy and their adherents went. In
Bale's absence they rang the bells of St. Canice's and of all the other
churches, flinging their caps to the battlements of the cathedral with
shouts of laughter, but doing no actual violence. A little later the mob
was not so good-humoured. The Fitzpatrick and Butler kerne, and
especially the 'furious family of Mountgarret,' annoyed Bale in many
ways. Barnaby Bolger, an enterprising tradesmen who had formerly aroused
great indignation by forestalling Kilkenny market, and whose young
daughter was married to 'Grace Graceless,' an adherent of the
Fitzpatricks, headed a tumultuous attack on the Bishop's house outside
the town. He and his friend Mr. Cooper, the parson of Callan, were robbed
of all their horses, and thus deprived of the means of escape. Five of
Bale's servants, one of them a girl of sixteen, were caught haymaking,
and all murdered. He managed to close the portcullis and defend himself
until rescued by Robert Shee, the sovereign of Kilkenny, 'a man sober,
wise, and godly, which is a rare thing in this land.' Shee, who could
command the services of 100 horse and 300 foot, sent Bale by night to
Dublin, and no doubt he thought of St. Paul's journey under somewhat
similar circumstances. But there was no safety in the Irish capital, and
the Bishop escaped by sea in a sailor's dress. He was captured at St.
Ives and brought before the justices, but was released when nothing was
found to connect him with Wyatt's or any other plot. He was again
captured by pirates and had to pay a ransom, but ultimately succeeded in
reaching Holland. For five years he lived at Basel, where he continued to
write with an acrimony which had not been lessened by his recent
troubles. When Elizabeth became Queen, Bale made no attempt to regain his
bishopric. At sixty-three he was disinclined to face the Kilkenny people
again, or perhaps he had learned that he was unfit to govern men. He
became a prebendary of Canterbury, and devoted his remaining years to
literature. His hurried flight from Ireland had forced him to leave books
and manuscripts behind, and the Queen ordered them to be sent over to
him. 'He had,' she said, 'been studious in the search of the history and
antiquities of this our realm,' and might probably do something for their
illustration. Whether Bale ever got back his library or not, he was
certainly not silenced for want of materials; for the extent and variety
of his learning were considered most remarkable.[396]
[Sidenote: Wyatt's rebellion. Croft, Cheeke, and Carew, 1554.]
The abortive insurrection of Wyatt had the usual effect of setting Mary
more firmly on the throne, and at the same time of exasperating her
against some whom she might have been willing to spare. Sir James Croft,
the late Lord Deputy, was arrested before he had time to raise his
tenants in Herefordshire: he was convicted, but afterwards pardoned. Sir
Peter Carew, who afterwards played an important part in Irish affairs,
was also accused of complicity, and thought it prudent to go abroad,
where his companion was no less a personage than Sir John Cheeke.
Venturing to Brussels, where Paget was ambassador, they were led to
suppose that there was no danger, but that crafty diplomatist had them
kidnapped near Antwerp, and carried to England in a fishing boat. Their
captors were the Flemish and Spanish officials; and Philip, while
expressing becoming indignation at the breach of hospitality, took care
not to hear of it until the prisoners were safe beyond seas. The passage
can hardly have been pleasant, for they were blindfolded and chained, one
at each end of the boat. Poor Sir John Cheeke, who afterwards showed his
unfitness for the crown of martyrdom, and who perhaps saw a vision of the
stake, did not conceal his misery. 'Although very well learned, but not
acquainted with the cross of troubles, he was still in great despair,
great anguish, and heaviness, and would not be comforted, so great was
his sorrow; but Sir Peter Carew, whose heart could not be broken nor mind
overthrown with any adversities, and yielding to no such matter,
comforted the other, and encouraged him to be of a good stomach,
persuading him (as though he had been a divine) to patience and good
contentation.' The man of action, as is not seldom the case, showed that
he had more philosophy than the philosopher. Sir Peter, whose guilt, if
he was guilty, was much less clear than that of Croft, was pardoned by
the Queen, and afterwards served her well at St. Quentin. Sir John Cheeke
lived to undergo a worse humiliation than that of Cranmer, to be made an
instrument in the persecution of those with whom he secretly agreed, to
suffer in the few months which his pusillanimity had gained him a
thousand martyrdoms of grief and shame, and then to die heart-broken and
dishonoured. Sir Nicholas Arnold, afterwards employed by Elizabeth in
Ireland, was another of the conspirators. Lady Jane, the innocent victim
of so many intrigues, laid her beautiful neck upon the block, and
fivescore Kentishmen suffered death for their zeal to the Reformation or
their hatred of Spanish influence. Gerald of Kildare and the young Earl
of Ormonde both served with distinction against Wyatt, and the orthodox
Queen rewarded both with goodly grants of abbey lands. Ormonde had been
captain of one of the bands of Whitecoats sent by the city into Kent,
where many of his men deserted to the insurgents.[397]
[Sidenote: The primacy is restored to Dowdall.]
The insurrection being at an end, the Queen lost no time in forcing
Browne to surrender his patent of precedence, and restoring Dowdall to
the primacy, and a commission was issued to him and to Drs. Walsh and
Leverous for re-establishing the old religion, and punishing those who
had violated the law of clerical celibacy. Browne, who had a wife, was
accordingly deprived, and, pending the appointment of a successor, the
temporalities of his see handed over to Lockwood, the pliant Dean of
Christ Church. Staples of Meath, who was likewise married, and was
besides personally obnoxious to Dowdall, was also deprived in favour of
one of the Commissioners who sentenced him, the learned William Walsh,
formerly a Cistercian monk of Bective Abbey. Curiously enough, Walsh, who
was appointed by Pole in virtue of his legatine authority, did not
receive a Papal provision till 1564, some time after Elizabeth had
expelled him from his see. The same treatment for the same offence was
inflicted on Lancaster, Bishop of Kildare, who was succeeded by Leverous,
already Bishop of Leighlin by Papal provision. A fourth married bishop
was Travers of Leighlin, who was succeeded by Thomas O'Fihel or Field, an
Augustinian friar. A fifth, Casey of Limerick, had to make way for his
aged predecessor Quin. On Bale, who had left the field clear, no legal
sentence of deprivation was passed; but his successor, John Thonory, was
already appointed. Thonory has an evil name for having corruptly wasted
the property of his see, and is said to have died of grief at the loss of
some of his ill-gotten gains. Of the deprived prelates, Lancaster lived
to be Archbishop of Armagh, and Casey, who survived two successors, and
saw another expelled, regained his see in 1571. Browne, Travers, and
Lancaster are supposed to have died before the accession of Elizabeth,
and Staples soon after it.[398]
[Sidenote: Kildare returns to Ireland, 1554.]
This year was memorable for the return of Gerald of Kildare, whose titles
and estates were restored to him. The attainder, however, was not renewed
till 1569. Old Brian O'Connor was released from the Tower, and allowed to
revisit Offaly, an indulgence which he owed to the exertions of his
daughter Margaret, who was Kildare's aunt, and who relied upon the number
of her connections at Court, as well as her own knowledge of the English
language. Barnaby Fitzpatrick, Lord of Upper Ossory, King Edward's bosom
friend, returned about the same time, and so did a far more important
personage, the young Earl of Ormonde. 'There was great rejoicing,' say
the 'Four Masters,' 'throughout the greater part of Leath-Mhogha because
of their arrival; for it was thought that not one of the descendants of
the Earls of Kildare, or of the O'Connors Faly, would ever come to
Ireland.'
[Sidenote: Constant war among the Irish.]
While the obedient shires were busy with the restoration of the ancient
religion, the native Irish made war among themselves, with but little
interference from the Government. Donough O'Brien, the second Earl of
Thomond, and a firm friend of the Crown, was killed in April 1553 by his
brother Donnell, leaving the earldom to Connor, his eldest son, by Lady
Helen Butler, who survived him. Donnell, however, assumed the title of
O'Brien, and the clansmen were divided between the representatives of the
old and new order. Donnell petitioned that, having been nominated
according to the ancient custom, he might be acknowledged as chief. St.
Leger was unable to grant this, but offered to write to the Queen in his
favour. In the meantime other controversies were submitted to the
arbitration of O'Carroll, O'Mulrian, and MacBrien Arra, on the part of
Donnell; and of the barons of Mountgarret, Cahir, and Dunboyne, all
Butlers, on the part of the Earl. The umpires in case of disagreement
were the Lord Deputy, the Lord Chancellor, and the Earl of Desmond. It is
very hard to make out the exact sequence of events, but either just
before or just after this negotiation, Donnell attacked one of his
nephew's castles, and was driven off by the arrival of the Earl of
Ormonde. He then turned his attention to the plunder of Clanricarde. The
Baron of Delvin continued to ravage MacCoghlan's country, and one of the
Nugents, who was foster-brother of Kildare, being killed, the newly
restored Earl, who lost no time in showing that he meant to keep up the
family traditions, exacted 340 cows as an _eric_. The O'Carrolls in the
south, the MacSweenys in the north, killed each other in the old fashion.
Shane O'Neill persuaded the Earl of Kildare and the Baron of Delvin to
take his part in a quarrel with one sept of his name, and old Tyrone was
defeated by another sept, supported by the MacDonnells, who were also
intriguing with Calvagh O'Donnell.[399]
[Sidenote: The Pope and the 'Rex Hiberniæ,' 1555.]
We have seen that the Queen had no intention of yielding any part of the
dignity which had belonged to her predecessors. Notwithstanding the Papal
pretension to suzerainty, she had as a matter of course assumed the
royal title created by her father in Ireland. The Holy See found it
necessary to respect accomplished facts, and had not Julius III.
abandoned all claims to the monastic lands, Pole would never have been
allowed into England. Paul IV.'s pretensions were boundless, but he could
not afford to quarrel about a mere trifle both with England and Spain. He
considered it a great glory for his pontificate that its opening should
be signalised by the arrival of an English ambassador. Whether he wished
it or not, Philip and Mary were, and would remain, King and Queen of
Ireland. He therefore ignored all that Henry had done, and, as if of his
own mere notion, erected Ireland into a kingdom. The world might perhaps
suppose that Mary took it from his hand, and not in right of blood. 'The
Popes,' says the sarcastic Venetian, 'have often given that which they
could not take from the possessors, and, to avoid contentions, some have
received their own goods as gifts, and some have dissembled the knowledge
of the gift, or of the pretence of the giver.' But in Ireland, where
distance cast a halo of enchantment over Papal politics, and where
Franciscans and Jesuits swayed the popular mind, the bull which announced
the gracious gift was taken by many for what it pretended to be, and not
for what it really was.[400]
[Sidenote: The Queen maintains her prerogative.]
Mary gave evidence of her desire to restore the splendour of religion by
re-establishing St. Patrick's as a cathedral. Leverous was the first Dean
of the new foundation, and was allowed to hold the preferment along with
the see of Kildare. The man selected to undo Browne's work was Hugh
Curwin, Dean of Hereford, a native of Westmoreland, and one of the
Queen's chaplains. He had become known as a preacher in favour of Henry's
marriage with Anne Boleyn, in opposition to the Franciscan Peto. The
deanery of Hereford had been his reward. Peto, on the other hand, had
become the Queen's confessor, and was the chosen instrument of Paul IV.,
when that Pope in a fit of anger appointed a legate to supersede Pole.
Mary so valued the royal authority that she resented the irregular honour
intended for her confessor, though he had been the champion of her own
legitimacy, stopped the red hat at the gates of Calais, and never allowed
Peto any benefit from the Pope's irritability. On the whole, Anne's
advocate fared better than Catherine's. Curwin, whose first article of
belief enjoined submission to principalities and powers, no doubt knew
how to turn the Queen's love of power, as he had done her father's, to
his own advantage. He was treated with exceptional favour, and gained
practical control of the temporalities even before his consecration,
which was performed in London by Bonner, Thirlby, and Griffin.
Immediately afterwards he received the Great Seal of Ireland. Curwin had
the pall from Rome, and in the Papal record of his appointment Philip and
Mary are said to have supplicated for it, Browne being ignored, and
Curwin made successor to Alen. But the King and Queen only acknowledged
that Curwin was preferred on their recommendation, and he had to renounce
on oath all things prejudicial to the Crown, whether contained in the
Papal bull or not. Curwin held a provincial synod soon after his arrival
in Ireland, at which the principal business was the restoration of the
ancient rites.[401]
[Sidenote: No progress made in Ulster. St. Leger has no money, 1555.]
Ulster was in a state of more than usual confusion. Manus O'Donnell, who
had been constantly at war with his father, was opposed by his son
Calvagh, who had the help of the Scots. They addressed him as illustrious
lord, and he went over to Scotland to claim the proffered aid. Returning
with a large force, and with a piece of ordnance which the annalists
inexplicably call a crooked gun, he entered Lough Swilly, took his father
prisoner, and battered Greencastle and another fortress on Lough Foyle.
Calvagh thenceforth assumed practical control of his clan. The Scots slew
Hugh MacNeill Oge, and St. Leger divided his territory between Phelim
O'Neill and the sons of Phelim Bacagh. The hardy interlopers had even
designs on Carrickfergus, which St. Leger says were frustrated 'by the
help of God and Mr. Parker;' but in a campaign of six weeks the Lord
Deputy could gain no real advantage. As in the case of most Irish
governors, his detractors, among whom Sir William Fitzwilliam was
conspicuous, were busy at Court. They accused him, among other things, of
falsifying estimates in favour of Andrew Wyse, the late Vice-Treasurer,
whose accounts had been found unsatisfactory. 'I am now in case,' he
said, 'as the poet's fame. I have meat to the surlip and drink to the
netherlip, and can reach neither of them.' His position made it
impossible for him to economise, and no money came to pay his hungry
retinue. A friendly chronicler has remarked that St. Leger, like all
other Irish governors, was hated chiefly for his good deeds; like a good
apple tree, which, the more fruit it bears, the more stones are thrown at
it.[402]
[Sidenote: Lord Fitzwalter (Sussex) Lord Deputy, 1556.]
The Lord Deputy's entreaties for release were heard at last, and the
government was conferred on Sir Thomas Radcliffe, Lord Fitzwalter,
afterwards created Earl of Sussex, who, but for his Irish service, would
bear one of the fairest characters in our history. Mary rejoiced that the
true Catholic faith had by God's great goodness and special grace been
recovered in England and Ireland, and she directed her representative 'to
set forth the honour and dignity of the Pope's Holiness and See Apostolic
of Rome, and from time to time to be ready with our aid and secular
force, at the request of all spiritual ministers and ordinaries there, to
punish and repress all heretics and Lollards and their damnable sects,
opinions, and errors.' Cardinal Pole, she added, was about to send over a
legatine commission to visit the Irish Church, and official assistance
was to be given 'in all and everything belonging to the function and
office legatine, for the advancement of God's glory and the honour of the
See Apostolic.' The new governor was reminded that he lay under an
obligation to execute justice, and was exhorted at much greater length to
exert himself for the improvement of the revenue. A Parliament was to be
held, chiefly as a means of restoring religion according to the Queen's
ideas, of settling her marriage and succession, and of voting a subsidy.
Sir Henry Sidney, who now makes his first appearance in Irish history,
accompanied the Lord Deputy as Vice-Treasurer. He brought with him a sum
of 25,000_l._[403]
[Sidenote: A warlike mayor of Dublin.]
About the time of the new Lord Deputy's arrival, the Kavanaghs made a
raid into the neighbourhood of Dublin. Sir George Stanley took command of
the citizens, and drove 140 of the assailants into Powerscourt, where
they had to surrender at discretion. Seventy-four were hanged. John
Challoner, who was Mayor of Dublin at the time, provided the civic force
with arms, which he had brought at his own expense from Spain. This
martial magistrate was offered knighthood, but he excused himself. 'My
Lord,' he said, 'it will be more to my credit and my posterity's to have
it said that John Challoner served the Queen upon occasion, than to say
that Sir John Challoner did it.'[404]
[Sidenote: Sussex makes a journey into Ulster, 1556.]
Sussex landed at Dublin towards the end of May, and received the sword
from St. Leger's willing hands. The religious ceremonies were of a kind
entirely satisfactory to the Queen. After a month's stay in the capital
he set out for the North, and appeared in church both at Drogheda and
Dundalk. The force mustered on this occasion was very considerable, for
besides the regular soldiers and Ormonde's followers, the gentlemen of
the Pale were called on to serve with from one to six horsemen each. The
Plunkets contributed twenty-four horse, the Nugents eighteen horse and
twenty-four foot. Dublin sent sixty horsemen and gunners, and Drogheda
forty men well appointed. 'The Byrnes and the Tooles' wastes' in Wicklow
were expected to send twelve horse each, and other Irish contingents
joined on the march. The first Sunday was spent at a mill beyond Newry,
where Dowdall said Mass, and where O'Hanlon, whose chiefry seems to have
been disputed, was solemnly proclaimed. Mention is made of a great hill
of stones, which was, perhaps, the traditional spot for the election of
an O'Hanlon. Passing along the right bank of the Newry river, which he
crossed near Tanderagee, Sussex reached the Laggan valley near Moira, and
passing Belfast, reached Carrickfergus on the ninth day after leaving
Dublin. From this the army marched across the central districts of
Antrim, and, at last, on the twenty-fourth day from Dublin, Sussex
reached Glenarm, and found that James MacDonnell had fled before him into
Scotland. The fugitive sent to France for help, but his envoy's
proceedings were counteracted by Paget's vigilance. A quantity of cattle
were captured, besides butter and other produce hid in a cave. This seems
to have been the only result of an expedition which lasted thirty-seven
days. Sussex dismissed his allies at their old rendezvous near Newry, and
on the very next day, as if in ridicule of his efforts, a messenger
arrived to say that the Scots had attacked the rear guard. Sidney
afterwards said that he had slain James MacConnell, a mighty Scots
captain, during this expedition. Some Scots of name were certainly
killed, and one of them may have been called James; but the real James
MacDonnell was back at Glenarm before the end of the year.[405]
[Sidenote: His failure.]
The moral which Sussex drew from this inglorious expedition was that the
North could only be held by a chain of forts along the coast from Dundalk
to Lough Foyle. Some part at least of the expense would be paid by the
salmon fisheries of the Foyle, the Bann, and the Bush; and by the
herring, cod, ling, and hake fisheries, of which Carlingford was the
chief seat. A good English bishop would also, he thought, be a means to
civilise the country. It had not yet been discovered that making the
Church a badge of conquest only served to make religion itself odious.
The dislike of the Irish to English ecclesiastics had been marked
throughout the middle ages, and even if England had remained in communion
with Rome, bishops who were Government officials first and chief pastors
afterwards, could scarcely have ministered successfully to the wants of
O'Neills and O'Donnells.[406]
[Sidenote: The King's and Queen's Counties.]
[Sidenote: The natives.]
The settlement of Leix was in outward form completed, and Sussex received
the Queen's thanks for it. The arrangements were not without a show of
equity; but the old inhabitants could not reconcile themselves to the
intrusion of a colony, and their pertinacious opposition forced the
Government to treat them with far more rigour than had been at first
intended. The western half of the new Queen's County was originally
reserved for the O'Mores, each head of a sept becoming a landlord holding
an estate in tail by knight-service. The chiefs were prohibited from
keeping any idlemen except of their own sept, or more than one for every
100 acres. They were to attend the constable of the fort when required,
to repair bridges, and at all times to keep the passes open between their
districts and those occupied by the English. They were to dress like
Englishmen, except when riding, and to teach their children to speak
English, to attend the Deputy annually, and to use only the Common Law.
All above twelve were required to take the oath of allegiance. Forfeiture
was prescribed for a persistent refusal to keep the passes open; for
retaining superfluous idlemen; for keeping more than one set of harness;
for interrupting communication with the English; for making a private
way; for marrying and fostering with the Irish, and for absenteeism. The
Deputy's licence removed the penalty in all these cases. For keeping
unlicensed firearms the first offence was to be punished by forfeiture,
and the second by death.
[Sidenote: The settlers.]
The eastern district was assigned to the English, to hold on similar
terms, and twelve places, among which Stradbally and Abbeyleix are the
best known, were to be kept in a defensible state as satellites to the
royal fort of Maryborough. The duties of the settlers were in general the
same as those assigned to the O'Mores; but whereas the latter were
restrained in the matter of arms, the possession of them was made
obligatory on the former. A good bow and sheaf of arrows, or one
hand-gun at least, was to be kept in every house. Forfeiture was to be
incurred in the same way as by the Irish, and in addition for falling
away from the use of the English tongue, for holding more than 300 acres
in demesne, or for entertaining Irishmen, except so far as they were
necessary for husbandry. A few natives, whose services as captains of
kerne had deserved special recognition, were to have grants in the
English territory, and it was suggested that a large territory should be
offered to the Earl of Kildare. A constable, resident at the fort, was to
have the same powers locally as the Lord Deputy had generally. Stringent
rules were made as to free quarters and purveyance. The constable or
president on his annual circuit was to have his own expenses and those of
four men and five horses borne for one night only by each town; and each
sept of the O'Mores was to bear the like burden, and no more. Finally, a
church was to be built in each of the twelve settlements within three
years, and a parson, of English birth, was to have the tithe.[407]
[Sidenote: The natives cling to their land.]
Whatever the intentions of the Queen or her Deputy might be towards Leix
and Offaly, there was sure to be plenty of opposition on the part of the
natives, who were, however, as usual, divided among themselves. The old
chief, Brian O'Connor, was still alive, and his son Donough carried on
the old feud and killed his cousin, the son of Cahir Roe. Both Donough
and Connell O'More, the chief of Leix, fell into the hands of Sussex in
the course of the year, but to the surprise of the Irish in general were
released in deference to Kildare and Ormonde, who had become in some
measure responsible for them. The O'Mores remained quiet for a time on
the lands reserved to them. Donough and others of the O'Connors afterward
came to Sussex at Philipstown, as the fort of Offaly must henceforth be
called, and made their submission, giving promises of good behaviour,
which they immediately broke.[408]
[Sidenote: They are again attacked, 1557.]
After the meeting at Philipstown, Sussex and his Council repaired to
Leighlin, where the principal O'Connors neglected to appear as they had
promised. A leader of the Kavanaghs, who had not taken warning by the
recent fate of his clansmen, was executed, and Connel O'More, who had
once more broken into rebellion, was hanged in chains at Leighlin about
the same time. Offaly was next invaded and hostages taken, who were
executed on a further outbreak taking place, with the exception of
O'Connor himself, who was detained prisoner in Dublin.[409]
[Sidenote: Parliament of 1557. The monastic lands are not restored.]
The Parliament, from which Mary expected much for the Church of which she
was so faithful a daughter, met at last and enacted all the laws made in
England against the Protestants. The old statutes against Lollardry,
which prescribed death by fire as the punishment for obstinate or
relapsed heretics, were declared to be in full force. A communication
from Pole was read by Curwin as Chancellor, kneeling down in open
session, in which the Cardinal urged the assembly to restore Ireland to
full communion with the Church. All Acts derogatory to the Pope which had
been passed since the twentieth year of Henry VIII. were accordingly
repealed. The Queen was declared a legitimate, absolute sovereign, and
all laws and sentences to the contrary were abrogated. On the other hand,
grants of monastic land were confirmed. There could be no doubt of Mary's
wish to restore the religious houses, but this does not appear to have
been done except in the single case of Kilmainham. Oswald Massingberd,
who during the Puritan ascendency had led a wandering life in the woods,
was appointed Prior by Pole, and the nomination was confirmed by the
Queen. Massingberd was sworn of the Council, and assumed the position of
his predecessors; but he seems to have had no belief in the stability of
the new system. He gave long leases and sold all that was saleable, and
he took no thought for the morrow. There appears to have been no
intention of specially favouring the obsolete order of St. John, for no
attempt was made to restore it in England; but in Ireland it happened
that the Crown had not parted with the house and lands. In the same way,
since it could be done without offending vested interests, Mary
re-established the Benedictines at Westminster, the Carthusians at Sheen,
and the Observants at Greenwich. There are indications that she wished to
examine titles closely, and to restore the monks where defects appeared;
but she granted and confirmed grants of abbey lands as freely as her
father and brother. Ninety years later, when the confederate Catholics
had military possession of the greater part of Ireland, and the Nuncio
Rinuccini was apparently all-powerful, the claim of the regulars to their
old possessions was met by the nobility and gentry with anger and
scorn.[410]
[Sidenote: Sussex makes an abortive expedition westward;]
When released from his Parliamentary duties, Sussex marched westward
against the O'Connors, who, under Donough, had possessed themselves of
Meelick Castle, on the Shannon. The line of march lay through Offaly, by
Killeigh, Ballyboy, and Cloghan, no opposition being offered by the
O'Molloys or O'Maddens. The Shannon was reached on the third day.
Clanricarde must have been in a tolerably peaceful state, for Athlone
pursuivant seems to have had no difficulty in going to Galway to seek
ammunition and provisions. Cannon were brought by water from Athlone and
planted in the grounds of the friary, on an island or peninsula on the
Galway side of the stream. The castle was summoned, and a cautionary shot
fired without effect. Next day the cannonade began, and at the sixteenth
shot a large piece of the courtyard wall fell down. The O'Connors escaped
by a postern gate, and were proclaimed traitors. Clanricarde, Thomond,
O'Carroll, and other chiefs, came to pay their respects to Sussex, and
may well have laughed at the small results achieved by the display of
irresistible force. A garrison was placed in the castle, and, hostages
having been taken from the neighbouring clans, the army returned through
MacCoghlan's country, led by the chief himself. The Lord Deputy had the
pleasure of seeing the night lit up by fires which the rebels kindled
within a mile of his camp. The outlying buildings at Philipstown were all
burnt, and arrows shot into the fort itself. Such was the practical
outcome of a nine days' expedition, during which, as the annalists say,
it is not easy to state or enumerate all that was destroyed.[411]
[Sidenote: and another into Ulster.]
An expedition into Ulster, undertaken three months later, had the same
lame and impotent conclusion. The annalists say compendiously that Armagh
was burned twice in one month by Thomas Sussex. His horsemen encamped in
the cathedral, and no enemy opposed the destroyer, who returned after a
week to Dundalk only to hear that Shane O'Neill was burning and
plundering within four miles of the town. Being pursued, Shane retreated
to his woods, whither those who knew the country declined to follow him.
Sussex then returned to Dublin; the Queen being richer by a few cows, and
Sir James Garland poorer by the village which O'Neill had burned.[412]
[Sidenote: The central districts still disturbed.]
Not much impressed by the late invasion, the O'Connors who had escaped
from Meelick stationed themselves at Leap Castle, about which there had
been so much fighting in bygone days. Sussex took the castle without
trouble, but Donough again escaped by the speed of his horse, and the
stronghold was seized by O'Carroll as soon as the army had left. Sidney
afterwards made two separate inroads into the same district. O'Molloy was
proclaimed a traitor, and everything destroyed. It is not easy to see how
there could be anything combustible left in the devoted country. The
O'Carrolls were also engaged about this time in opposition to the
Government, and in support of the O'Mores and O'Connors, and the
annalists are again at a loss to enumerate the preys and slaughter which
were made from the Shannon to the Nore.[413]
[Sidenote: War between the O'Neills and O'Donnells.]
A local war of considerable importance took place this year between the
O'Neills and O'Donnells. Manus, the old chief of Tyrconnel, had been kept
a prisoner for the last two years by his son Calvagh, who assumed the
leadership. This claim was disputed by his brother Hugh, who, with his
immediate adherents, had deserted to Shane O'Neill. Shane was delighted
at the opportunity of interfering, and declared that not one cow should
escape, though the O'Donnells should carry away their cattle into
Leinster or Munster. He himself would in future be the sole King of
Ulster. Shane pitched his camp at Carriglea, near Strabane, just above
the junction of the Finn and the Mourne. It was more a fair than an
encampment, and the time was gaily passed in buying, and no doubt in
drinking wine and mead, as well as fine clothes and merchandise. Calvagh,
who lay five miles off with a few followers, sent two trusty spies to the
camp, who mingled boldly with the throng of camp followers and soldiers
belonging to many different clans. In front of Shane's tent they found a
great central fire, and a huge torch as thick as a man's body blazing
brightly. Sixty gallowglasses with their axes, and as many Scots, with
heavy broadswords drawn, stood ready to guard the chief. When the time
came for serving out supper, the spies claimed their share with the rest,
and received a helmet full of meal and a corresponding quantity of
butter. Not staying to make cakes, they carried back the trophy to
Calvagh, who immediately got his men under arms. He had but two companies
of the MacSweeney gallowglasses and thirty horsemen. No look-out was
apparently kept at the camp, which they entered at once. There they had
little to do but to kill till their arms were tired, the deficiency of
force being much more than counterbalanced by the totally unprepared
state of the O'Neills. Shane, whose reputation for courage is not high,
slipped out at the back of his tent with only two companions, leaving his
men to their fate. The three fugitives threaded the passes of the
neighbouring mountains, and passed the Finn, the Deel, and the Derg by
swimming. At Termonamongan, near the latter river, Shane bought a horse,
and never rested till he reached the neighbourhood of Clogher. Calvagh
remained in possession of the camp, and his men spent the rest of the
night in drinking the wine which the O'Neills had provided for
themselves. The extent of the plunder may be estimated from the fact that
Con, Calvagh's young son, who had given up his horse to his father and
fought on foot, now had eighty steeds for his share, including a
celebrated charger of Shane's called the Eagle's Son.[414]
[Sidenote: Sidney, Lord-Justice. No money.]
Sussex had not been very long in Ireland before he asked for a holiday,
and he was allowed to spend Christmas at home; Curwin and Sidney, and
afterwards Sidney only, being appointed Lords Justices. War had been
declared with France at midsummer, and one of the first letters received
by the new governor announced the loss of Calais, and the Queen's vain
hope of recovering it. In the storm of St. Quentin and the defence of
Guisnes, English soldiers had shown that they were made of the same stuff
as the victors of Agincourt, but the war was unpopular. Mary's subjects
felt that they were sacrificed to Philip, and this jealousy of Spain both
caused the fall of Calais and prevented its recovery. But the national
vanity was sorely hurt, and Sidney thought it a good opportunity to point
out that James MacDonnell was expected in Ulster with many French and
Scots allies, and that the natives would join him or fall upon the Pale,
which was itself heartily sick of English rule, of soldiers at free
quarters, and of purveyors, who paid, if they paid at all, something very
much less than market prices. The army was reduced to a little over 1,000
men, and the people of the Pale, though well disposed, could afford no
effective help. Credit was extinct, and the bad money caused great
misery. Yet even bad coin was scarce. 'Help us, my lord,' he wrote openly
to Sussex, 'help us to money at this pinch, though it be as base as
counters.'
Men, money, and provisions were alike wanting, and the outlook was as
dark as could be. Desmond proposed that the Queen should send special
commissioners, independent of the Government, to inquire into the state
of Ireland, and point out means of reformation. He himself had perhaps
sinned through ignorance, and he thought justice and fair dealing more
likely to do the work of civilisation than a new conquest. 'We neither
think it meet, nor intend,' answered Mary, with a touch of her father's
humour, 'to make any new conquest of our own, nor to use any force when
justice may be showed.' She proposed to do all that was necessary by fair
means.[415]
[Sidenote: Hatred of the English Government.]
Sidney's fears of foreign complications were not unfounded. He had no
ship of war at his disposal, and he feared that Dublin might be
blockaded. George Paris was in France, declaring that the wild Irish were
quite ready to transfer their allegiance, and Sidney had reason to
believe that Kildare was playing his hereditary game. There can be no
doubt that this great nobleman, whose estates lay between the capital and
the disturbed midland districts, was a thorn in the side of each
successive governor. It was thought he wanted to be Deputy himself, and
all the principal lawyers in Dublin had a retaining fee from him. William
Piers, Constable of Carrickfergus, the vigilant guardian of the North,
was told by one of his men who was present, that Sorley Boy MacDonnell,
in the careless after-supper hour, said plainly 'that Englishmen had no
right to Ireland, and they would never trust Englishmen more, but would
trust the Earl of Kildare, "who," quoth Sorley, "hath more right to the
country...." The nature of these people is they will speak what is in
their hearts when the drink is in their heads.' The love of claret,
inherent both in Scottish and Irish chiefs, tended to keep up constant
communication with France. The hereditary hatred of England might at any
moment counterbalance the jealousy which Scotland felt for the French
regent and king matrimonial, and an invasion of Ireland might seem less
dangerous than that from which the caution of the Scots lords had just
saved England. The recollection of Dundalk was not so fresh as that of
Flodden.[416]
[Sidenote: Attempts at conciliation.]
Lady Tyrone had been closely imprisoned, apparently by Shane, for urging
her husband to hold fast to his allegiance. 'I will not,' says Sidney's
informant, 'you make this known to the Primate, or Kildare, or any
Geraldine in Ireland.' To the Queen the Lord Justice wrote that the coast
was infested by hostile cruisers, that he dreaded a French attack on
castles which could not resist artillery, and that he could scarcely be
answerable for the defence of the country. The effect of Sussex's advice
while at Court may be gathered from the number of letters which Mary
addressed to great men in Ireland. Tyrone and O'Reilly were thanked for
past services, the former being charged to help the Deputy with a
contingent, and the latter to dismiss the Scots in his pay. Calvagh
O'Donnell was reminded of his duty, and encouraged to hope for a peerage
and other rewards. Barnaby Fitzpatrick, whose courtly education was not
forgotten by his friend's sister, was exhorted to behave like one who
regards the service and weal of his natural country. His neighbour
O'Carroll might look forward to a peerage for life if he would give help
in season. Desmond and Clanricarde were directed to put Thomond in
possession of his earldom and estates, the care of the coast being
particularly recommended to the former. Desmond and Ormonde were thanked,
and advised to refer all their differences to the arbitration of the Lord
Deputy and Council.[417]
[Sidenote: A spirited policy.]
The Queen did not limit her care for Ireland to writing letters. She
doubled the army; 800 men being sent over, and directions given for
raising 200 more in Ireland. Every foot soldier was to receive twopence a
day, and every horseman threepence a day, in addition to the old wages.
The Deputy's salary was raised from 1,000_l._ to 1,500_l._, with the
usual allowances, and he was directed to move constantly to and fro,
residences being maintained for him at Roscommon, Athlone, Monasterevan,
Maryborough, Philipstown, Ferns, Enniscorthy, and Carlow. The O'Mores and
O'Connors were to be still further chastised, and as much as possible
effected against the Scots. In most other matters the former instructions
were to remain in force. The restored Deputy was not expected to make
bricks without straw, more than 200_l._ having been spent on the carriage
of munitions to Chester for the Irish service.[418]
[Sidenote: Sussex returns to Ireland, 1558.]
Sussex left London on March 21, and we are told that he travelled post;
but he did not leave Holyhead till the 26th of the following month. The
actual passage only occupied a few hours. Detraction, the usual lot of
Irish governors, followed him on his journey, his accuser being no less a
person than Primate Dowdall, who was summoned over to tell his own story,
and who died in London some three months before the Queen. Sidney and his
Council declared that the Archbishop was actuated by personal malice, and
that there was no foundation for his statements. There was, however, some
excuse for a prelate who saw his metropolis and three churches burned by
the viceregal army. Sussex believed that Dowdall was in league with his
predecessor. Were it not, he said, for his set purpose to serve the
Queen, he might find occupation enough in avoiding the nets spread on all
sides, the catch line whereof he could not prove but by looking into Mr.
St. Leger's bosom.[419]
[Sidenote: The O'Connors still troublesome. Sussex goes to Munster.]
Sussex had left Leix and Offaly in confusion, and he returned to find
them in the same state, his brother, Sir Henry Radecliffe, being actually
besieged in Maryborough by the natives, under Donogh and another
O'Connor, accompanied by Richard Oge, one of the bastard Geraldines who
had so long been troublesome. The garrison beat off their assailants
after a hard fight, Richard Oge falling by the hand of Francis Cosby; but
Donough again escaped. The first matter which demanded the personal
attention of Sussex after his return was the state of Thomond, where Sir
Donnell More O'Brien--who had slain his brother, the second Earl, five
years before--was now disputing the title of his young nephew Connor,
whose principal castles he held. Ormonde, whose aunt was the young lord's
mother, was of course interested in his favour, and the same reason was
enough to make Desmond incline to Sir Donnell. It became necessary for
Sussex himself to go in force and establish some kind of order. Taking
the familiar line through Offaly and Ely, Leap Castle being abandoned at
their approach, the Lord Deputy and his troops, strengthened on the route
by the adhesion of Barnaby Fitzpatrick and a considerable force, marched
across North Tipperary by Newport and Cahirconlish to Limerick, which was
reached on the seventh day after leaving Dublin. At a point a few miles
from the city Ormonde and his brother Edmund appeared with a large party.
The young lord of Cahir, Gerald the heir of Desmond, with all the forces
of his house, MacCarthy More, who received the honour of knighthood and a
gold chain and gilded spurs, and William Burke, chief of the district,
joined on the same day. At the gate of Limerick the mayor and aldermen in
scarlet robes delivered to Sussex the keys and mace, which he returned to
the mayor. With the civic insignia and sword of state borne before him,
the Lord Deputy rode to the door of the cathedral, where the Marian
bishop, Hugh Lacy, met him, and where he was censed and sprinkled with
holy water. Sussex kissed the cross both here and at the rood, where the
same ceremonies were repeated, and knelt devoutly at the high altar while
the _Te Deum_ was sung. Salutes were fired after church.
[Sidenote: The Desmonds at Limerick.]
The Lord Deputy rested ten days at Limerick, during which time was
performed the rite of 'bishoping' Desmond's youngest child, the old Earl
being present himself. This was a first or second baptism, for the little
Fitzgerald was not old enough to be confirmed, and the Lord Deputy stood
sponsor and gave his god-child his own name, and presented him at the
same time with a gold chain. The career of James Sussex Fitzgerald thus
auspiciously begun was destined to end in a traitor's death on the
scaffold.
[Sidenote: The O'Briens.]
Sir Donnell O'Brien failed to appear, and was thrice proclaimed traitor
at Limerick. Sussex then issued forth into Thomond. Clare Castle and
Ennis made no resistance, but a few cannon shot had to be fired at
Bunratty before it surrendered. The Earl of Thomond, having been placed
in possession of his country, was sworn upon the sacraments and on the
relics of the Church with bell, book, and candle, to forsake the name of
O'Brien, and to be true to the King and Queen. All the freeholders of the
district swore in the same solemn way to obey him as their captain.
[Sidenote: O'Shaughnessy.]
On his journey westward from Limerick, Sussex spent a night with
O'Shaughnessy at Gort, where he 'dined so worshipfully as divers wondered
at it, for the like was not seen in an Irishman's house.' At Galway he
was received with the same civic, military, and religious ceremonies as
at Limerick, and, after staying four or five days, returned by Athenry
and Meelick into Offaly, and thence to Dublin.[420]
[Sidenote: Expedition against the Hebridean Scots. It ends in failure.]
Sidney's apprehensions were partially realised, for James MacDonnell
landed before Sussex with 600 islemen and two guns. But Carrickfergus had
been reinforced, and the greater part of the Scots returned to their own
country. Colla MacDonnell, one of the chief's five brothers and the
resident guardian of his clan's Irish interests, died soon afterwards,
and, his brother Angus having refused to take his place, Sorley Boy, the
youngest and ablest of the family, filled the vacant post. It was decided
to attack the Redshanks in their own islands, and a fleet assembled at
Lambay from which great things were evidently expected. Sussex urged
despatch; but the delays of the supply service were inveterate, and
nothing was done for nearly three weeks. The Lord Deputy landed first in
Cantire, and began operations by burning James MacDonnell's 'chief house
called Sandell, a fair pile and a strong.'
[Sidenote: The fleet is in danger,]
He boasted that in three days he burned everything from sea to sea in a
district twenty miles long, and this without meeting any opposition worth
notice. Isla was the great object of the expedition; but the wind was
unfavourable, and the incendiary's work could be carried on elsewhere.
Arran was accordingly devastated, the army dividing into two, so as to
make the damage more complete. Isla being still inaccessible, the same
fate was intended for Bute, but just as the boats were about to be manned
a sudden gale sprung up, 'and that being then the weather shore the wind
wheeled suddenly and made it the lee shore, whereby we being very near
the shore were forced to ride it out for life and death in such a place
as if any tackle had slipped or broken the ship whose tackle had so
slipped or broken must needs have perished.' The cable of a Dublin
transport parted, and she foundered with a loss of twenty-eight men. Most
of the small vessels got into harbour, 'but the masters of H.M.'s ships I
think thought scorn thereof.' The fine gentlemen who commanded men-of-war
in those days were unwilling to take advice from the old seamen who acted
as their sailing masters or pilots. With loss of boats, running rigging,
and anchors, the fleet escaped, and the captains, whose courage was
'somewhat cooled,' were content after this to be controlled by their
professional associates.
[Sidenote: and is forced to retire.]
The poor little Cumbrays having been ravaged, the disabled vessels were
just able to reach Carrickfergus after a dead beat against a stiff
north-wester. Sussex landed, and was nearly lost in regaining his
flag-ship, the 'Mary Willoughby.' A council of war was then held, and it
was found that there were provisions for only three weeks more, and that
damages could not be properly repaired in Ireland. Only three ships were
at all fit for service; and, moreover, 'the new bark is a ship of such
length and unwieldliness in steerage as she is not to be ventured among
the isles in such stormy weather, where there be many deep and narrow
channels and strong tides.' It was feared that the ships might be
becalmed or otherwise delayed in the isles, there was now no spare tackle
in case of future storms, and it was by no means impossible that the
crews and troops might starve. The hope of visiting Isla was therefore
abandoned, and Sussex landed the soldiers with the less ambitious
intention of attacking the Scots in the Route. An English fleet and army
carefully equipped and commanded by many gallant gentlemen had just
succeeded in burning some barren islands, not without considerable loss
to themselves, and had returned disabled without striking a blow. Sussex
was conscious of his failure, and begged the Queen 'not to impute any
lack in me, but to consider that whatever I wrote of was feasible, is
feasible, and shall with grace of God be put in execution with a great
deal more than I wrote of,' &c. The expedition is not even noticed in the
Scots correspondence of the time, nor was anything done to retrieve
matters on land. Out of 1,100 soldiers, but 400 were fit for service, the
rest being prostrated by illness caused by the foul water on board
ship.[421]
[Sidenote: Activity of Sussex. He leaves Ireland at Mary's death.]
Want of activity at least could not be charged against Sussex, who
carried out strictly the spirit of the Queen's instructions, which
desired him to be constantly on the move. He was at Leighlin a few days
after his return from Scotland, and then returned to Dublin, where the
affairs of Munster occupied his attention. The old Earl of Desmond was
dead, and his son Gerald, destined to a disturbed life and a miserable
death, succeeded to the splendid but troublesome inheritance of the
Southern Geraldines. He promised fair, and was knighted by the Lord
Deputy's hands, who went to Waterford to receive his homage and to admit
him to the earldom. Sir Maurice Fitzgerald of Decies, who ruled about one
half of the county of Waterford, also made his submission, promising to
obey the law and make others obey it, to give his help to all judges,
commissioners, and tax-gatherers, and to secure free admission for all to
the markets at Waterford, Dungarvan, and elsewhere. The news of Mary's
death reached Ireland soon after this, and Sussex, who had already
obtained leave to go to England, hurried away to pay his court to the new
sovereign. He left Ireland tolerably quiet.[422]
[Sidenote: Story as to an intended Marian persecution in Ireland.]
Mary did all she could to efface her father's anti-Roman policy; but no
Irish persecution took place. This may have been less from the Queen's
want of will than from the insignificance of the Protestants in Ireland.
It is said that many people fled from the western parts of England in
hope of sharing the comparative immunity enjoyed by the small Protestant
congregation in Dublin. One story seems to show that this had attracted
attention, and that Dublin would not have long escaped. It rests on the
testimony of Henry Usher, one of the fathers of Trinity College and
afterwards Archbishop of Armagh, and was repeated by his more famous
nephew James Usher, and by other public men of repute. Henry Usher died
at a great age in 1613, and was Treasurer of St. Patrick's as early as
1573. In the absence of anything to rebut it, such evidence can hardly be
rejected. The story is that a Protestant citizen of Dublin named John
Edmonds had a sister living at Chester married to one Mattershed, who
kept an inn or lodging-house in which Cole, Dean of St. Paul's, slept
when on his way to purge the Irish Church. 'Here,' said Cole, in the
hearing of his hostess, 'is a commission that shall lash the heretics of
Ireland.' The good woman watched her opportunity, possessed herself of
the doctor's wallet, and substituted a pack of cards for the
commission--a service for which she received a pension of 40_l._ from
Queen Elizabeth. On reaching Dublin, Cole went straight to the Castle,
where the Lord Deputy, who had just returned from his Scotch expedition,
was sitting in council. Cole declared his business in a set speech; but
when the secretary opened his wallet he found only the cards, with the
knave of clubs uppermost. Sussex had conformed to the dominant creed, but
had probably no wish to be a persecutor, and may have rejoiced at Cole's
discomfiture. 'Let us have another commission,' he said, 'and we will
shuffle the cards in the meanwhile.' A new scourge for the heretics was
despatched, but before it came to hand Mary's unhappy career had
closed.[423]
[Sidenote: Death of Mary and Reginald Pole.]
The weak enthusiast who, far more than Gardiner or Bonner, must share the
responsibility for the persecution with which this Queen's name is
inseparably connected, was not long divided from her in death. Reginald
Pole survived his kinswoman some twenty-two hours, and almost the last
sounds to reach his ears were the cheers with which a people that
breathed freely once more greeted the accession of Queen Elizabeth.
FOOTNOTES:
[391] Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, p. 304.
[392] Instructions for Sir A. St. Leger, Oct. 1553; Morrin's _Patent
Rolls_, pp. 300-304.
[393] Petition of Connor MacCarthy, 1553. The Queen to Sussex, July 6,
1558. Orders taken at Drogheda, Dec. 6, 1553, in _Carew_.
[394] Bale's select works, Parker Society; _King Johan_, a play, ed. J.
Payne Collier, Camden Society; 'God's promises in all ages of the old
law,' in Dodsley's _Old Plays_, vol. i.; a brief comedy or interlude of
John Baptist in _Harl. Misc._ vol. i.
[395] Bale's _Vocation_; Cotton's _Fasti_, vol. i. p. 123.
[396] Bale's _Vocation_; Ware's _Annals_. Queen Elizabeth to the two St.
Legers, calendared under 1559 (No. 85). Dr. Reid printed the following
contemporary epigram:--
'Plurima Lutherus patefecit, Platina multa,
Quædam Vergerius, cuncta Balæus habet.'
[397] Hook's _Life of Pole_, vol. iii. p. 359, note; Machyn's _Diary_,
Jan. 27, 1554; _Life of Sir Peter Carew_, ed. by Macleane, and also
printed in _Carew_, vol. i.
[398] Brady; Cotton. Dowling says of Thonory: 'Pro dolore amissionis
thesauri sui per fures mortuus. Fures confitebantur et executi.'
[399] Indentures with the O'Briens, Sept. 1554, in _Carew_; _Four
Masters_, 1554.
[400] Sarpi's _Council of Trent_, trans. by Courayer, lib. v. cap. 15,
and the _notes_. Dr. Lingard, vol. v. end of chap. v., objects to Fra
Paolo's account, but I cannot see that his own much differs.
[401] Brady; Hook's _Life of Pole_; Ware's _Life of Curwin_; Rymer, Feb.
22, and April 25, 1555; Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, p. 339.
[402] Hooker in Holinshed; St. Leger to Petre, Dec. 18, 1555; _Four
Masters_, 1555. James MacDonnell's agents to Calvagh O'Donnell,
calendared under 1554 (No. 7).
[403] Instructions to Lord Fitzwalter, April 28, 1556, in _Carew_.
_Sidney Papers_, i. p. 85.
[404] Ware's _Annals_.
[405] Sussex's Journal, Aug. 8, 1556, in _Carew_; Sidney's Relation, in
_Carew_; 1583; Lord Deputy Fitzwalter to the Queen, Jan. 2, 1557;
_Calendar of Foreign State Papers_, Oct. 28, 1556.
[406] Opinions of Lord Fitzwalter, Jan. 2, 1557. He mentions hake as 'a
kind of salt fish much eaten in Ireland.'
[407] Privy Council to Lord Deputy, Sept. 30, 1556; Orders for Leix,
Dec.; Lord Deputy to the Queen, Jan. 2, 1557. An Act of Parliament was
passed in 1557, entitling the Crown to Leix and Offaly, and authorising
the Lord Deputy to make grants under the Great Seal.
[408] Proceedings of the Deputy and Council, Feb. 25, 1557, in _Carew_.
_Four Masters_ for 1555 and 1556.
[409] _Four Masters_, 1555 and 1556. Proceedings of Deputy and Council,
Feb. 25, 1557, in _Carew_. Dowling says Connel O'More was 'apud pontem
Leighlin cruci affixus.' Ware's _Annals_.
[410] Thomas Alen to Cecil, Dec. 18, 1558; Letters of Queen Mary,
calendared under 1557 (Nos. 63 and 64), and petitions (Nos. 65 and 66).
For grants of abbey-lands, see Morrin's _Patent Rolls_, passim. Mary's
only Irish Parliament (3 and 4 Phil. et Mar.), met June 1, 1557, in
Dublin. There were adjournments to Limerick and Drogheda. See Stuart's
_Armagh_, p. 244, and Rymer, Dec. 1, 1556.
[411] July 1557; Journal by Sussex of that date in Carew; _Four Masters_,
1557.
[412] October; _Four Masters_, 1557.
[413] _Four Masters._ This was towards the end of 1557.
[414] _Four Masters_, 1557.
[415] Lord Justice Sidney and Council to the Privy Council, Feb. 8, 1558;
Desmond to the Queen, Feb. 5 and Feb. 23, and her answer, April 19;
Sidney to Sussex, Feb. 26, and to the Queen, March 1.
[416] Piers to Curwin, Feb. 14, 1558; Sussex to Boxoll, June 8; Articles
by an Irishman, 1558 (No. 15).
[417] The Queen's letters are all dated March 12.
[418] See instructions in _Carew_, March 20; Estimate for munitions,
March 13.
[419] Machyn's _Diary_; Sussex to Privy Council, April 7, with
inclosures; Dowdall to Heath, Nov. 17, 1557.
[420] This tour is in _Carew_, i. 274-277; the date in the end of July
1558.
[421] For the expedition to the isles, see Sussex to the Queen, Oct. 3,
Oct. 6, and Oct. 31, 1558.
[422] Journeys by the Earl of Sussex, July and Nov. 1558, in _Carew_;
oath of Gerald Earl of Desmond, Nov. 28.
[423] Ware's _Life of Browne_. In their instructions to the Lord Deputy
and Council, Philip and Mary say:--'Lord Cardinal Poole, being sent unto
us from the Pope's Holiness and the said See Apostolic Legate of our said
realms, mindeth _in brief time_ to despatch into Ireland certain his
commissioners and officials to visit the clergy _and other members_ of
the said realm of Ireland,' &c., _Carew_, April 28, 1556.
INDEX
TO
THE FIRST VOLUME.
Abbeyleix, 399
Abertivy, 41, 42
Adamnan, St., 6, 15
Adare, 191, 218, 229, 267
Adrian IV., Pope (Nicholas Breakspeare), his bull, 37-39, 49, 260
Aedh, or Hugh, King, 29
Æneas Sylvius;
_see_ Pius II.
Agard, Thomas, Vice-Treasurer and Treasurer of the Mint, 207, 208,
319, 320
Aghmacarte monastery, 314
Agricola, 1, 2
Aidan, St., 6
Alban's, St., 34
Alemand, L. A., his history of Irish monasticism, 314-316, 318
Alen, or Allen, John, Archbishop of Dublin (1529-1534), 163;
murdered, 165, 166, 171, 172, 290-296
Alen, Sir John, Master of the Rolls (1533-1538), Lord Chancellor
(1538-1546 and 1548-1550), 156, 158-160, 162, 164, 171, 193,
195, 208, 212, 233, 235-237, 244, 259, 267, 283-285, 304, 305,
313, 320, 335, 337-339, 345, 346, 348, 357, 358, 385
Alexander II., Pope, 33
-- III., Pope, 37, 49, 54
Aline, Strongbow's daughter, 50
Allen, Bog of, 176
All Saints', Dublin, 321
Ambrose, St., 366
Amlaf, 18, 19;
and _see_ Olaf.
Andreas, Bernard, his works on Henry VII., 116, 117
Andrew's, St., in Scotland, 306
-- -- in Dublin, 302
Angareta, mother of Giraldus Cambrensis, 41
Angevins, 11
Annaghdown;
_see_ Enaghdune.
Anne, Queen, 197
-- -- _see_ Boleyn.
-- St., 386
Anschar, St., 31
Anselm, St., 34, 35
Antrim, 66, 77, 237, 272
Aquitaine, 40, 45
Arabic coins in Ireland, 30
Ardagh, see of, 292-295
Ardee, 222, 240
Ardfert Abbey, 51
Ardfinnan, 47
Ardglass, 212
Ards, in Down, 263, 265, 376;
priory of, 386
Ardscull, 66
Argyle, 67, 134, 272, 273, 280-282, 359
Arklow, 72, 146, 156
Armagh, 237, 263, 403
-- County, 56
-- church, abbacy, and see of, 14, 17, 18, 25, 34, 45, 104, 289,
367, 369, 386;
for Archbishops (called by the Irish Successors of St. Patrick),
_see_ Cellach, O'Toole, Octavian, Kite, Cromer, Dowdall,
Wauchop, Goodacre.
Artane, 165
Aryan race, 11
Ascham, Roger, 337
Aslaby, John, 188
Assaroe, 239
Athassel Abbey, 70, 73, 99, 291, 319
Athboy, 115, 222
Ath-Cliath (the Celtic name for Dublin), 34
Athelstane, 21, 32
Athenry, 69, 78, 122, 228, 300, 321, 410
Athlone, 17, 60, 77, 84, 125, 334, 374, 402, 408
Athole, Earl of, 271
Athy, 54, 88, 130, 167, 200, 328
Audeley, Thomas Lord, Lord Chancellor of England, 178, 179, 196,
197, 253
Aughrim, 228
Augustine, St., Canons Regular of, 99, 314, 317
Augustinian Hermits or Austin Friars, 289, 300, 319, 320, 392
Aylmer, Sir Gerald, Chief Justice of the King's Bench (1535-1559),
215, 223, 233, 237, 303, 378, 384, 385
Aylmer, Richard, of Lyons in Kildare, 223
Bacon, Francis, 105, 111, 116
Bagenal, Sir Nicolas, Marshal of the Army (1546-1553, and
1565-1590), 332, 353, 364, 368, 373
-- Sir Ralph, 357, 361
Baldoyle, 19
Bale, John, Bishop of Ossory (1552-1553), 299, 368, 379, 380-383,
386-390
Balgriffin, 177
Ballibogan, 305
Ballinaclogh, 224
Ballinskelligs, 188
Ballinure, 251
Ballyboy, 402
Ballycastle, in Antrim, 272, 361
Ballydrohid, 317
Ballyhack, 372
Ballymore Eustace, 91, 129, 238, 326
Balrath, 119
Balrothery, 123
Baltimore, 88, 351
Baltinglass, 130, 251
-- Viscount, Sir Thomas Eustace, Baron of Kilcullen, 161, 163, 170,
178, 254, 344
Banagher, 228, 335
Bangor, in Down, 17
Bann River, 266, 351, 398
Bannockburn, 65
Bannow, 42, 372
Barbaro, a Venetian, 350
Barbarossa, 39
Barkley, Lord, 198
Barnesmore Gap, 140, 141
Barnewall, Sir Patrick, 249, 301, 312, 320
Barnewalls, the, 76
Baron, Milo, Bishop of Ossory, (1527-1551), 297, 305
Barretts, the, 71
Barrow River, 113, 130, 167, 264, 329, 340
Barry, David, Archdeacon of Cork, 118
-- Gerald;
_see_ Giraldus.
-- William de, 41
Barrymore, Barons of, and Viscounts from 1405, 76
-- John, Viscount, 76, 118, 191, 242, 268, 332, 333
-- William, Viscount, murdered in 1499, 118
Barry Oge of Kinalea, 242, 268, 329
Barry Roe, 242, 268
Barrys, the, 41, 64, 76, 242, 268. In the 16th century they were all
settled in the County of Cork.
Bartholomew's, St., in London, 291
Basel, 389
Basilia, Strongbow's sister, 50
Basilius, 308
Basnet, Edward, last Dean of St. Patrick's of the old foundation,
358, 368
Bath Abbey, 198
Bathe, James, Chief Baron, 385
Bearhaven, or Berehaven, 351
Beaton, Cardinal, 271, 273, 276, 285
Beaumanoir, 217
Beaumaris, 169
Becket, Thomas, 48, 86
Bective Abbey, 392
Bedell, William, Bishop of Kilmore, 350
Bedford, Jasper, Duke of, Lord-Lieutenant, 100, 102, 111
Belfast, 125, 360, 364, 376-378, 398
Belfast Lough, 143, 281
Belgard, near Dublin, 142
Bellahoe, battle of, 240
Bellingham, Sir Edward, Viceroy (1548-1549), 88, 286;
sent to Ireland with troops, 326;
Lord Deputy, 327;
his ceaseless activity, 328;
his treatment of the disloyal, 329, 330;
he projects the town of Maryborough, 331;
his dealings with Galway, Limerick, and Drogheda, 331;
with Dublin, 332;
he routs the O'Connors, 332;
his dissatisfaction with Desmond, 333;
establishes a garrison at Athlone, 334;
frees the Pale from rebels, 335;
his dealings with the currency, 336;
his impolitic self-assertion, 337;
his treatment of the Irish, 338;
he cannot agree with his council, 338;
his jealousy of the Ormondes, 337, 339;
he seizes Desmond, 339;
he establishes a garrison at Leighlin Bridge, 340;
a Protestant, 341;
well informed, 342;
his dealings with Primate Dowdall in furtherance of the royal
supremacy, 343;
the darling of the Protestant party, 343-344;
recalled, 344;
his death and character, 344-345, 348, 349, 350;
his fort at Athlone, 374
Benbulben, 141
Benedictines, 314
Berehaven, 351
Berengaria, Queen, 58
Berengarius, 33
Bergagni, Francis de, 181
Bermingham, Baron of Athenry, 228
-- John de, Earl of Louth, 67
-- Patrick, Chief Justice of the King's Bench, 150, 155, 199
-- Richard de, 69
-- William, created Baron of Carbury in Kildare, 226, 258, 320
Berminghams, the, 69, 71, 213
Bermingham's Tower, 233
Bernard, St., 15, 314, 315
Berners, William, 208, 230
Berwick, 373
Betagh, Robert, 241
Bicknor, Alexander de, Archbishop of Dublin, 322
Bicton, James, 358
Bigot, Hugh, 63
Birr, 157, 224, 226, 227
Biscayans, 188
Bissett, or Missett family, 71, 271
Blackwater River in Ulster, 237
-- -- -- Munster, 242
Blessington, 326
Blois, 252
Blore Heath, 90
Bobbio, 6
Bodkin, Christopher, Archbishop of Tuam (1537-1562), 228, 292, 294,
305, 334
Body, William, 200, 202, 203
Boleyn family, how related to the Butlers, 126, 142
-- Mary, 149
-- Queen Anne, proposed as a wife for Ormonde, 149, 156, 190, 195,
196, 394, 395
-- Sir Thomas, 125, 126, 149, 156
-- Sir William, 126
Bolger, Barnaby, 389
Bonner, Edmund, Bishop of London, 306, 395, 413
Boulogne, 277, 335
Bourbon, the Constable, 181
Boyle, 125, 317
Boyne River, 85, 213
Boys, James, 175
Brabazon, Sir William, Vice-Treasurer (1534-1553), Lord Justice
(1543, 1545, and 1549), 176-178, 193, 194, 196, 197, 199,
205-207, 209, 213, 218, 232-233, 235-237, 244, 254, 268, 275,
304, 305, 320, 346, 377
Brackland, 206, 213
Braose, William de, 60, 63
Brasier, Richard, first auditor of the Irish Exchequer (1547-1550),
344
Bray Head, 130
Breakspeare, Nicholas;
_see_ Adrian IV.
Brefny, 39;
_see_ O'Rourke and O'Reilly.
Brehons, 3-5, 7, 12, 143, 186, 221, 273, 277, 291
Brereton, Andrew, 353
-- John, 328, 332
-- Sir William, Lord Justice in 1540, 169-171, 173, 174, 243, 244,
247, 352
Brian Borumha, King of Ireland, 22-31, 33
Brictius, 36
Brigid, or Bride, St., 13, 294
Bristol, 147, 170, 359
Bristol Abbey, 198
Brito, 186
Brode, a pirate, 166, 169, 170, 173
Brodir, 26
Broet, Paschal, 308-310
Broke, Roger, 353
Brosna, River, 334
Broughton, Sir Thomas, 105
Browne, George, Archbishop of Dublin (1553-1555), 200, 207, 208;
his tour in the South, 235-237, 255, 299;
his quarrels with Staples and others, 301-305, 311;
his hatred of the Franciscans, 320;
account of him, 322-324, 341;
his conference with Dowdall, 354-357;
his relations with St. Leger, 357-358;
with Croft, 360, 378;
with Dowdall, 367, 379;
with Bale, 379 and 381;
story of him told by Harpsfield, 383
Browne, Mabel, Countess of Kildare, 375
-- Sir Anthony, 216
Bruce, Edward, 66-68
-- Robert, 66-68, 272
Brunanburgh, 21
Brussels, 219, 390
Bryan, Sir Francis, Viceroy, Lord Marshal of Ireland, 337;
married to Lady Ormonde, 337;
disliked by Bellingham, 337;
in practical command of the Butler influence, 339;
Lord Justice after Bellingham's departure, 345;
his death under suspicious circumstances, 346
Bulmer, Sir John, 137, 138
Bunamargy, 300
Bunratty, 77, 300
Burgo, Hubert de, 6, 61
Burgundy, Margaret, Duchess of, 103, 104
Burkes, Bourkes, De Burghs, or De Burgos;
_see_ MacWilliam, MacDavid, MacPhilbin, MacRaymond, MacShoneen,
MacWalter, and FitzAdelm.
-- of Clanricarde, 75, 93, 120-122, 173, 227, 241, 256, 289, 300,
331;
_see_ MacWilliam Uachtar and Clanricarde.
-- or De Burghs, Earls of Clanricarde;
_see_ Clanricarde.
Burke, or De Burgo, Rowland, Bishop of Clonfert, 289, 294, 370
-- of Clanwilliam in Limerick, 227, 409
-- of Mayo;
_see_ MacWilliam Iochtar.
-- -- -- Sir William, 69
-- -- Richard, 61, 74
-- -- -- Earl of Ulster, 27
-- Ulick, of Clanricarde, son of the first earl and captain during
the minority of the second, 333, 374
Burnell, John, 166, 177
Burnet, Bishop, 380
Burntchurch, 155
Bush River, 266, 398
Bute, 411
Butler, Edmund, Archbishop of Cashel (1524-1561), natural son of the
eighth Earl of Ormonde, 183, 241, 255, 261;
account of him, 291;
his oppressive conduct, 296;
state of his monastery, 298;
takes the oath of supremacy, 305;
not a zealous reformer, 343
-- Earls of Ormonde;
_see_ Ormonde.
-- Lady Helen, daughter of the eighth Earl of Ormonde, married to
Donogh O'Brien, second Earl of Thomond, 191
-- Richard, son of the eighth Earl of Ormonde, created Viscount of
Mountgarret;
_see_ Mountgarret.
-- Sir Edmund, first Baron of Dunboyne;
_see_ Dunboyne.
-- Sir Edmund, Viceroy in 1312 and 1314, 66, 70
-- Sir Thomas, first Baron of Cahir;
_see_ Cahir.
-- Thomas, Prior of Kilmainham, 89
-- Thomas, son of the eighth Earl of Ormonde, 160, 225
Butleraboo, the Ormonde war cry, 112
Butlers, the, 64;
origin of name, 72, 93, 125-127;
and _see_ Ormonde, Ossory, Carrick, Mountgarret, Dunboyne, and
Cahir.
Butside, a pirate, 330
Cadamstown, 334, 335
Cade, Jack, 90
Cæsar, 301
Cahir, 182, 227, 258, 317
-- Sir Thomas Butler, first Baron of, 189, 227, 236, 255, 276, 320,
393, 409
Cahirconlish, 409
Calais, 83, 335
Caledon, 154
Callan, 74, 189, 388
Cambridge, 384
Campbell, Lady Agnes, married to James MacDonnell of Cantire and
Antrim, 273, 281
Campbells, the, 280, 282;
_see_ Argyle.
Campeggio, Cardinal, 290
Camus, 182
Candolle, Francis de, 181
Canice's, St., 388, 389;
_see_ Kilkenny.
Cannon, Thomas, 163
Canterbury, its connection with Ireland, 32-36;
the Prior had lands in Ireland, 198, 389
Cantire, 410
Cantoke, name of, 64
Cantuarian succession, 35
Cantwell, William, 284, 285
Canute, 21, 32
Capel, Henry Lord, Lord Lieutenant in 1695, 101
Cappys, or Kate, a merchant, 239
Carbery, in Cork, 36, 124, 191, 218
Carbury, in Kildare, Baron of;
_see_ Bermingham.
Carew, Sir Peter, 390, 391
Carews, the, 41
Carlingford, 241, 398
Carlisle, 289
Carlow, 63, 65, 83, 167, 231, 235, 327, 340, 375, 408
-- Castle, 111
-- County, 158
Carmelites, 114, 300, 319, 320, 340, 368, 380
Carrickbradagh, 237, 247
Carrick, Edmund Butler, Earl of, 72
-- on Suir, 72, 201
Carrickfergus, or Knockfergus, 59, 60, 66, 70, 122, 142, 143, 273,
281, 351, 361, 362, 378, 395, 398, 410, 411
Carrigogunnel, 60, 186, 192, 200, 203
Carrol, Lord of Ossory, 19
Cartier, Jacques, 219
Cartmel, 198
Casey, William, Protestant Bishop of Limerick (1551-1556 and
1571-1591), 354, 392
Cashel, 47;
synod, 48 and 314, 50, 66, 81, 193, 214, 242, 254, 265
-- see of, 16, 291, 367, 369;
_see_ Butler, Archbishop.
Castle Connell, 124
-- Dermot, 54, 84, 120, 155, 156, 167
-- Island, 78
-- Jordan, 177, 251
-- Kevin, 253
-- Martyr, 76
Castleknock, 66
Castlemaine, 124
Castlereagh, 376
Castletown Roche, 76
Cavan, 262
Cavendish, William, 250
Cecil, William, afterwards Lord Burghley, 326
Celestinus, Pope, 366
Cellach, or Celsus, Bishop or Archbishop of Armagh (1106-1129), 34,
35
Cerberus, 303
Challoner, John, Mayor of Dublin in 1556, 397
Chamberlayne, name of, 222
Charlemagne, 172
Charles I., 209, 279
Charles V., Emperor and King of Spain, 7, 136, 172, 173, 175;
negotiates with Desmond, 184-186, 192, 219, 274
Charles VIII., King of France, 110
Chateaubriand, Governor of Brittany, 212
Cheeke, Sir John, 390, 391
Chepstow, 41
Chester, 54, 128, 161, 408, 413
Christ Church, Dublin, 32, 385
Ciaran, St., 13, 296, 374
Cistercians, 16, 99, 267, 293, 314, 317, 318, 392
Citeaux, 315
Clairvaux, 314
Clandeboye (Clan Hugh Boy), 76, 77, 129, 142, 198, 258, 266, 376
Clandonnell, gallowglasses, 140
Clane, 175
Clangibbon, 76
Clanricarde (the south-eastern portion of Galway), 218, 335, 402
-- Earldom of, 71, 271
-- Ulick Burke, or De Burgh, first Earl of, 120, 140, 227, 228, 238,
256-258, 270, 271, 275, 335
-- Richard Burke, or De Burgh, second Earl of, called 'Sassenagh,'
son of the last named, 333, 349, 353, 374
Clanwilliam, the Burke district in Limerick, 227, 409
Clare Castle, 227, 411
-- Richard de;
_see_ Strongbow.
-- a later Richard de, and others, 65, 70
Clare, or Thomond, 124, 172, 203, 204, 219, 271;
_see_ Thomond.
Clarence, Lionel, Duke of, 70, 80, 100, 197
-- George, Duke of, 90, 92
Clement V., Pope, 321
-- VII., Pope, 153, 289, 292
Clifford;
_see_ Rosamond.
Clinton, Lord, 216, 271
Clogher, 154, 405
-- see of, 293
-- Bishop of;
_see_ Courcy.
Clonfert, see of, 289, 370
Clonlisk, 262
Clonmacnoise, church of, 13, 18;
sacked by the troops, 374
-- see of, 292;
its forlorn condition, 295
Clonmel, 73, 105, 127, 133, 189, 193, 204, 236, 237, 242, 305, 321,
346
Clonmore, 254
Clontarf, place and battle, 15, 27-32, 165, 169
-- Viscount;
_see_ Rawson.
Cloyne, Bishop of, in 1367;
_see_ Swaffham.
-- see of, 288
Clyde, the, 281
Clyn, John, the Franciscan annalist of Ireland, 67, 70, 77, 84
Cobham, Lord, 308
Codure, John, 308
Cogan, Milo and Richard de, 45, 46, 56
Cogans, the, 41, 72
Cole, a pirate, 330
-- Dean of St. Paul's, 413
Coleraine, 85, 266
Colley, a pirate, 329
-- Anthony, 195
Colman, St., of Lindisfarne, 15
Columba, or Columkille, St., 6, 12-15, 53, 86
Columbanus, St., 6
Comyn, Nicholas, Bishop of Waterford and Lismore (1519-1551), 305,
306
Conal Abbey, 317
Cong, 58
Connaught, 61, 175, 262, 294, 374
Constantine, forged donation of, 39
Conway, Sir Hugh, 111
Coolock, 123
Coonagh in Limerick, 265, 266
Cooper, Mr., 389
Copeland Islands, 30
Cork, 17, 47, 74, 85, 110, 118, 181, 187, 190, 241, 242, 273, 329,
330, 351, 359, 371
-- County, 278, 359
-- Richard Boyle, Earl of, 286
-- see of, 36, 288, 294
Cormac Cas, 22
Cornelius Agrippa, 216
Corrib, Lough, 296
Cosby, Francis, 328, 329, 332, 340, 408
Courcy, Edmond, Bishop of Clogher (1484-1494), 104, 293
-- John de, 53, 55-59, 64
-- Lord, 106
Courcies, the, 338
Cowley, Robert, Clerk of the Crown (1535), and Master of the Rolls
(1539-1542), an adherent of the house of Ormonde, 145, 152, 208,
236, 284, 285, 293, 299, 319
-- Walter, son of Robert, joint Clerk of the Crown (1535),
Solicitor-General (1529-1546), 208, 245, 284, 285, 340
Coyne, Bishop of Limerick;
_see_ Quin.
Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, 253, 322, 350, 369
Creçy, 83
Croagh Patrick, 305
Croft, Sir James, Viceroy, a Herefordshire man, sent over to fortify
in Munster, 351;
Lord Deputy, 359;
proposes to plant colonies in Munster, 360;
attacks Rathlin unsuccessfully, 360-361;
persuades Tyrone to tolerate a garrison at Armagh, 363;
his doctrinal conference with Dowdall, 365-366;
his ideas about ecclesiastical patronage, 367;
desires a warlike Primate, 368;
has enlightened ideas about the currency, 370-372;
visits Connaught, 374;
gives a lamentable account of Leinster, 375;
makes another unsuccessful raid into Ulster, 377;
recalled, 378;
character of his government, 378-379;
implicated in Wyatt's rebellion, 390-391
Cromer, George, Archbishop of Armagh (1522-1543), Lord Chancellor
(1532-1534), 156, 163, 289, 291, 301, 306
Cromwell, Thomas, created Earl of Essex, 155, 158, 161, 189, 194,
196, 202, 209, 211, 215, 234, 241, 336
-- Oliver, 44, 47, 319, 332
Cromwellians, 381
Cromwellian war, 320
Crook, 47
Croom, 218, 229, 267
Crovan, Godred, King of Man, 33, 46
Cuffe, Captain, 361
Curlew Mountains, 125, 141
Cumbray Islands, 411
Cummian, St., 15
Curraghmore, 75
Curwen, or Curwin, Hugh, Archbishop of Dublin (1555), translated to
Oxford (1567), Lord Chancellor (1555-1567), 394, 401, 405
Cusack, Sir Thomas, Master of the Rolls (1542-1550), Lord Keeper
(1546), Lord Chancellor (1550-1555), 258, 278, 279, 320, 348,
357, 361, 373-379, 384, 385, 393
Dacre of the North, Thomas, and others of his name, 176, 194
Dalcassians, or Dal Cais, 22
Dalgetty, 351
Dalkey, 108, 129, 327, 385
Danes in Ireland, Chapter II. _passim_
-- of Dublin, Cork, Waterford, and Wexford after the Anglo-Norman
invasion, 44-47, 50
Dangan, 206
Daniel, Danyel, or O'Donnell, Terence, Dean of Armagh, 364
Darcy of Platten, called 'Great Darcy,' 104, 108, 121
-- John, 226
Darcies, the, 144
David's, St., 42
Davies, Sir John, Attorney-General (1606-1618), 8-10, 65, 83, 84, 89
Dean, Henry, Bishop of Bangor, and afterwards Archbishop of
Canterbury, Lord Justice in 1495, 111, 113, 115
Dearg, or Derg, Lough, 17
Decies, 76, 186, 236, 412
Delahide, Sir Walter, married to Janet Eustace, 161
-- James, son of Sir Walter, 161, 163, 172, 175, 218, 239, 273, 333
Delvin, granted to the Nugents, 54, 76
-- Richard Nugent, seventh Baron of, Vice-Deputy in 1528, 120, 150,
178, 206;
one of his sons mentioned, 226
-- -- -- eighth Baron of, grandson of the seventh Baron, 255, 334,
393
Denton, James, Dean of Lichfield, a Royal Commissioner in Ireland in
1524, 145
Dermod, King of Leinster;
_see_ MacMurrough.
Dermod Duff, 291
Derry, church and see of, 12, 14, 237, 293
Derrick, or Dethyke, John, 158
Dervorgil, 39
Desmond, Earls of, 7, 65, 72;
their burial place, 300
-- Maurice Fitzgerald, first Earl of, 76, 78
-- James Fitzgerald, seventh Earl of, 90
-- Thomas Fitzgerald, eighth Earl of, executed, 92
-- Maurice Fitzgerald, tenth Earl of, 110, 120, 121, 131
-- James Fitz-John Fitzgerald, eleventh Earl of, his treatment of
the MacCarthies, 133, 144, 147, 148, 151-153;
defeated by the MacCarthies, 180;
intrigues with France, 181;
besieged in Dungarvan, 182;
his partisans in South Wales, his intrigues with Charles V.,
184-188;
calls the emperor his sovereign lord, 185;
his death, 190
-- Thomas Moyle Fitzgerald, twelfth Earl of, 163, 180, 190
-- James Fitz-Maurice Fitzgerald, thirteenth Earl of, 190, 191, 192;
Henry VIII. acknowledges him, 204;
at Court, 241;
returns to Ireland and attempts to seize the estates, 241-242;
murdered, 248
-- John Fitz-Thomas Fitzgerald, sometimes called fourteenth Earl of,
190, 191;
his speech at Adare, 192
-- James Fitz-John Fitzgerald, fifteenth Earl of, 218;
called Earl by Lord L. Grey, 227;
seizes Croom and Adare, 229;
refuses to come to Clonmel, 236;
in alliance with O'Neill and O'Donnell, 237;
expected to attack the Pale, 238;
expected to rebel, 240;
threatens Tipperary, 241;
defies Grey, 242;
pardoned and acknowledged as Earl, 248;
acknowledges the royal supremacy, 255;
a Privy Councillor, 256;
wears English clothes, 257;
attends Parliament, 258;
Commissioner for Munster, 261, 264;
puts down brigandage, 265;
at Court, 267;
represents the Crown, 268;
gives St. Leger a character, 283;
Edward VI. offers to make a companion of his son, 325;
appealed to in a dispute at Cork, 332;
Bellingham suspects his loyalty, 333;
Bellingham carries him off to Dublin, 339;
his love for Bellingham, 340, 346;
to be encouraged, 349;
an umpire between the O'Briens, 393, 407, 409;
his death, 419
Desmond, Gerald Fitzgerald, sixteenth Earl of, to be educated in
England, 255;
Edward VI. proposes to make a companion of him, 325;
Lady Ormonde has designs on his hand, 325;
she marries him, 346, 409, 412
-- Lady, 345;
_see_ Honora MacCarthy.
-- -- Lady Joan Fitzgerald, widow of the ninth Earl of Ormonde, and
of Sir Francis Bryan, first wife of the sixteenth Earl of
Desmond, 346;
_see_ Lady Joan Fitzgerald.
Devonshire, 189
Dexter, name of, 71;
_see_ De Exeter.
Diarmid, sons of, 280;
_see_ Campbell.
Dieppe, 310
Digby, Francis, 336
Dillon, Edward, Dean of Kildare, 293
-- Thomas, Bishop of Kildare (1523-1529), 293
-- Robert, Attorney-General (1535-1553), Justice of the King's Bench
(1554-1559), made Chief Justice of the Common Pleas in 1559,
320, 334
Disert O'Dea, 70
Dominicans, 300, 319
Donat, or Dunan, an Ostman, first Bishop of Dublin, 32, 33
Donegal, 212, 300
-- County, 12, 218, 239;
_see_ Tyrconnel.
Donncadh, or Donough, 31
Donnell, King of Leinster, 21
-- Dhu, Lord of the Isles, 279-281
Donore, 217
Doran, Maurice, Bishop of Leighlin (1523-1525), 146, 293, 298
Dorset, Grey, Marquis of, 142, 202
Dover, 359
Dowdall, Edward, 114
-- George, Archbishop of Armagh (with an interval, 1543-1548) 307,
343;
his conference with St. Leger, 355;
his relations with Browne and other Protestants, 343, 355-359;
his conference with Croft and Staples, 365-367;
leaves Ireland, 367;
restored, 386, 391, 397, 408
Dowling, Thady, Chancellor of Leighlin (1591-1628), author of
'Annals,' _passim_
Down or Downpatrick, church and see of, 53, 293;
cathedral burned by Lord L. Grey, 304, 386
-- County, 66, 199
Doyne, Hugh, 317
Drax monastery, 291
Drogheda, origin of, 73, 92, 108;
Parliament of, 123, 154, 161, 170, 222, 240, 263, 281, 321;
University of, 322, 331;
Parliament of, 335, 371, 386, 397
Dromana, 76, 268
Dromaneen, 242
Dromore, see of, 293
Drumcliff, church of, 12
Dublin, Danish Kingdom of, Chapter II., _passim_
-- called Ath Cliath by the Irish, 34, 59, 73, 81, 108;
the Mayor at Knocktoe, 120;
the O'Byrnes break into the castle, 158;
siege of, 166-168, 170, 187, 198, 223;
the Mayor dubbed knight at Bellahoe, 240, 259, 331, 371, 385
-- church and see of, 32-36, 289, 290;
primacy removed to, 367;
for Archbishops, _see_ Donat, Gillapatrick or Patrick, O'Haingly,
Gregory, O'Toole, Lech, Bicknor, Minot, Talbot, FitzSimons,
Rokeby, Inge, Alen, Browne, and Curwin.
-- Robert de Vere, Marquis of, 85
Dufferin, 364
Duleek, 50
Dumbarton, 281
Dunamase, 77
Dunan;
_see_ Donat.
Dunboyne, Sir Edmund Butler, first Baron of, 258, 277, 329, 393
Dunbrody Abbey, 130, 315
Duncadh, Abbot of Iona, 15
Dundalk, 13, 67, 129, 199, 222, 231, 237, 247, 263, 363, 397, 403
Dundrum, in Down, 127, 232, 353
Dungannon, 63, 119, 120, 127, 243, 264
Dungannon, Matthew O'Neill, or Kelly, first Baron of, 269, 363, 364,
368, 376, 377
Dungarvan, 182, 183, 187, 189, 193, 331, 379, 412
Dunkellin, Barony of, created, 271
Dunlavin, 23
Dunmore, in Kilkenny, 117, 167
-- in Galway, 320
Dunsany, the Plunkets of, 76
-- Edward Plunket, first Baron of, 120
Durrow, 12, 13, 56
Eagle, a pirate, 329
Ebric, a Norman at Clontarf, 27
Echingham, Sir Osborne, Marshal of the army, 268
Edenderry, 135
Edgar, John, 272
Edgcombe, Sir Richard, 106-108
Edinburgh, 247
Edmonds, John, 413
Edward I., 62
-- II., 65
-- IV., 71, 116
-- Prince of Wales, 100
Eglish, 226
Elbric, or Eric, 36
Elizabeth Woodville, Queen, 92
-- of York, Queen, 108
Elphin, see of, 294, 370
Ely O'Carroll, in King's County, 125, 127, 136, 210, 223, 226, 262,
409
Elyans, the, _i.e._ the O'Carrolls, 157
Ely House, Holborn, 285
Emly, church and see of, 18, 255
Empire, the, 47, 86, 187, 192, 349
Empson, Richard, 194
Enaghdune, now Annaghdown, at one time a bishopric, 296, 388
Ennis, 300, 410
Enniscorthy, 408
Eoghanachts, or Eugenians, 22, 31
Erasmus, 366
Erigena, 15, 33
Eugenius III., Pope, his constitution for the Irish Church, 16, 35,
52
Eures, Ralph de, Archbishop of Canterbury, 33, 34
Eustace, Alison, first wife of the eighth Earl of Kildare, 115
-- family of, 53;
_see_ Baltinglass.
-- Janet, sister of the last named, married to Sir Walter Delahide,
164
Eva Mac Murrough, wife of Strongbow, 41, 44
Exeter, de;
_see_ Dexter.
-- Duke of, 316
Fagan, Nicholas, 317
Farney, or Ferney, 133, 222, 240, 245
Farquharson, Bishop of the Isles, 309
Faughard, 67
Fay, Edmond, 334
Faye, Melour, 152
Fercullen, 252
Ferdinand, Emperor, 7
Ferdinand the Catholic, 188
Fergraidh, King of Munster, 22
Fermanagh, 162, 211, 263
Fermoy, 76, 248
Fernandez, Gonzalo, 184-188, 190
Ferns, church and see of, 40, 42, 293, 297, 408
Fethard, in Tipperary, 74, 297
-- in Wexford, 297
Field, James, 166, 167
Fieldston, 249
Finbar, St., 36
Fingal, 17, 29
Finglas, Patrick, Chief Baron of the Exchequer in 1535, 130, 164
Fisher, John, Cardinal and Bishop of Rochester, 322
Fishmoyne, 329
FitzAdelm de Burgo, William, Viceroy in 1177, 47, 51-53, 58
FitzAnthony, 72
-- Margery, ancestress of the Desmonds, 76
FitzEustace, Rowland, Baron of, Portlester, 109
Fitzgerald, Maurice, son of Nesta and ancestor of all the
Fitzgeralds, 41, 65, 71, 76;
_see_ Geraldines.
-- Raymond le Gros;
_see_ Le Gros.
-- John FitzThomas, first Earl of Kildare, 72
-- Maurice FitzThomas, first Earl of Desmond, 72, 78
-- Sir Thomas, brother of the eighth Earl of Kildare, Lord
Chancellor in 1487, 102;
killed at Stoke, 105
-- Thomas, half-brother of the ninth Earl of Kildare, 133, 151, 160
-- Sir James, brother of the ninth Earl of Kildare: Vice Deputy in
1526, 142, 150, 158, 161, 176, 215
-- Oliver, half-brother of the ninth Earl of Kildare, 171, 215
-- Richard, half-brother of the ninth Earl of Kildare, 215
-- Sir John, half-brother of the ninth Earl of Kildare, 156, 171,
215
-- Walter, half-brother of the ninth Earl of Kildare, 215
-- Lady Eleanor, sister of the ninth Earl of Kildare, married first
to Donnell MacCarthy Reagh, and afterwards to Manus O'Donnell,
218, 219, 238, 239, 247, 278
-- Lady Margaret, called 'Magheen,' sister of the ninth Earl of
Kildare, and married to the eighth Earl of Ormonde, 103, 117,
126
-- Lady Alice or Alison, sister of the ninth Earl of Kildare,
married to Con More O'Neill, 118, 119
-- Lady Eustacia, sister of the ninth Earl of Kildare, married to
MacWilliam Burke of Clanricarde, 120
-- Edward, son of the ninth Earl of Kildare, half-brother of the
tenth, and brother of the eleventh, 217
-- Lady Alice, half-sister to the last named, married to James
Fleming, Lord Slane, 152, 153
-- Lady Mary, sister to the last named, married to Brian O'Connor of
Offaly, 215, 217, 218, 219
-- Lady Elizabeth, the 'fair Geraldine,' half-sister to the last
named, married to Sir Anthony Browne, and afterwards to Edward,
Earl of Lincoln, 216, 217, 375
-- Bartholomew, 165
-- James, of Osbertstown, 240, 328
-- Joan, daughter of the White Knight, and mother of James
Fitzmaurice, 190
-- Lady Alice, daughter of the twelfth Earl of Desmond, married to
Connor O'Brien, chief of Thomond, 227
-- Lady Joan, daughter and heiress general of the eleventh Earl of
Desmond, married successively to the ninth Earl of Ormonde, to
Sir Francis Bryan, and to the sixteenth Earl of Desmond, 325,
337, 339, 340, 345, 346
Fitzgerald, Maurice, of Lackagh, 128
-- of Decies, Sir John, Lord of, 182
-- -- Sir Gerald MacShane, Lord of, son of Sir John, 152, 160, 189,
236, 237, 242, 268
-- -- Sir Maurice, Lord of, son of Sir Gerald, 412
-- -- Sir Thomas, brother of Sir John, 182, 183
-- Thomas, Prior of Kilmainham, 316
Fitzgeralds, Earls of Desmond;
_see_ Desmond.
-- Earls of Kildare;
_see_ Kildare.