FROM THE YEAR 1551 TO THE DEATH OF EDWARD VI.
[Sidenote: The Reformation officially promulgated, 1551.]
No Parliament was held in Ireland during Edward VI.'s reign; and the
official establishment of Protestantism is generally supposed to date
from a royal order, dated Feb. 6, 1551, and promulgated by the Lord
Deputy on the first day of the following month. But the new Liturgy had
been already introduced, and copies had been forwarded to Limerick, and
perhaps to other places. St. Leger, who felt that the Communion Service
was the really important thing, had it translated into Latin for the
benefit of those who had some tincture of letters, but who could not read
English. The citizens of Limerick made no difficulty about receiving the
new formulary; but the Bishop, John Quin, refused, and was therefore
forced to resign. Quin, who was old and blind, had been willing to
acknowledge the royal supremacy, but very naturally refused to embrace a
new faith. It has often been stated that Quin accepted the Reformation;
but it is not easy to see how this can be reconciled with the facts. His
successor was William Casey, whose consecrators were Archbishop Browne,
Lancaster of Kildare, and Devereux of Ferns. The two last had been
consecrated by Browne and by Travers of Leighlin. Travers had only just
been appointed himself, and was probably in pretty nearly the same
condition.[358]
[Sidenote: Doctrinal conference in Dublin.]
Immediately after the arrival of the momentous order, St. Leger summoned
the clergy to meet him in Dublin. To this assembly the royal mandate was
read, as well as the opinions of certain English divines in favour of the
proposed changes. Primate Dowdall at once protested. 'For the general
benefit of our well-beloved subjects,' the King was made to say,
'whenever assembled and met together in the several parish churches,
either to pray or hear prayers read, that they may the better join
therein in unity, hearts and voices, we have caused the Liturgy and
prayers of the Church to be translated into our mother tongue of this
realm of England.' 'Then,' observed the Primate, 'shall every illiterate
fellow read Mass?' 'No,' answered St. Leger with much force, 'your Grace
is mistaken; for we have too many illiterate priests among us already,
who neither can pronounce the Latin nor know what it means, no more than
the common people that hear them; but when the people hear the Liturgy in
English, they and the priest will then understand what they pray for.'
This last observation might be true enough in Dublin, but it was
singularly inapplicable to Ireland generally. The key-note of the
controversy had, however, been struck, and it was clear that the Primate
and the Lord Deputy occupied very different standpoints. Finding St.
Leger a formidable antagonist, and seeing that the case was virtually
prejudged, Dowdall somewhat forgot his habitual dignity, and threatened
the Viceroy with the clergy's curse. 'I fear,' was the answer, 'no
strange curse, so long as I have the blessing of that Church which I
believe to be the true one.' There was some further altercation about the
Petrine claims to supremacy; and Dowdall, finding that he made no
impression, left the hall with all his suffragans except Staples, and
repaired to his own diocese. St. Leger then handed the King's order to
Browne, who received it standing. 'This order, good brethren,' said the
Protestant Archbishop, 'is from our gracious King, and from the rest of
our brethren, the fathers and clergy of England, who have consulted
herein, and compared the Holy Scriptures with what they have done; unto
whom I submit, as Jesus did to Cæsar, in all things just and lawful,
making no question why or wherefore, as we own him our true and lawful
King.'[359]
[Sidenote: St. Leger, Browne, and Dowdall.]
The above proceedings show that St. Leger was at least in general
agreement with the Protestant party, but he had certainly no wish to
force the reformed doctrines on the reluctant Irish. Browne complained
that he had publicly offered the sacrifice of the Mass in Christ Church,
'after the old sort, to the altar then of stone, to the comfort of his
too many like Papists, and the discouragement of the professors of God's
Word.' The Archbishop found it convenient to forget that this was
strictly according to law; and that the royal order, even admitting that
it had all the power claimed for it, had not yet gone forth to alter the
state of things established under Henry VIII. Browne could not deny that
the Lord Deputy had made due proclamation of 'the King's Majesty's most
godly proceeding;' but alleged that it was only for show, 'while massing,
holy water, Candlemas candles, and such like, continued under the Primate
and elsewhere,' without let or hindrance from the chief governor.
Dowdall, he said, was 'the next father in word and deed of Popery;' the
Viceroy a Gallio who did not scruple to say, 'Go to, your matters of
religion will mar all.' St. Leger seems in good truth to have been
laughing at the ex-friar. 'My Lord of Dublin,' he said, 'I have books for
your Lordship.' Browne found them on examination 'so poisoned to maintain
the Mass with Transubstantiation, and other naughtiness (as at no time I
have seen such a summary of Scriptures collected to establish the
idolatry), clean contrary the sincere meaning of the Word of God and the
King's most godly proceedings.' The Archbishop had copies taken, which he
sent to the Privy Council. St. Leger was angry at this, and Browne says
he threatened to do him harm, even should it cost 1,000_l._ The
Archbishop intimated that the 1,000_l._ would be nothing to him, for that
he had enriched himself by peculation, and attributed to him a degree of
vindictiveness which does not seem really to have belonged to his
character. Browne admits that the Lord Deputy called Dowdall before the
Council for practising the old ritual, 'who came and disputed plainly the
massing and other things, contrary the King's proceedings; and that he
would not embrace them: whereat the Deputy said nothing.' Sir Ralph
Bagenal called the Primate an arrant traitor. 'No traitor, Mr. Bagenal,'
said Lord Chancellor Cusack, who was Dowdall's cousin; and the Primate
continued in his old ways as long as St. Leger held the reins of
government. The Lord Deputy even recommended Tyrone to 'follow the
counsel of that good father, sage senator, and godly bishop, my Lord
Primate, in everything, and so ye shall do well.' He made indeed no
secret of his regard for Dowdall, whose high character was admitted by
all but fanatics. 'He is,' he declared openly before more than a dozen
persons in the hall of Dublin Castle, 'a good man, and I would that all
the Irishmen in Ireland spake so good English as he, and if they do no
worse than he the King had been the better served.'[360]
[Sidenote: St. Leger has some idea of toleration.]
It was impossible that any secret policy could go on without Alen having
a hand in it. St. Leger told him that the danger from both France and
from the Emperor was much increased by the religious sympathies of the
Irish, who, in civil matters, would like foreigners only in so far as
they could profit by them. He ridiculed the notion of France annexing
Ireland, though he thought it possible that Henry II. might make a
diversion there to prevent England from interfering with him in Scotland
or on the Continent. He thought the Emperor would be friendly for old
acquaintance sake, but that he disliked the new fashions in religion;
'and no wonder, seeing that in that matter daily at home among ourselves
one of us is offended with another.' St. Leger, in short, was a statesman
who could admire moral excellence in men of different opinions; and
Browne was a fanatic. 'God help me!' said the Deputy. 'For my own part,
knowing the manners and ignorance of the people, when my lords of the
Council willed me to set forth the matters of religion here, _which to my
power I have done_, I had rather they had called me into Spain or any
other place where the King should have had cause to make war, than
burdensome to sit further here. I told my lords no less before my coming
away.' Alen had refused to put this conversation in writing, though
urged to do so by Browne; saying that he wished St. Leger no harm, though
he had lost all through him. He said as little as might be against him
even when questioned afterwards by the Council. After his interview with
the Lord Deputy, Alen went to sup with Lockwood, Dean of Christ Church,
and found there the Archbishop and Basnet, late Dean of St. Patrick's.
When the servants had gone the conversation turned upon St. Leger, whom
Browne attacked on the grounds already mentioned, saying that he was but
a 'dissimular in religion.' He was, in fact, a thoroughly secular
politician, wise and resolute, and willing to carry out orders from the
Government; but not pretending to like the plan of forcing an
English-made religion upon the Irish, and administering it in practice as
gently as possible. He was really in advance of his time, and had formed
some notion of religious liberty. That he sympathised with the old creed
there is not the smallest reason to suppose. 'They name me a Papist,' he
said. 'I would to God I were to try it with them that so nameth me;' and
he was accused in Mary's reign of writing satirical verses against
Transubstantiation, which shows that his opinions were not supposed to be
anti-Protestant. He would have had things stay as they were under Henry
VIII; the royal supremacy acknowledged, and doctrinal changes left to the
action of time, persuasion, and increased enlightenment.[361]
[Sidenote: These views not in favour in England.]
But these ideas did not recommend themselves to the English Council,
which had now come under Warwick's influence. Neither the bishopric of
Leighlin nor that of Ossory was granted to St. Leger's chaplain, James
Bicton; though his patron strenuously defended him against the charge of
Papal leanings, declaring that there was no more competent man in
Ireland, nor one who had better set forth God's Word. Bicton, who had
been formerly chaplain to the Earl of Ormonde, was of Irish birth,
though educated at Oxford, and was at all events not one of the very
ignorant priests whom St. Leger cast up against his friend the Primate.
He became Dean of Ossory, and had a large chest of books at Kilkenny,
besides a wine cask full at Bristol, for which he had paid 40_l._; and he
seems to have supported a poor Irish scholar at Oxford. It would be
difficult to say anything so good of Travers, who was preferred before
him at Leighlin. Travers owed his promotion to his cousin the Master of
the Ordnance, whose chaplain he had been; but he did no credit to his
blood, scarcely anything being recorded of him but that he oppressed his
clergy and made money out of his see.[362]
[Sidenote: Sir James Croft succeeds St. Leger, 1551.]
Whatever was the exact cause of St. Leger's recall, it is likely that he
was glad to escape from the thankless Irish service. Sir James Croft, his
successor-designate, was already in Ireland, and he handed him the reins
without waiting for his patent. Croft was directed to put the seaports of
Munster and Ulster into a defensible state; but the English Government
showed a bad example, for though Argyle was plotting in the North and
MacCarthy in the South, the artillery was sent over in charge of a clerk
only. MacCarthy was to be apprehended if possible, and also George Paris,
who was 'a common post between Ireland and France,' sailing in French
ships which were to be overhauled in search of him. When the thousand men
who had been promised arrived at Cork there was no money to pay them.
Croft and his advisers begged and borrowed till both credit and
provisions were well-nigh exhausted in the barren wilds of West Cork.
Soldiers unpunctually paid could not but be dangerous, and there was no
sort of justice to be obtained in the country districts. 'If in England,'
said Crofts, using an apt illustration, 'the place of justice were
appointed only at Dover, I think no man doubts but the people would soon
grow out of order.' A thorough reform in the official circle, head and
members, was necessary before any great improvement could be expected in
the people. Before leaving Cork, Croft did what he could to secure local
justice by drawing up regulations for maintaining the peace of the
district under Desmond's general superintendence, not greatly differing
from those already supposed to be in force, but with a clause which shows
how the Puritan spirit was working. The Earl and those joined in
authority with him were to have a special care to 'set forth divine
service according to the King's proceeding, and diligently to look for
the punishment of harlots, for which purposes they may call for the
bishops and ministers within their circuit, giving them warning of their
duties to see them punished according to the orders taken in that
behalf.' MacCarthy More, who had submitted, was required with his
clansmen to swear allegiance to Edward VI. as King, and also as 'supreme
head of the Church in England and Ireland, and clearly to renounce the
Bishop of Rome and all his authority,' and take his 'oath on the Bible'
to obey all laws, civil and ecclesiastical, set forth by the King and his
successors.
[Sidenote: Croft proposes to colonise in West Munster.]
Archbishop Browne, having got rid of St. Leger, was loud in praise of his
successor's activity, who was the first governor to visit Baltimore
(Ballagheyntymore). Crofts proposed to the Council that a colony of
married Englishmen with their wives and families should be planted in
this remote place, who, after serving as soldiers for a time, would be
able to protect themselves as others had done at Calais. But the King
blamed Croft for visiting Baltimore at all, since he had not the power to
do anything there. In August the time for fortifying was already past;
and there was a danger that Spanish fishermen might discover the Lord
Deputy's intentions, and even find means to forestall them.[363]
[Sidenote: The Ulster Scots attacked. Failure at Rathlin, 1551.]
The affairs of Ulster next engaged the attention of Croft. The Scots had
lately made themselves supreme from the Giant's Causeway to Belfast; and
it was determined to attack them there, and, if possible, to capture the
island stronghold of Rathlin, whither the MacDonnells had transported all
the cattle and horses taken by them in their late raid. A hosting was
accordingly proclaimed for thirty-one days, and the army mustered at
Carrickfergus. The roads being impassable for carts, everything had to
be carried on pack horses or by sea. The Lord Deputy himself went by land
through the country of several Irish chiefs, of whose intelligence
Chancellor Cusack, who tells the story, formed a favourable opinion. Some
of them joined the expedition. Meat was abundant throughout the four
days' journey, at the rate of 10_s._ a beef and 16_d._ a mutton; much
less than the prices of the Pale. Leaving the heavy baggage at
Carrickfergus, Croft advanced to Glenarm, where he encamped. No Scots
appeared, and but few cattle; but immense stores of corn were found.
There lay at Ballycastle four small vessels which the English men-of-war
had captured, and some of the prisoners from the Scots were brought
before the Lord Deputy. The result of their examination was a resolution
at once to attack Rathlin, where James MacDonnell and his brethren were.
It was found that the captured boats would only carry 200 men, and it was
therefore resolved not to risk a landing unless some more of the Scots
vessels could be taken, or unless the men in the island yielded to the
fear of the cannon upon the English ships. Sir Ralph Bagenal and Captain
Cuffe approached the island with about 100 men, but the galleys which
they wished to seize were at once driven in shore, and a threatening
crowd of Scots hung about the landing-place, and took no notice of the
fire from the ships, which was probably too vague to endanger them much.
The tide was ebbing, and the invaders seemed to run no great risk; but
the Race of Rathlin, even in the finest weather, is never quite calm, and
a sudden reflux wave lifted Cuffe's boat high and dry on to the rocks.
The men, about twenty-five, were slain on the spot, the officers taken
and held by James MacDonnell as pledges for the return of the goods taken
from him about Glenarm, and for the release of his brother Sorley Boy,
who was a prisoner in Dublin. Croft was obliged to yield on both points,
and the whole expedition ended in failure. The threat of complaining to
the Scots Government was not likely to weigh much with MacDonnell, who
was on good terms with the anti-English party.[364]
[Sidenote: Disturbed state of Ulster.]
[Sidenote: The O'Neills consider wheat a dangerous innovation.]
Most of the chiefs of Ulster, who feared the Scots more than they hated
the English, paid their respects to Croft at Carrickfergus, and were glad
to submit their grievances to his arbitration. Tyrone, O'Donnell--with
his two rebellious sons, Calvagh and Hugh--Maguire, the Baron of
Dungannon, MacQuillin, O'Neill of Clandeboye, MacCartan, the Savages,
Magennis, and others, had complaints to make, and the Lord Deputy patched
up their differences for a time; most of them agreeing to pay some rent
or tribute to the King for their lands, and not to employ Scots
mercenaries. Maguire was declared independent both of O'Neill and
O'Donnell, and sheriffs were appointed both in Ards and Clandeboye,
which, being part of the Earldom of Ulster, had once had a feudal
organisation. A garrison was left in Carrickfergus, and a commission
charged with abolishing the Irish laws, 'so as by God's grace,' says the
sanguine Cusack, 'that country since the time of the Earl of March was
not so like to prosper and do well as now.' A garrison was also left at
Armagh, under command of the Marshal Nicholas Bagenal, who was joined in
commission with the Baron of Dungannon for the purpose of re-establishing
order in Tyrone, which was utterly wasted through the dissensions of the
Earl and his sons. There were not ten ploughs in the whole country.
Hundreds had died of hunger in the fields. The Baron's lands were better
off; for he felt that he owed his position to King Henry's patent, and to
please the English Government he had caused wheat to be largely sown.
Tyrone did his best to burn the Saxon crop, and the people declared that
they would grow it no more; 'for that was the chief cause (as they said)
that the Earl did destroy their corn, for bringing new things to his
country other than hath been used before. And what the Earl will promise
now, within two hours after he will not abide by the same.' Most of this
unstable chief's fighting men had gone over to his son Shane, who abused
his powers dreadfully. Cusack thought the people would prefer to have the
Baron over them, 'for that he is indifferent, sober, and discreet, and is
a hardy gentleman of honest conversation and towardness,' whose country
was as well ordered as the Pale. Tyrone had no capacity for government,
and was ruled by his wife; but he so far yielded to the Deputy's
persuasion as to accept a garrison for Armagh, and to go first to
Drogheda and then to Dublin. Having been once enticed into the Pale,
Tyrone was detained there against his will. This was done by Cecil's
advice, who agreed with Cusack that Tyrone was quite useless in his own
country, and quite unable to control Shane.[365]
[Sidenote: Shane O'Neill and his brother Matthew.]
Tyrone had, or might have had, a son by Alison Kelly, the wife of a smith
in Dundalk. The mother brought her boy Matthew at the age of sixteen to
the chief, who acknowledged him as his own, and thus, according to the
ancient Irish law, made him equal with his children of less doubtful
origin. Shane, on the other hand, was the offspring of an undisputed
marriage. Matthew was certainly acknowledged as an O'Neill when he was
made Baron of Dungannon and heir to the earldom, but Shane explained the
difficulty by saying that his father was a gentleman, and never denied
any son that was sworn on him, and that he had plenty of them. Whether
there was any election to the chieftainship we do not know, but Shane
was, by the practical adhesion of the clansmen, in a better position than
most Irish tanists. Thus it strangely happened that Matthew, who was
confessedly born in adultery, was heir to the feudal title, while Shane,
who was certainly legitimate, claimed the reversion of the tribal
sovereignty. The influence of the clergy had probably weakened or
destroyed the old Irish principle that an adulterine bastard could be
brought into the real father's lawful family by acknowledgment, nor could
English law have been altogether without effect; but it is strange to see
one in such a position as Matthew O'Neill, or Kelly, maintained by
statesmen and lawyers against Shane and his brothers.[366]
[Sidenote: Invasion of Tyrone.]
Whether O'Neill or Kelly, the Baron of Dungannon was a man of resolution
and ability. He accompanied Bagenal on an expedition against Shane, which
the Dean of Armagh, Terence Daniel, or O'Donnell, tried to prevent by
exaggerated accounts of the distance. The bridge over the Blackwater was
broken down, and the castles at Dungannon were also dismantled. This
became a regular practice in Irish warfare, in order to prevent the
English from placing permanent garrisons in strong places; and any
disposition on their part to repair such a building was generally
frustrated by the length of time necessary, the difficulty of obtaining
labour, and the want of provisions. When the danger was past the chief
would re-occupy his stronghold, and soon made it serviceable for raising
a revenue, or resisting sudden attacks of neighbouring tribes. Bagenal
met with little resistance during his raid. Shane appeared on a hill with
eighteen horsemen and sixty kerne, and the Baron of Dungannon advanced
against him with only four followers. 'An the King were there where thou
art,' said Shane, 'he were mine.' The Baron, nothing daunted, answered,
'I am here but the King's man, and that thou shalt well know,' and
spurred his horse forward. Shane, who was never remarkable for dashing
courage, retired into the wood closely followed by his brother, who was
prevented by the thick covert from using spear or sword, and who tried to
close, but was caught by a branch at the critical moment, and nearly lost
his own seat. Shane escaped on foot, leaving his horse and arms to the
Baron, and afterwards came to Bagenal on parole, when a truce was patched
up.[367]
[Sidenote: The Scots attempt a settlement in Down.]
Emboldened by success, the Scots extended their operations to the south
of Belfast, slew John White, landlord of Dufferin, and proposed to make a
settlement on the western shores of Lough Strangford. Hugh MacNeill Oge,
who held the district between that inlet and Belfast Lough, took their
part, and the Prior Magennis and his kinsman, the Bishop of Dromore, were
authorised to make large offers with a view of detaching him from his
allies; but he refused to come to Bagenal. The Baron of Dungannon had
some trifling success against the Scots, and another officer drove some
of their cattle through Ards to Strangford, apparently crossing the ferry
there, and thence into the Pale. One thousand cows were also taken from
Hugh MacNeill Oge; but he promptly recouped himself from the herds of his
neighbours on every side, so that the balance was soon again in his
favour. The expedition was evidently a failure, and the 'Four Masters'
represent it as a disastrous one; the English and their allies losing 200
men.[368]
[Sidenote: Another doctrinal conference.]
The general directions to Croft for his conduct in ecclesiastical matters
was much the same as those given to St. Leger. Public worship in English
was to be made general, and a translation to be made into Irish for use
in such places as required it. He was sworn in on May 23, and on June 16
he wrote to Dowdall, who was at St. Mary's Abbey, inviting him to take
part in a conference concerning the disputed points in religion. The Lord
Deputy said much about what was due to Cæsar, hinted that he should be
sorry to see the Primate removed from his great office, and entreated an
answer by the hands of the Bishop of Meath, who, as chief of his
suffragan, seemed the fittest intermediary. Dowdall answered very truly
that no discussion could bring about agreement between those who differed
as to fundamentals, and excused himself from waiting on his lordship, as
he had for some time withdrawn from public affairs. Mohammed decided to
go to the mountain, and the discussion took place in the hall of St.
Mary's Abbey, Croft being supported by two bishops, Staples of Meath, who
conducted the case for the Crown, and Lancaster of Kildare. The debate
first turned on the new liturgy, Dowdall treating it as an innovation,
and his opponent as the Mass purified from gross corruptions. The
following is the most remarkable part of what was said:--
_Dowdall._ Was not the Mass from the Apostles' days? How can it be proved
that the Church of Rome has altered it?
_Staples._ It is easily proved by our records of England. For Celestinus,
Bishop of Rome, in the fourth century after Christ, gave the first
introit of the Mass which the clergy were to use for preparation, even
the psalm, _Judica me, Deus_, &c., Rome not owning the word Mass till
then.
_D._ Yes, long before that time; for there was a mass called St.
Ambrose's Mass.
_S._ St. Ambrose was before Celestinus; but the two prayers, which the
Church of Rome had foisted and added unto St. Ambrose's works, are not in
his general works; which hath caused a wise and a learned man lately to
write that these two prayers were forged, and not to be really St.
Ambrose's.
_D._ What writer dares write or doth say so?
_S._ Erasmus, a man who may well be compared to either of us, or the
standers by. Nay, my lord, no disparagement if I say so to yourself; for
he was a wise and a judicious man, otherwise I would not have been so
bold as to parallel your lordship with him.
_Lord Deputy._ As for Erasmus's parts, would I were such another: for his
parts may parallel him a companion for a prince.
_D._ Pray, my lord, do not hinder our discourse; for I have a question or
two to ask Mr. Staples.
_L. D._ By all means, reverend father, proceed.
_D._ Is Erasmus's writings more powerful than the precepts of the Mother
Church?
_S._ Not more than the Holy Catholic one, yet more than the Church of
Rome, as that Church hath run into several errors since St. Ambrose's
days.
_D._ How hath the Church erred since St. Ambrose's days? Take heed lest
you be not excommunicated.
_S._ I have excommunicated myself already from thence.
Opposite opinions were then given about the Virgin and her power to
mediate; and the Primate finally appealed to the consecration oath, which
Staples had taken as well as he. The Bishop of Meath said he held it
safer for his conscience to break it than to keep it, and he praised the
oath of supremacy. And thus, without any approach to an understanding,
but with many mutual expressions of courtesy and goodwill, the champions
of Rome and of England measured swords and parted.[369]
[Sidenote: Dowdall goes away. The Primacy removed to Dublin.]
A few days after this the Primate disappeared, and it was understood that
he had gone abroad like a traitor, as Browne said, who with indecent
haste demanded that the old contest between Armagh and Dublin should be
finally decided in his favour. Dowdall, he said, claimed by the 'Bishop
of Rome's bulls and I by the King's majesty and his most noble
progenitors' grants and gifts.' He recounted the services of his
predecessors in supporting the Government of the Pale, and asked not only
for the empty title and honours of Primate of all Ireland, but for 'all
and every the spiritual profits, living, and commodities,' belonging to
Armagh. The King granted the chief place to Browne, who in the Anglican
succession remained Primate of all Ireland till deprived by Queen Mary.
Those who adhere to Rome of course ignore the interruption in Dowdall's
primacy, but his withdrawal beyond seas was considered as a resignation
by the English Government.[370]
[Sidenote: Church patronage. Bale.]
The sees of Armagh, Cashel, and Ossory being vacant, Croft recommended
that they should be filled with peculiar care. The negligence of the
Bishops and other ministers allowed the old ceremonies to remain in many
places. It was necessary to send over good, zealous men to fill up the
bishoprics as they fell vacant. If this could not be done, Croft begged
that at least he might have a competent adviser in ecclesiastical matters
to enable him to direct the bishops, who were blind, obstinate,
negligent, and very seldom learned. For Armagh it would be well to choose
a divine with some property in England, who might act as a commissioner
for deciding the daily quarrels arising in the North. For the bishopric
of Ossory, Croft, Protestant as he was, ventured to recommend Leverous,
Gerald of Kildare's old tutor, who had been pardoned for his offence in
carrying him out of the realm. For learning, discretion, and decorous
life there was no one superior in Ireland, and Croft had heard him
'preach such a sermon, as in his simple opinion he heard not many years.'
Personally unobjectionable, Leverous was known to be attached to the old
doctrines, and Croft's advocacy failed, as he himself expected. The see
of Ossory was conferred after some delay upon John Bale, a Carmelite
friar, born in Suffolk and educated at Jesus College, Cambridge. The
arguments of a layman, Lord Wentworth, according to his own account,
enforced by the charms of a young lady, according to the account of his
enemies, converted Bale to the Reformation. He married a wife, who was
his companion in all his wanderings and vicissitudes, and became a
professed Protestant. It was not in his nature to hide his light under a
bushel; he preached openly against the Roman doctrine, and suffered
imprisonment in consequence. Having been released through Cromwell's
intercession, he spent eight years in Germany. Returning to England on
Edward's accession, he became Poynet's chaplain, and obtained the living
of Bishopstoke. The King happening to see and hear him at Southampton, of
his own accord promoted him to Ossory. Bale was a multifarious writer, a
man of learning and eloquence, and unquestionably sincere; but coarse and
violent, with no respect whatever for the feelings of others, and
remarkably unfit for the task of persuading an unwilling people to
embrace the Reformation.
[Sidenote: Edward's opinions about patronage.]
Though partially shorn of its glories, the see of Armagh, claiming as it
did to be founded by the national apostle, was still of great importance.
Pending an appointment in England, Croft proposed that Basnet, late Dean
of St. Patrick's, should enjoy the first-fruits of the vacant see along
with the revenues of his old deanery. The Lord Deputy was moved to this
by the curious practical consideration that Basnet was 'experimented in
the wars of the country.' Make it worth his while to live at Armagh, and
he would be most useful to Bagenal and the Baron of Dungannon. But the
young King, who had already opinions of his own, was scandalised at the
idea, and shrunk from making bishops of any but ministers earnest in
setting forth God's glory. He directed that Deans and Chapters should
maintain divine service and preach the gospel in vacant sees, declaring
that he minded the education of his people above all things. If the
dignitaries proved negligent the Lord Deputy might appoint occasional
ministers to do the duty.[371]
[Sidenote: Cranmer's difficulties about Irish patronage.]
Cranmer named four persons as fit for the archbishopric of Armagh, but
none of them were in haste to go to Ireland. Of these the King selected
Richard Turner, a Staffordshire man, but vicar of Chartam in Kent.
Cranmer described him as an earnest preacher, merry and witty withal, who
wanted nothing, loved nothing, dreamed of nothing but Christ only. He had
shown courage in the late Kentish insurrection, and that would be a
useful quality in Ireland. 'He preached,' says Cranmer, 'twice in the
camp that was by Canterbury; for the which the rebels would have hanged
him, and he seemed then more glad to go to hanging, than he doth now to
go to Armachane, he allegeth so many excuses, but the chief is this, that
he shall preach to the walls and stalls, for the people understand no
English. I bear him in hand Yes, and yet I doubt whether they speak
English in the diocese of Armachane. But if they do not then I say, that
if he will take the pain to learn the Irish tongue (which with diligence
he may do in a year or two) then both his doctrine shall be more
acceptable not only unto his diocese, but also throughout all Ireland.'
But Turner would not go. Perhaps he estimated more correctly than Cranmer
the difficulty of learning Irish, and his wit and liveliness would only
enable him to forecast the misery of a man who should preach to unwilling
congregations in halting and uncertain language. Cranmer's other three
nominees also failed him; and he then recommended Hugh Goodacre, who was
induced to accept the unenviable post. The archbishopric of Cashel had
not even the dignity of Armagh to make it attractive, and it remained
vacant during the rest of Edward's reign.[372]
[Sidenote: Pluralities.]
The King had a reasonable dislike to pluralities, and resisted the union
of Clonfert and Elphin in the hands of Clanricarde's uncle, Rowland
Burke. 'A good pastor,' he said, 'cannot nourish two flocks at once, and
it agreeth not with our religion.' But he gave in when it was proved to
him that the sees were small and poor, and that their union would be
likely to further rather than to hinder religion.[373]
[Sidenote: The coinage.]
It would have been well if Edward or his advisers had paid as much
attention to honesty in civil government. The attempt to give a forced
course to bad coin had had its usual evil effects. The Irish currency had
always been less pure than that of England, but practically little
difficulty had occurred until the late changes. An English groat was
worth sixpence Irish, and everyone understood what he was doing. But now
the country was flooded with base coin of uncertain value, and men
bargained, as they do still at Cairo, for sterling money, foreign crowns,
and livres Tournois. Trade with England was necessarily conducted by
means of a reputable currency; and the whole of the new Irish coinage
being only available for local use, felt the effects of inflation as well
as of its own intrinsic baseness. There was great confusion in every
trade, and all was attributed to the coin, which every one thought would
be cried down, and therefore feared to have in possession. 'Being put to
sale of all men,' said Croft, 'and no man desirous to buy it, it must
needs be good cheap.' It was urged that, coins being only counters for
exchange, they should be taken at the proclaimed price, but Croft rightly
argued that gold and silver had been chosen on account of their fitness
for the purpose and also for their intrinsic value. The effect of laws
against usury is to raise the rate of interest, and the effect of putting
an artificial value on coin, in conjunction probably with other causes,
was to raise necessaries to a famine price. Corn that had been worth
6_s._ 8_d._ had risen to 40_s._; leather, iron, boots and shoes, wine and
hops, had all become dear. Six herrings sold for a groat. Englishmen, and
especially officials with fixed salaries, could not live in Ireland. The
native Irishman was somewhat better off, for 'he careth only for his
belly, and that not delicately.' 'We that are stipendiaries,' said the
Lord Deputy, 'must live upon our stipends, and buy with our money which
no man esteemeth.' The native lords used coyne and livery, and did what
they could to make their vassals keep all provisions in the country, so
that the markets were unsupplied, and the Government had scarcely any
alternative but to practise like extortions.[374]
[Sidenote: Evils of a debased currency.]
The inhabitants of Dublin, Waterford, Limerick, Cork, Drogheda, and
Galway were consulted, and they all attributed the state of trade to the
currency. A petition signed by the attorneys of those communities, by
seven peers, and by many others of high position was sent to the King;
and the petitioners prayed that the coin might be of the same weight,
value, and fineness in both kingdoms. 'By the whole consent of the
world,' said the Lord Deputy and Council, 'gold and silver have gotten
the estimation above all other metals, as metest to make money and be
conserved as a treasure, which estimation cannot be altered by a part or
little corner of the world, though the estimation were had but on a
fanciful opinion, where indeed it is grounded upon good reason, according
to the gifts that nature hath wrought in those metals whereby they be
metest to use for exchange, and to be kept for a treasure. So as in that
kind they have gotten the sovereignty, like as for other purposes other
metals do excel; and so is everything good, as God said at the beginning,
whereof followeth that the thing which we count naught cometh of the
misuse.' No laws or proclamation could prevent the value of money from
depending on the quantity of bullion it contained, and without money
exchanges could not be made. Men saw that an artificial scarceness was
created, and blamed the Government for not taking the obvious step of
crying down the coin. Croft apologised for his importunity in pressing
the currency question, observing that one string would put a harp out of
tune, and that the tuner would naturally strike that the oftenest. The
King's advisers did not deny the facts, but hesitated to make the
necessary sacrifice. Next year, however, they found it absolutely
necessary to act. Two of the despised groats were proclaimed equivalent
to fourpence English, and an immediate revival of trade was the
result.[375]
[Sidenote: The Revenue. Attempts at mining.]
The hope of making some profit out of Ireland to set against the cost of
governing her had attracted the attention of Henry VIII.'s ministers to
her mineral resources. Traces of lead, tin, copper, iron, and alum had
been found, and St. Leger hoped to turn them to account. In the last year
of his reign Henry authorised an advance of 1,000 marks sterling, and it
was thought that the mines would soon be self-supporting. The only
serious attempt made was at Clonmines, near Bannow, in Wexford. Silver
was found mixed with lead, and much expense was incurred. Germans were
employed in the work under the direction of Joachim Gundelfinger, and a
large mass of ore was raised. A smelting-house was built at Ross, both
wood and coal being used, and there were stores at Newtown Barry and
Ballyhack. There was some jealousy of the foreigners, who received very
high wages, and it was thought that Englishmen would be better and
cheaper. The English surveyor reported that the strangers cost 260_l._ a
month, and scarcely earned 40_l._, and he proposed to dismiss them, at
least until the work of sinking deep shafts had been completed by less
expensive labour. The Germans retorted that the surveyor himself was to
blame. But there was sickness among the miners, and some of them died;
and after some further trial the Germans were sent home and the works
stopped. It was found that the King had lost nearly 6,000_l._ in two
years.[376]
[Sidenote: French and Scotch intrigues. The O'Connors. 1552.]
The early part of the new year was disturbed by rumours of invasion.
Wauchop had just died at Paris, but his spirit still animated Ulster, and
help was confidently expected from Scotland. The French were trying to
recruit in Ireland, and some of those who held the seaports might as well
have been Frenchmen or Spaniards so far as the State was concerned. Old
O'Connor, who had received messages and tokens from the ubiquitous George
Paris, managed to escape from the Tower, but was caught near the border
and brought back. Walter Garrett, a soldier of Berwick, probably an
Irishman, who had deserted and gone as far south as Newcastle, was taken
trying to cross the Tweed or the Solway in a boat without oars. He
confessed his knowledge of O'Connor's movements, and this roused
suspicion as to the fidelity of the great frontier garrison. Leix and
Offaly were still unleased, the forts cost 7,000 marks yearly without any
return, and a rising among the friends of the old chief might undo the
little that had been done. The garrisons were most oppressive, taking
1_l._ worth of wheat for five shillings, and 4_l._ of beef for twelve
shillings, and the people were ready to rebel on the mere chance of
shaking them off.[377]
[Sidenote: Tyrone is detained in Dublin.]
Tyrone and his countess were detained in Dublin, while Shane continued
his fire-raisings in Ulster. The Earl complained bitterly of his own
treatment, of Bagenal's incursions, and of Cusack's intrigues. The
Marshal had taken 1,000 kine and 300 mares from him, and had billeted
himself and his army at Armagh. O'Donnell had suffered from similar
extortions. In St. Leger's time, he said, all had been quiet, and he sent
a statement of his grievances to the late Lord Deputy, who, very wisely,
sent it to Northumberland with the seals unbroken. Against the Chancellor
Tyrone could find no better accusation than that he had twice dissuaded
him from sending hawks as presents to the King. Cusack maintained that
Tyrone's arrest was justified by his negligent and savage behaviour. 'If
there were but one plough in the country,' the candid barbarian had
boasted, 'he would spend upon the same, with many other indecent words
for a captain of a country to say.'[378]
[Sidenote: Anarchy in Connaught.]
The fort at Athlone remained a memorial of Bellingham's military plans,
and under its shelter Westmeath submitted to the government of a sheriff;
but it cannot be said that the garrison kept Connaught quiet, either by
force or example. They sacked Clonmacnoise, and took away the bells from
O'Rourke's Tower, and left neither bell, image, book, gem, nor
window-glass in the whole place. 'Lamentable was this deed,' say the
annalists, 'the plundering of the city of Ciaran, the holy saint,' and by
no means calculated to increase the popularity of the King's religion.
Whether on account of this outrage or not, Croft found it necessary to
visit Athlone himself, and try to establish some order in Connaught. The
dissensions of the young Earl of Clanricarde with his kinsman Ulick, who
was loth to part with his authority, had laid the whole country waste.
Cusack with a small force succeeded, after a few executions, in placing
the Earl quietly, and swearing the gentry of the district to obey him.
Agriculture again flourished, and Cusack boasted that he had increased
the ploughs in use from 40 to 200, and that both ploughs and cattle could
be left safely in the open field. Clanricarde made use of his new power
to seize Roscommon, about which O'Connor Roe and O'Connor Don were
disputing, and to hand it over to Cusack for the reception of a garrison.
The warlike Chancellor brought O'Kelly to terms, and then succeeded in
getting a promise from the chiefs that they would assemble a force of
1,500 men to support the Earl in chastising MacDermot of Moylurg, who had
been plundering the O'Connors' cattle. Cusack thought there should be a
president to govern Connaught in conjunction with Clanricarde and
MacWilliam of Mayo, who was well disposed.[379]
[Sidenote: Government of Leinster. Gerald of Kildare comes to England.]
Leaving Cusack in the West, the Lord Deputy went into Leinster, and made
successful arrangements for maintaining peace there. He gave a lamentable
account of the state of the country. The Kavanaghs were indeed quiet, and
the O'Byrnes supported soldiers without grumbling; but the poor in the
towns were starving, and their cry sounded continually in his ears. They
were too wretched even to state their own grievances, and this was done
for them by the neighbouring gentry. Croft's regulations for the
garrisons at Carlow and Leighlin show considerable forethought. The
constables were prohibited from levying contributions themselves, but
might obtain the necessary supplies from the country through four
'cessers,' chosen by the freeholders for each garrison. No kerne were to
be quartered on the people, except thirty, which William Keating
covenanted to keep always ready for police purposes, and these were to be
billeted as the 'cessers' should appoint. Under the circumstances the
young Earl of Ormonde's rents were not very well paid, but Croft managed
to send him 400_l._ The state of the currency was such that the Earl
would lose one half if it were paid in Ireland. Gerald of Kildare, who
was now in England, was less fortunate, and the Lord Deputy declared that
he could get nothing for him. At a masque given by the King this
adventurous young man, who was now twenty-seven years old, and very
handsome, had met Mabel Browne, step-daughter to the fair Geraldine.
According to the family historian she fell in love with him. They were
married, and her father's influence procured the honour of knighthood for
the returned exile, and a patent restoring his estate. He did not,
however, come to Ireland till the next reign.[380]
[Sidenote: Cusack's attempts to conciliate the Irish.]
Passing eastwards again, Cusack found the O'Farrells peacefully paying
rent and supporting soldiers, but O'Reilly, who had seven warlike sons
and 1,600 men, was less submissive. With 1,200 followers he met the
Chancellor, who had only 200, and agreed to give hostages for the
restoration of spoils taken out of the Pale, and to pay a fine of 200_l._
Cusack made it a rule to impose a fine, since the Brehon code required
restitution only; but as the fines were seldom paid, the chiefs made
little real concession. O'Reilly refused to go to Dublin, lest he should
be imprisoned like Tyrone, but admitted that that chief deserved his
bonds if he had behaved as Cusack reported, and that he should deserve
them also in like case. The MacMahons and the O'Hanlons were found
equally well disposed, and Magennis kept house like an English gentleman,
and exercised the office of sheriff of Down. From this point the Scots'
handiwork began to be visible. John White, the farmer of Dufferin, had
been murdered by them, and the murderers kept possession of the district.
The fertile lands of Lecale seemed to invite settlers, but the
neighbouring region of Ards warned them off, being laid waste by the
invasions of the islanders. Hugh MacNeill Boy, the chief of Clandeboye,
had agreed to meet Cusack, but, hearing of the landing of some six or
seven score Scots archers, he broke his appointment. Through his frequent
conflicts with Bagenal there was scarcely anything left in the country
worth destroying, and the Chancellor was fain to leave a small party of
soldiers behind him, and to await the action of the Council in Dublin.
Permanent garrisons at Belfast and Castlereagh were the means he proposed
for bridling this part of the North. The O'Cahans and MacQuillins in
northern Antrim were willing to obey the Baron of Dungannon, but were
coerced by the Scots, who disposed of their force as they pleased. Cusack
had a fruitless interview with the formidable Shane O'Neill, and Shane
went straight from the meeting to burn his father's house at Dungannon,
which was only four miles off. Led by the light, Cusack's horsemen were
able to save the building, and he afterwards succeeded in capturing 700
of Shane's kine, and many horses. The Baron of Dungannon took charge of
the castle, and 300 gallowglasses were quartered on the county, but
Cusack saw plainly that nothing permanent could be done without a
resident governor. The Chancellor was somewhat more successful with
O'Donnell and his rebellious son Calvagh, both of whom came to Dublin and
bound themselves to keep the peace.[381]
[Sidenote: Unsuccessful attack on the Ulster Scots. Death of Brabazon.]
Soon after this the Lord Deputy made another attempt to punish the Scots
for the Rathlin disaster, and Hugh Oge O'Neill for supporting them.
O'Neill attacked the advanced guard at Belfast, then 'an old castle
standing on a ford,' and killed Savage of Ards, with fifty others. The
main body crossed the Laggan safely, and proceeded to fortify the old
stronghold. Meanwhile the Baron of Dungannon had brought up his forces,
but incautiously encamped in the open field before effecting a junction
with Croft. There he was set upon by the sleepless Shane, and utterly
routed, so that the whole expedition ended in failure. Sir William
Brabazon, the Vice-Treasurer, who had served so long and so well in
Ireland, died on the march. His body was buried in Christ Church, Dublin,
but his heart, according to the annalists, was 'sent to the King, in
token of his loyalty and truth towards him.'[382]
[Sidenote: Tyrone is released.]
Tyrone complained to the King of his continued detention. His country, he
said, suffered by his absence, and he offered either to plead his own
cause in England, or to submit unreservedly to Commissioners sent from
thence. Danger was still feared from Scotland, but the English party
there procured the arrest of George Paris, on the information of one of
O'Connor's sons. On the whole it was thought better to release Tyrone,
his countess and her son remaining as pledges for him, and Shane's
brother for that troublesome person. The Earl bound himself in 6,000_l._
to keep the peace towards the King's adherents, the Baron of Dungannon,
Calvagh O'Donnell, Maguire, and Tirlogh Luineach O'Neill.[383]
[Sidenote: Desmond.]
The Corporation of Waterford praised Desmond for visiting remote parts of
his district, and training the wild people; a task for which few, if any,
of his ancestors had shown any taste. Cusack wrote in the same strain,
and advised that Dungarvan should be taken from the Butlers, and restored
to him. The Chancellor's pet idea was to have a President at Limerick,
less as a governor than as a general referee in all disputes, and he
believed that by such peaceful means permanent civilisation might be
cheaply attained.[384]
[Sidenote: Croft recalled, 1552.]
At this time the King granted leave of absence to Croft, whom he
apparently intended to send back; but the O'Connors became uneasy, and
Sir Henry Knollys was sent to stop the Lord Deputy. The clouds blew over,
and Croft was able to go before the end of the year, leaving the
government to Cusack and Chief Justice Aylmer. Tyrone was released a few
days later, and followed Croft to London; and Hugh O'Neill submitted,
apologising for the past, and making promises for the future. The latter
chief received certain monastic lands rent free, especially stipulating
for the friary at Carrickfergus, where his ancestors were buried. Belfast
Castle was restored to him. The Government had in fact been unable to
chastise him, and put the best face they could upon matters. It can
hardly be doubted that the three secular priests whom Hugh intended to
maintain at the family burying place were not likely to advance the
King's views in religion.[385]
[Sidenote: Character of Croft. St. Leger returns to Ireland.]
Sir James Croft bears a fair character among Irish governors. He did
nothing very striking, nor did he contribute much towards a final
pacification; but he was considered a just man, and he made no personal
enemies. He was at least no bigot, for he received warm praise from
Archbishop Browne, though he did not hesitate to recommend Leverous for a
bishopric. It was, however, decided that St. Leger should return to
Ireland in his stead. Sir Anthony's government had been cheap, and not
ineffectual. During the last five years of Henry's reign there had been a
small annual surplus; but since his death there had been a constantly
growing deficit, which could only be met by increasing the taxation of
the obedient shires, by employing Irish soldiers almost exclusively, and
by maintaining such troops as were necessary at free quarters upon the
country. Miserable expedients certainly; but the English Government could
devise nothing better, and they were determined to keep down the
expenses. It was resolved not to increase the existing force of 2,024,
and to make no attempt at a thorough conquest. The arrangement with
Tyrone was dishonourable, but was to be adhered to, lest a breach of
faith should lead to war, and consequent expenditure. The King's death
prevented a full return to his father's policy, and those who had lately
governed in his name immediately lost all influence.[386]
[Sidenote: Protestant Bishops.]
Goodacre was consecrated to Armagh and Bale to Ossory on the same day by
Browne, Lancaster of Kildare, and Eugene Magennis of Down. Where Bale was
there was sure to be controversy, and a fierce one arose about the ritual
proper to the occasion. The Archbishop would have postponed the ceremony,
and Bale, who frequently denounces him as an epicure, declares that his
object was to 'take up the proxies of any bishopric to his own gluttonous
use.' Lockwood, Dean of Christ Church, was supreme in his own cathedral,
and his timidity led him to wish for the pontifical order. Bale
accordingly stigmatises him as an ass-headed dean, a blockhead who cared
only for his kitchen and his belly. But Lockwood had the law on his side;
for King Edward's first book only had been proclaimed in Ireland, and it
contained no form for consecration. Browne and Cusack also wished to
stand on the old way. Goodacre was for the form contained in the second
book, and now used in England, but he was willing to waive his own
opinion. Bale, however, positively refused to be consecrated according to
the old usage, boldly maintaining that one king makes one law, and that
Ireland must necessarily follow England. His vehemence carried the day,
and the consecrations took place according to the new Anglican use. The
Communion Service followed, and Bale rejected the consecrated wafer,
successfully arguing that common bread should be used. He afterwards
preached twelve strong Protestant sermons in Dublin, insisting
particularly on the marriage of priests; and he flattered himself that he
had established the people 'in the doctrines of repentance, and necessary
belief in the gospel.'[387]
[Sidenote: Goodacre.]
Goodacre seems never to have seen his cathedral, to which access was
barred by Shane O'Neill. Bale says he was a man of remarkable sincerity
and integrity, and a zealous and eloquent preacher. He also informs us
that he was poisoned by the procurement of certain priests of his
diocese, 'for preaching God's verity, and rebuking common vices.' This
contemporary statement has been doubted, on account of Bale's prejudices,
but it is repeated by Burnet on the authority of Goodacre's fourth lineal
descendant. Burnet's informant received the story from his grandfather,
who was Goodacre's grandson. According to this tradition the actual
murderer was a monk, who pledged Goodacre in poisoned wine, and died
himself of the effects. Bale says he was himself warned by letter to
beware of the Archbishop's fate. Whether the joint authority of Ossory
and Sarum is to be rejected or not will much depend upon the reader's
opinion of two learned, and in some respects not dissimilar divines.
[Sidenote: Bale.]
Bale soon proceeded to Kilkenny. On his journey from Waterford to Dublin
he had already passed through part of his diocese, and had been much
scandalised by what he saw and heard. The parish priest of Knocktopher
boasted that he was a son of William, late prior of the Carmelites
there--not the legitimate son, as he was careful to point out. The
marriage of a friar would have been a heinous offence, but an irregular
connection was venial, and it was thought honourable to be the offspring
of a spiritual man, whether bishop, abbot, monk, friar, or secular
priest. Bale, who had himself been a Carmelite, and who had married a
wife, rebuked this candid ecclesiastic, and resolved to set himself as
bishop to the work of reform. He admits that he had no success; and none
could be expected where public opinion sanctioned the pleasant vices of
the clergy.[388]
[Sidenote: Proceedings of Bale.]
Far more questionable was Bale's zeal against images, the destruction of
which will never make men Protestants. His opinions were hopelessly at
variance with those in vogue in Ireland, as may be judged from the
following autobiographical passage:--
'Many abominable idolatries maintained by the epicurist priests, for
their wicked bellies' sake. The Communion or Supper of the Lord was there
altogether used like a popish mass, with the old apish toys of Antichrist
in bowings and beckings, kneelings and knockings; the Lord's death after
St. Paul's doctrine neither preached nor yet spoken of. There wawled they
over the dead, with prodigious howlings and patterings, as though their
souls had not been quieted in Christ and redeemed by His passion; but
that they must come after and help at a pinch with requiem æternam to
deliver them out of hell by their sorrowful sorceries. When I had
beholden these heathenish behavers, I said unto a senator of that city
that I well perceived that Christ had there no bishop, neither yet the
King's Majesty of England any faithful officer of the mayor in suffering
so horrible blasphemies.'
This was at Waterford. At Kilkenny things were no better, and on his
arrival Bale proceeded to show his zeal for reform. All the statues of
saints were turned out of St. Canice's Cathedral, but the Bishop had the
good taste to preserve the fine painted windows erected in the fourteenth
century by his high-handed predecessor Ledred. The less artistic
Cromwellians afterwards destroyed what Bale had spared, and some
fragments were dug up in 1846. Bale had some supporters, chiefly laymen.
The clergy, whose moral failings he had lashed so mercilessly, were not
convinced by hearing the host called a 'white god of their own making,'
nor easily persuaded that the lucrative practice of saying masses for the
dead was useless, nor inclined to admit a liturgy which condemned all
that they most valued. The deanery was in the hands of Bishop Lancaster,
who could give no help, and among the prebendaries there was either
obstructive apathy or violent opposition to change. Bale was certainly
wrong in trying to impose King Edward's second book without legal
warrant; but he had gained his point with Browne, and disdained to yield
to the inferior clergy. The latter pleaded that they had no books, and
quoted the Archbishop against their own diocesan, who says he was 'always
slack in things appertaining to God's glory.' Bale's sincerity is
unquestionable, but he had set himself an impossible task, and his
violence made him enemies who showed no quarter when their turn came. The
most patient of men might have done nothing in such a position, but his
reputation would have been better had he shown some Christian moderation.
Bedell afterwards fell into the hands of his opponents, but his
imprisonment was relieved by expressions of sympathy and admiration from
the most unlikely quarters, and he must have felt that he had not worked
in vain. Bale could have no such consolation.[389]
[Sidenote: Catholic reaction at Edward's death.]
On the first rumour of Edward's death it became evident that the Bishop
of Ossory's authority was at an end. Oddly enough the priests hastened
amid general rejoicing to proclaim Queen Jane. They were eager for
change, and probably knew little of the fair saint whose innocent life
was sacrificed to the ambition of others. Justice Howth, who had been
Bale's strongest opponent, censured him for not being present at the
ceremony; 'for indeed,' says the Bishop, 'I much doubted that matter.' In
order, he adds, to 'cause the wild people to bear the more hate to our
nation,' the priests also propagated a report that the young Earl of
Ormonde and Barnaby Fitzpatrick had been slain in London. The forts were
attacked, and many Englishmen killed. Mrs. Matthew King, the clerk of the
check's wife, was robbed 'to her very petticoat' on the highway by the
Fitzpatricks and Butlers. But rumour and uncertainty were soon at an end,
and the priests and people of Kilkenny learned that Catherine of
Arragon's daughter was Queen of England.[390]
FOOTNOTES:
[358] St. Leger to Cecil, Jan. 19, 1551; Brady's _Episcopal Succession_.
[359] This conference is detailed in Mant's _Church History_, pp. 194,
199. See also Ware's _Life of Browne_. The conference was held in St.
Mary's Abbey, the residence of Dowdall, he having refused to attend the
Lord Deputy at Kilmainham.
[360] Browne to Warwick, _ut supra._ Examination of Oliver Sutton, March
23, 1552.
[361] St. Leger to Cecil, Jan. 19, 1551. Deposition of Sir John Alen,
March 19, in the deponent's own hand. 'The Bishop of Kildare
(Lancaster),' he says, 'came to me persuading me on his behalf to put in
writing the words Mr. St. Leger spoke to me in Kilmainham, to whom I made
this answer, "Show my lord that albeit I love his little toe better than
all Mr. St. Leger's body, yet I will do nothing against truth."'
[362] Bicton's curious will is printed in Cotton's _Fasti_, vol. ii.
Appendix.
[363] Croft to Warwick, May 1551; Instructions to Desmond and others July
1; Archbishop Browne to Warwick, Aug. 6.
[364] Cusack to Warwick, Sept. 27, 1551.
[365] Cusack to Warwick, Sept. 27, 1551; Instructions to Mr. Wood, Sept.
29, with Cecil's notes, 'Keep him (Tyrone) still, participating the cause
thereof to the nobility;' Hill's _MacDonnells of Antrim_, chap. iii.
[366] _Ancient Laws and Institutes of Ireland_, vol. iii. p. 146; Maine's
_Early History of Institutions_, p. 53.
[367] Bagenal to Croft, Oct. 27, 1551.
[368] Bagenal to Croft, Nov. 11, 1551; Sir Thomas Cusack's Book, May 8,
1552; _Four Masters_, _ad ann._ 1551.
[369] Mant, pp. 209-210, from a Clarendon MS. The letters which passed
between Croft and Dowdall are given by Mant from the Harris MSS.
[370] Browne to Warwick, Aug. 6, 1551; Ware's _Browne_.
[371] Instructions for Mr. Thomas Wood, July 28, 1551; and the King's
answer, Aug. 17.
[372] Strype's Cranmer, book ii. chap. xxviii., and Appendices 65 and 66.
[373] Instructions for Mr. Wood, Sept. 29, 1551. Cecil wrote on the
margin 'denied for the King liketh no union.' The King's amended answer,
Nov. 26.
[374] Croft to Cecil, March 14, 1552; to the Marquis of Winchester, March
22.
[375] W. Crofton to Cecil, April 12, 1551; Lord Deputy and Council to
Privy Council, Aug. 30, and the answer in Nov.; Croft to Northumberland,
Dec. 22; Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council, Jan. 27,
1552--'idleness decayeth nobility, one of the principal "kayes" of a
commonwealth, and bringeth magistrates in contempt and hatred of the
people,' and the petition enclosed. Croft to Cecil, March 14, and to
Winchester, March 22. Ware's _Annals_.
[376] Wicklow tinstone has never been thought workable, see Kane's
_Industrial Resources_, p. 210. Dr. Kane does not seem to have known
anything of the Clonmines venture. Lord Deputy St. Leger and Council to
Henry VIII., Oct. 24, 1541, and June 4, 1543. St. Leger acted on the
advice of Thomas Agard, a mining expert. Minute of Council in S.P., 1546.
St. Leger, Croft, and others to the Privy Council, May 20, 1551; Robert
Record, surveyor of mines to the Privy Council, Feb. 1552. Harman's
certificate, same date. Joachim Gundelfinger to the Privy Council, May
15. Reports on the mines, Aug. 1552, and Feb. and April, 1553.
Instructions to St. Leger in _Carew_, July 1550, p. 228, as to alum. The
MSS. contains many details interesting to specialists, especially the
certificate of Gerrard Harman, a German.
[377] Privy Council to Croft, Feb. 23, and May 29, 1552. Sir Thomas
Cusack's 'Book,' in _Carew_, 1553, p. 241.
[378] The Earl of Tyrone's articles, Feb. 9, 1552; St. Leger to
Northumberland, March 10. Sir Thomas Cusack's 'Book,' in _Carew_.
[379] Cusack's 'Book' in _Carew_. _Four Masters_, 1552.
[380] _Earls of Kildare._ The patent of restoration is dated April 25,
1552. Orders for Leighlin and Carlow in _Carew_, April 30. Croft to the
Privy Council, April 16, May 1, and May 31.
[381] Cusack's 'Book' in _Carew_, No. 200. It is there wrongly dated
1553.
[382] The facts of this expedition (June and July 1552) are given by the
_Four Masters_; and see Ware's _Annals_.
[383] Tyrone's complaint, July 1552; Privy Council to George Paris, Oct.
25; to Croft, Dec. 10; Cusack to Privy Council, Dec. 22; Memorandum
concerning Tyrone, Dec. 30, in _Carew_.
[384] Mayor, &c., of Waterford to the Privy Council, Dec. 18; Cusack and
Aylmer to the Privy Council, Dec. 22 and 30; Declaration of Desmond's
title, Dec. 30; Cusack in _Carew_, _ut supra._
[385] Northumberland to Cecil, Nov. 25, 1552; Cusack's 'Book' in _Carew_,
vol. i. p. 236; King's letter in Lodge's _Patent Officers_; Ware's
_Annals_.
[386] A paper calendared under Jan. 1553 (No. 75) calculates the average
expenses from 33 to 38 Hen. VIII. at 8,500_l._ a year. In the six years
of Edward's reign they rose by regular gradation from 17,000_l._ to
52,000_l._ The average revenue for the former period was 9,000_l._, for
the latter, 11,000_l._ See also No. 83, 'a device how to keep Ireland in
the stay it now remaineth upon the revenues only.'
[387] The consecrations took place on Feb. 2, 1553.
[388] Bale's 'Vocation,' in the _Harleian Miscellany_.
[389] Church histories of Mant, Killen, Brennan, and Reid. Graves's
_History of St. Canice_. They all derive their chief inspiration from
Bale's own 'Vocation.' Fuller has preserved the nickname of 'biliosus
Balæus,' given to the Bishop in contemporary controversy.
[390] Browne and Bale were friars; yet Protestants will not blame them
for entering the holy estate of matrimony, any vows to the contrary
notwithstanding. To modern England a married clergy seems quite natural,
but the scandal was great during the transition period, and Queen
Elizabeth felt the awkwardness herself. The following statement of
Harpsfield may be true or false, but it shows what could be said by a
contemporary. It should be remembered that Harpsfield was Archdeacon of
Canterbury. 'Against these kind of marriages, and maintenance of the
same, King Henry, in his latter days, made very sharp laws, whereupon
many so married put over their women to their servants and other friends,
who kept them at bed and board as their own wives. And after the death of
King Henry they received them again (as love money) with usury; that is,
the children in the mean season begotten by the said friends, whom they
took, called and brought up as their own, as it was well known, as well
in other as in Browne, Archbishop of Dublin. It would now pity a man at
the heart to hear of the naughty and dissolute life of these yoked
priests,' &c.