CHAPTER LXVII.

1887-1888

Defence and Mobilization Committees--The Transport Department

--Utilization of Native States' armies

--Marquis of Lansdowne becomes Viceroy--Rajputana and Kashmir

--Musketry instruction--Artillery and Cavalry training

In December I made a prolonged tour along the North-West Frontier,

accompanied by my wife, who was greatly delighted at being able at

last to see many places and meet many people of whom she had often

heard me speak. Part of this trip was made in company with the Viceroy

and Lady Dufferin, who visited all the principal stations on the

frontier, including Quetta. I rode with Lord Dufferin through the

Khyber Pass, and to the top of the Kwaja Amran range, our visit to

this latter point resulting, as I earnestly hoped it would, in His

Excellency being convinced by personal inspection of the advantage to

be gained by making the Kohjak tunnel, and of the necessity for our

endeavouring to cultivate more friendly relations with the border

tribes. We ended this very enjoyable tour at Rawal Pindi in order to

be present at the winding-up of a Cavalry Camp of Exercise in the

neighbourhood. There were assembled together under the direction of

Major-General Luck one regiment of British and eight regiments of

Native Cavalry, with two batteries of Royal Horse Artillery, and it

was a pretty sight, their advance at full gallop, and the halt, as

of one man, of that long line of Cavalry within a few yards of the

Viceroy, for the Royal salute. The spectators were much impressed with

Lord Dufferin's nerve in being able to remain perfectly calm and still

on his horse in the face of such an onslaught, and it certainly did

seem rather close quarters; but General Luck knew his regiments, and

had confidence in his men, and we knew General Luck.

In the early part of 1888 I visited all the chief military stations in

the Bengal Presidency, and attended Camps of Exercise for all arms,

held at Rawal Pindi, Umballa, Meerut, and Lucknow, before going to

Calcutta for the usual discussion on the Budget; after which the

Government generally breaks up for the hot weather, and assembles in

Simla two or three weeks later.

During 1887 and 1888 much useful work was got through by the Defence

Committee, and by another Committee which was assembled for the

consideration of all questions bearing upon the mobilization of the

army. As Commander-in-Chief I presided over both, and was fortunate

in being able to secure as my secretaries two officers of exceptional

ability, Lieutenant-Colonel W. Nicholson, R.E., for defence, and

Lieutenant-Colonel E. Elles, R.A., for mobilisation. It was in a great

measure due to Colonel Nicholson's clear-sighted judgment on the many

knotty questions which came before us, and to his technical knowledge,

that the schemes for the defence of the frontier, and for the ports

of Bombay, Karachi, Calcutta, Rangoon and Madras, were carried out so

rapidly, thoroughly and economically as they were;[1] and with regard

to measures for rendering the army mobile, Colonel Elles proved

himself equally capable and practical. The Secretary to Government

in the Military Department, Major-General Edwin Collen, was a

particularly helpful member of the Committees[2] from his intimate

acquaintance with the various subjects which had to be discussed.

If my readers have had the patience to follow in detail the several

campaigns in which I took part, they will have grasped the fact that

our greatest difficulties on all occasions arose from the want of a

properly organized Transport Department, and they will understand

that I was able to make this very apparent when the necessity

for mobilizing rapidly only one Army Corps came to be seriously

considered. We were able to demonstrate conclusively the impossibility

of putting a force into the field, sufficiently strong to cope with a

European enemy, without a considerable increase to the existing number

of transport animals, and without some description of light cart

strong enough to stand the rough work of a campaign in a country

without roads; for it is no exaggeration to say that in the autumn of

1880, when I left Kandahar, it would have been possible to have picked

out the road thence to Quetta, and onward to Sibi, a distance of 250

miles, with no other guide than that of the line of dead animals and

broken-down carts left behind by the several columns and convoys that

had marched into Afghanistan by that route.

Soon after I took over the command of the Army in India, while

voyaging to Burma, I had brought this most pressing question of

transport to the notice of Lord Dufferin, who, with his usual quick

appreciation of a situation, at once fully recognized its urgency, and

promised to give me all possible help in my endeavour to render the

army mobile--a promise which he amply fulfilled by taking a keen

personal interest in the proceedings of the Committee, and giving his

hearty support to our various recommendations.[3]

Our labours resulted in several thousand good pack animals (chiefly

mules) being purchased, and information collected and recorded as

to the districts where others could be rapidly procured in case of

emergency. A transport service was established, for which officers had

to go through a regular course of instruction, and pass an examination

in the loading and general management of the animals. A prize was

offered for a strong, useful light cart; and when the most suitable

had been selected, large numbers were made up of the same pattern.[4]

The constitution of two Army Corps, to be in readiness for taking the

field on short notice, was decided upon, and the units to form the

several divisions and brigades were told off and provided with the

necessary equipment. A railway time-table was prepared, giving the

hours at which the troops should leave their stations so as to avoid

any block _en route_. Special platforms were constructed for training

and detraining Cavalry and Artillery, and storehouses were erected and

stocked at those stations where road marching would probably commence.

Finally the conclusions we had arrived at were embodied in a manual

entitled 'General Regulations for Mobilization.' It was extremely

gratifying to me to learn from India that this manual, with such

additions and alterations as our subsequent experience in Burma and

various frontier expeditions proved would be advantageous, was

the guide by which the Chitral relieving force was last year so

expeditiously and completely equipped and despatched.

Of the many subjects discussed and measures adopted during this the

last year of Lord Dufferin's Viceroyalty, I think the scheme for

utilizing the armies of Native States, as an auxiliary force for the

service of the Empire, was the most important both from a political

and military point of view.

The idea was, in the first instance, propounded by Lord Lytton, who

appointed a committee to consider the pros and cons of the question.

I was a member of that committee, but at that time I, in common with

many others, was doubtful as to the wisdom of encouraging a high state

of efficiency amongst the troops of independent States; the excellent

work, however, done by the Native Contingent I had with me in Kuram,

and the genuine desire of all ranks to be allowed to serve side by

side with our own soldiers, together with the unmistakable spirit of

loyalty displayed by Native Rulers when war with Russia was imminent

in 1885, convinced me that the time had arrived for us to prove to

the people of India that we had faith in their loyalty, and in their

recognition of the fact that their concern in the defence of the

Empire was at least as great as ours, and that we looked to them to

take their part in strengthening our rule and in keeping out all

intruders. I believed, too, that we had now little to fear from

internal trouble so long as our Government continued just and

sympathetic, but that, on the other hand, we could not expect to

remain free from outside interference, and that it would be wise to

prepare ourselves for a struggle which, as my readers must be aware, I

consider to be inevitable in the end. We have done much, and may

still do more, to delay it, but when that struggle comes it will be

incumbent upon us, both for political and military reasons, to make

use of all the troops and war material that the Native States can

place at our disposal, and it is therefore to our advantage to render

both as efficient and useful as possible.

The subject was, of course, most delicate and complex, and had to

be treated with the greatest caution, for not only was the measure

adapted to materially strengthen our military position in India, but

I was convinced it was politically sound, and likely to be generally

acceptable to the Native Rulers, provided we studied their wishes, and

were careful not to offend their prejudices and susceptibilities by

unnecessary interference.

It was very satisfactory to find how cordially the Chiefs responded

to Lord Dufferin's proposals, and extremely interesting to watch the

steady improvement in their armies under the guidance of carefully

selected British officers. Substantial results have been already

obtained, valuable help having been afforded to the Chitral expedition

by the transport trains organized by the Maharajas of Gwalior and

Jaipur, and by the gallantry of the Imperial Service Troops belonging

to His Highness the Maharaja of Kashmir at Hunza-Naga and during the

siege and relief of Chitral.

Two minor expeditions took place this year: one against the Thibetans

in retaliation for their having invaded the territory of our ally, the

Raja of Sikim; the other to punish the Black Mountain tribes for the

murder of two British officers. Both were a success from a military

point of view, but in the Black Mountain the determination of the

Punjab Government to limit the sphere of action of the troops, and

to hurry out of the country, prevented our reaping any political

advantage. We lost a grand opportunity for gaining control over this

lawless and troublesome district; no survey was made, no roads opened

out, the tribesmen were not made to feel our power, and, consequently,

very soon another costly expedition had to be undertaken.

In November, 1888, Lord Dufferin left India amidst a storm of regret

from all classes of Her Majesty's subjects. He was succeeded by Lord

Lansdowne, one of whose earliest communications to me rejoiced my

heart, for in it His Excellency inquired whether anything could be

done towards improving our relations with the frontier tribes. This

augured well for the abandonment of the traditional, selfish, and,

to my mind, short-sighted policy of keeping aloof, and I hoped that

endeavours would at last be made to turn the tribesmen into friendly

neighbours, to their advantage and ours, instead of being obliged

to have recourse to useless blockades or constant and expensive

expeditions for their punishment, or else to induce them to refrain

from troubling us by the payment of a heavy blackmail.

[Illustration: THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE, K.G., G.C.M.G., G.M.S.I.,

G.M.I.E.. VICEROY OF INDIA.

_From a photograph by Cowell, Simla_.]

After a visit to the frontier in the autumn to see how the defences

were advancing, I attended a Cavalry Camp of Exercise at Delhi, and

an Artillery Practice Camp at Gurgaon, and then went to Meerut to

be present at the first meeting of the Bengal Presidency Rifle

Association, which was most interesting and successful. We spent

Christmas in camp--the first Christmas we had all been together for

ten years. Our boy, having left Eton, came out in the early part

of the year with a tutor, to be with us for eighteen months before

entering Sandhurst.

At the end of December I proceeded to Calcutta rather earlier than

usual, to pay my respects to the new Viceroy, and in January of the

following year, accompanied by my wife and daughter, I started off

on a long tour to inspect the local regiments in Central India and

Rajputana, and to ascertain what progress had been made in organizing

the Imperial Service Troops in that part of India.

Did space permit, I should like to tell my readers of the beauties of

Udaipur and the magnificent hospitality accorded to us there, as well

as at Bhopal, Jodhpur, Jaipur, and Ulwar, but, if I once began,

it would be difficult to stop, and I feel I have already made an

unconscionably heavy demand on the interest of the public in things

Indian, and must soon cease my 'labour of love.' I must therefore

confine myself to those subjects which I am desirous should be better

understood in England than they generally are.

Upon seeing the troops of the Begum of Bhopal and the Maharana of

Udaipur, I recommended that Their Highnesses should be invited to

allow their share of Imperial defence to take the form of paying for

the services of an increased number of officers with their respective

local corps,[5] for I did not think it would be possible to make any

useful addition to our strength out of the material of which their

small armies were composed. The men were relics of a past age, fit

only for police purposes, and it would have been a waste of time and

money to give them any special training. My recommendation, however,

was not accepted, and neither of these States takes any part in the

defence scheme.

At Jodhpur, on the contrary, there was splendid material, and a

most useful force was being organized by the Maharaja's brother,

Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Pertap Sing, himself a Rajput, and of the

bluest blood of India. The Cavalry were specially fine. The gallant

Rajput horsemen of Jodhpur had always been famous for their chivalrous

bravery, unswerving fidelity, and fearless self-devotion in their wars

with the Mahrattas and the armies of the Mogul Emperors, and I felt,

as the superbly mounted squadrons passed before me, that they had lost

none of their characteristics, and that blood and breeding must tell,

and would, if put to the test, achieve the same results now as of

old. There could be but one opinion as to the value of the 'Sirdar

Rissala,'[6] so named after the Maharaja's son and heir, Sirdar

Sing, a lad of only nine years old, who led the little army past the

saluting flag mounted on a beautiful thorough-bred Arab.

The Jaipur troops were much on a par with those of Bhopal and Udaipur.

I was glad, therefore, that in lieu of troops, the Maharaja had agreed

to organize, as his contribution to the Imperial service, a transport

corps of 1,000 fully-equipped animals.

At Ulwar I found the 600 Cavalry and 1,000 Infantry (all Rajputs) well

advanced in their drill and training; this was evidently owing to the

personal interest taken in them by the Maharaja, who seldom allowed a

day to pass without visiting the parade grounds.

By the end of March I had finished my tour in Central India and

Rajputana, and as the heat was every day becoming more intense, I was

not sorry to turn my steps northwards towards Kashmir, the army of

which State still remained to be inspected, and the measures most

suitable for its re-organization determined upon.

Our whole family party re-assembled at Murree early in April, and we

all went into the 'Happy Valley' together, where between business and

pleasure we spent a most delightful six weeks. The Maharaja personally

superintended the arrangements for our comfort. Our travelling was

made easy--indeed luxurious--and everything that the greatest care and

forethought and the most lavish hospitality could accomplish to make

our visit happy was done by the Maharaja and by the popular Resident,

Colonel Nisbet.

The Kashmir army was much larger than any of those belonging to the

Native States I had lately visited; it consisted of 18,000 men and 66

guns--more than was needed, even with the Gilgit frontier to guard.

Some of the regiments were composed of excellent material, chiefly

Dogras; but as the cost of such a force was a heavy drain upon the

State, and as many of the men were old and decrepit, I recommended

that the Maharaja should be invited to get rid of all who were

physically unfit, and to reduce his army to a total of 10,000

thoroughly reliable men and 30 guns. I knew this would be a very

difficult, and perhaps distasteful, task for the Commander-in-Chief

(who was also the Maharaja's brother), Raja Ram Sing, to perform, so

I recommended that a British officer should be appointed military

adviser to the Kashmir Government, under whose supervision the work of

reformation should be carried out.

At that time we had none of our own troops in the neighbourhood of

Gilgit, and as I thought it advisable, in case of disturbance, that

the Kashmir troops should be speedily put into such a state of

efficiency as would enable us to depend upon them to hold the passes

until help could arrive from India, I urged that the military adviser

should be given three British officers to assist him in carrying out

his difficult and troublesome duty; and at the same time I pointed

out that it was absolutely essential to construct at an early date a

serviceable road between Kashmir and Gilgit, as the sole approach to

that strategic position was not only difficult, but very dangerous.

All these proposals commended themselves to, and were acted upon by,

the Viceroy.

Lieutenant-Colonel Neville Chamberlain--a _persona grata_ to the

Kashmir authorities--was appointed Military Secretary to the Kashmir

State, and by his ability, tact, and happy way of dealing with

Natives, quickly overcame all obstacles. The Maharaja and his two

brothers, Rajas Ram Sing and Amar Sing, entered heartily into the

scheme; the army was remodelled and rendered fit for service; and an

excellent road was made to Gilgit.

During the summer of 1889 I was able to introduce several much needed

reforms in the annual course of musketry for the Native Army.

The necessity for these reforms had not been overlooked by my

distinguished predecessors, nor by the able officers who served under

them in the Musketry Department, but it had not been possible to do

much with a system which dated from a period when fire discipline was

not thought of, and when the whole object of the course was to make

soldiers individually good shots. After the Delhi Camp of Exercise

in 1885-86, when the want of fire control was almost the only point

unfavourably criticized by the foreign officers, the Army in India

made a great advance in this important branch of musketry training;

nevertheless, I felt that further progress was possible, and that the

course of instruction was not altogether as practical as it might be.

I therefore gave over the work of improvement in this respect to

an enthusiast in the matter of rifle-shooting and an officer of

exceptional energy and intelligence, Lieutenant-Colonel Ian Hamilton,

and directed him, as Assistant Adjutant-General of Musketry, to

arrange a course of instruction, in which the conditions should

resemble as nearly as possible those of field service, and in which

fire discipline should be developed to the utmost extent. He was most

successful in carrying out my wishes, and the results from the first

year's trial of the new system were infinitely better than even I had

anticipated.

Simultaneously with the improvement in musketry, a great advance was

made in gunnery. Artillery, like Infantry officers, had failed to

realize the value of the new weapon, and it required the teaching of

a man who himself thoroughly believed in and understood the

breech-loading gun to arouse Artillerymen to a sense of the tremendous

power placed in their hands, and to the importance of devoting much

more care and attention to practice than had hitherto been thought

necessary. Such a man was Major-General Nairne, and I was happily

able to induce the Government to revive in him the appointment of

Inspector-General of Artillery.

Under the unwearying supervision of this officer, there was quite as

remarkable an improvement in Artillery shooting as Colonel Hamilton

had effected in musketry. Practice camps were annually formed at

convenient localities, and all ranks began to take as much pride in

belonging to the 'best shooting battery' as they had hitherto taken

in belonging to the 'smartest,' the 'best-horsed,' or the

'best-turned-out' battery. I impressed upon officers and men that the

two things were quite compatible; that, according to my experience,

the smartest and best turned-out men made the best soldiers; and while

I urged every detail being most carefully attended to which could

enable them to become proficient gunners and take their proper place

on a field of battle, I expressed my earnest hope that the Royal

Artillery would always maintain its hitherto high reputation for

turn-out and smartness. The improvement in the Cavalry was equally

apparent. For this arm of the service also the Government consented to

an Inspector-General being appointed, and I was fortunate enough to

be able to secure for the post the services of Major-General Luck, an

officer as eminently fitted for this position as was General Nairne

for his.

Just at first the British officers belonging to Native Cavalry were

apprehensive that their sowars would be turned into dragoons, but

they soon found that there was no intention of changing any of their

traditional characteristics, and that the only object of giving them

an Inspector-General was to make them even better in their own way

than they had been before, the finest Irregular Cavalry in the world,

as I have not the slightest doubt they will always prove themselves to

be. Towards the end of the Simla season of 1889, Lord Lansdowne, to my

great satisfaction, announced his intention of visiting the frontier,

and asked me to accompany him.

We rode through the Khyber and Gomal Passes, visited Peshawar, Kohat,

Bannu, Dera Ismail Khan, and Quetta, looked into the Kohjak tunnel,

and attended some interesting manoeuvres, carried out with a view of

testing, in as practical a manner as possible, the defensive power

of the recently-finished Takatu-Mashalik entrenchment. The principal

works were fired upon by Artillery and Infantry, and, notwithstanding

the excellent practice made, infinitesimal damage was done, which

proved the suitability of the particular design adopted for the

defences.

Lord Lansdowne expressed himself greatly interested, and much

impressed by all he saw of the frontier; and he was confirmed in his

opinion as to the desirability of establishing British influence

amongst the border tribes. With this object in view, His Excellency

authorized Sir Robert Sandeman (the Governor-General's Agent at

Quetta) to establish a series of police posts in the Gomal Pass, and

encourage intercourse between the people of the Zhob district and

ourselves.

It was high time that something should be done in this direction,

for the Amir's attitude towards us was becoming day by day more

unaccountably antagonistic. He was gradually encroaching on territory

and occupying places altogether outside the limits of Afghan control;

and every movement of ours--made quite as much in His Highness's

interest as in our own--for strengthening the frontier and improving

the communications, evidently aroused in him distrust and suspicion as

to our motives.

[Footnote 1: The total coat of the coast and frontier defences

amounted to the very moderate sum of five crores of rupees, or about

three and a half millions sterling.]

[Footnote 2: The Committees consisted, besides the Military Member of

Council and myself, of the heads of Departments with the Government of

India and at Army Head-Quarters.]

[Footnote 3: When the report of the Mobilization Committee was

submitted to the Viceroy, he recorded a minute expressing his

'warm admiration of the manner in which the arduous duty had been

conducted,' and 'his belief that no scheme of a similar description

had ever been worked out with greater thoroughness, in more detail,

and with clearer apprehension of the ends to be accomplished.' He

concluded by conveying to the members an expression of his great

satisfaction at what had been done, and recording that 'the result

of the Committee's labours is a magnificent monument of industry and

professional ability.']

[Footnote 4: Statement of transport carriage maintained in India in

the years 1878 and 1893 for military purposes, exclusive of animals

registered by the civil authorities on the latter date, and liable to

be requisitioned in time of war:

--------------------------------------------

| | | |

|Date | September, 1878 | April, 1893 |

| | | |

|----------+-----------------+-------------|

|Elephants.| 733 | 359 |

|----------+-----------------+-------------|

|Camels. | 6,353 | 3,175 |

|----------+-----------------+-------------|

|Mules. | 1,536 | 16,825 |

|----------+-----------------+-------------|

|Ponies. | ... | 782 |

|----------+-----------------+-------------|

|Bullocks. | 1,424 | 7,211 |

|----------+-----------------+-------------|

|Donkeys. | ... | 31 |

|----------+-----------------+-------------|

|Army | | |

|Transport | ... | 5,316 |

|Carts. | | |

|----------+-----------------+-------------|

|Field | | |

|Ambulance | ... | 799 |

|Carts. | | |

|-------------------------------------------]

[Footnote 5: According to treaty, the Bhopal State pays nearly two

lakhs of rupees a year towards the cost of the local battalion

maintained by the British Government for the purpose of keeping order

within the State itself. The battalion, however, has only four,

instead of eight, British officers, and it appeared to me only

reasonable that the Begum should be invited to pay the additional

amount necessary to make the battalion as efficient as the rest of the

Native army, as a 'premium of insurance' for the peace and prosperity

which Her Highness's State enjoys under our protection, and as her

quota towards the general scheme for the defence of the Empire.]

[Footnote 6: Rissala is a body of Cavalry.]

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Forty-one years in India: from subaltern to commander-in-chief · 第 67 / 69 章