1879
Political situation at Kabul--Serious trouble ahead
--Macpherson attacks the Kohistanis--Combined movements
--The uncertainty of war--The fight in the Chardeh valley
--Forced to retire--Padre Adams earns the V.C.
--Macpherson's column arrives
--The captured guns recovered--Melancholy reflections
The general political situation, as it developed itself in the
early part of December, and the causes which appeared to me to have
contributed to produce it, may be briefly summarized as follows. After
the outbreak in the previous September and the massacre of our Envoy,
the advance of the British force was too rapid to give the Afghans, as
a nation, time to oppose us. At Charasia, the troops, aided by large
numbers of the disaffected townspeople, were conspicuously beaten in
the open field; their organization as an armed body was at an end, and
their leaders all sought personal safety in flight.
It appears probable that at this period the general expectation
amongst the Afghans was that the British Government would exact a
heavy retribution from the nation and city, and that, after vengeance
had been satisfied, the army would be withdrawn.
Thirty-seven years before, a British massacre had been followed by a
temporary occupation of the city of Kabul, and just as the troops of
Pollock and Nott, on that occasion, had sacked and destroyed the great
bazaar and then retired, so in 1879 the people believed that some
signal punishment would again be succeeded by the withdrawal of our
troops. Thus a period of doubt and expectation ensued after the battle
of Charasia; the Afghans were waiting on events, and the time had not
arrived for a general movement.
This pause, however, was marked by certain occurrences which doubtless
touched the national pride to the quick, and which were also
susceptible of being used by the enemies of the British Government to
excite into vivid fanaticism the religious sentiment, which has ever
formed a prominent trait in the Afghan character.
The prolonged occupation by foreign troops of the fortified cantonment
which had been prepared by the late Amir Sher Ali for his own army;
the capture of the large park of Artillery, and of the vast munitions
of war, which had raised the military strength of the Afghans to a
standard unequalled among Asiatic nations; the destruction of their
historic fortress, the residence of their Kings; and, lastly, the
deportation to India of their Amir and his principal Ministers,
were all circumstances which united to increase to a high pitch the
antipathy naturally felt towards a foreign invader.
The temper of the people being in this inflammable condition, it was
clear that only disunion and jealousy amongst their Chiefs prevented
their combining against us, and that if any impetus could be given
to their religious sentiment strong enough to unite the discordant
elements in a common cause, a powerful movement would be initiated,
having for its object our annihilation or expulsion from their
country.
Such an impetus was supplied by the fervent preaching of the aged
mulla Mushk-i-Alam,[1] who denounced the English in every mosque
throughout the country. The people were further incited to rise by the
appeals of the ladies of Yakub Khan's family to popular sympathy, and
bribed to do so by the distribution of the concealed treasure at their
command.
The mullas, in short, became masters of the situation, and, having
once succeeded in subordinating private quarrels to hatred of the
common foe, the movement rapidly assumed the aspect of a religious
war. The Afghan successes of 1841-42 were cited as examples of what
might happen again, and the people were assured that, if they would
only act simultaneously, the small British army in Sherpur would
be overwhelmed, and the plunder of our camp would be part of their
reward.
From time to time reports reached me of what was going on, and, from
the information supplied to me, I gathered that the Afghans intended
to gain possession of the city, and, after occupying the numerous
forts and villages in the neighbourhood of Sherpur, to surround the
cantonment.
It was under the stimulating influences of religious enthusiasm,
patriotic and military ardour, the prestige of former success, and
the hope of remuneration and plunder, that the Afghans took the field
against us early in December.
It was arranged that the forces from the south[2] should seize the
range of hills extending from Charasia to the Shahr-i-Darwaza heights,
including the fortifications of the upper Bala Hissar and the high
conical peak called the Takht-i-Shah; that those from the north[3]
should occupy the Asmai heights and hills to the north of Kabul; and
those from the west[4] should make direct for the city.
As it was evident to me that these several bodies, when once
concentrated at Kabul, would be joined by the thousands in the city,
and the inhabitants of the adjoining villages, I determined to try
and deal with the advancing forces in detail, and disperse them, if
possible, before the concentration could be effected. I had, however,
but a very imperfect idea of the extent of the combination, or of
the enormous numbers arrayed against us. My intelligence was most
defective; neither the nature of the country nor the attitude of the
people admitted of extended reconnaissances, and I was almost entirely
dependent for information on Afghan sources. Some of the Afghan
soldiers in our ranks aided me to the best of their ability, but by
the Sirdars, notably Wali Mahomed Khan, I was, either wilfully or from
ignorance, grossly misinformed as to the formidable character of the
rising. But that there was serious trouble ahead was plain enough when
the conflicting reports had been carefully sifted, and I therefore
thought it only prudent to telegraph to General Bright at Jalalabad to
push on the Guide Corps, although I was very much averse to augmenting
the Sherpur garrison, and thereby increasing the drain on our
supplies.
In the meantime immediate action was necessary to carry out my idea of
preventing the different sections of the enemy concentrating at Kabul.
I accordingly prepared two columns: one under Macpherson, whose orders
were to attack the tribesmen coming from the north before they could
join those advancing from the west; the other under Baker, who was
instructed to place himself across the line by which the enemy would
have to retreat when beaten, as I hoped they would be, by Macpherson.
Macpherson[5] started on the 8th towards Kila Aushar, about three
miles from Sherpur, _en route_ to Arghandeh. And on the following
morning Baker, with a small force,[6] proceeded to Chihal Dukhteran,
giving out that his destination was the Logar valley, and that he
would march by Charasia, as I had directed him to make a feint in that
direction, and then to turn to the west, and place himself between
Arghandeh and Maidan, on the Ghazni road.
To give Baker time to carry out this movement, I halted Macpherson at
Kila Aushar on the 9th, whence he sent out two reconnoitring
parties--one in the direction of Kohistan, the other, in charge of
Lieutenant-Colonel Lockhart,[7] A.Q.M.G., towards Arghandeh.
The intelligence brought in induced me to change my orders to
Macpherson. The first party reported that a very considerable force of
Kohistanis had collected at Karez-i-Mir, about ten miles north of
Kila Aushar, while Lockhart had discovered large numbers of the enemy
moving from Arghandeh and Paghman towards Kohistan. Accordingly, I
directed Macpherson to attack the Kohistanis, in the hope of being
able to disperse them before the people from Ghazni could join them;
and, as the part of the country through which he had to move was
unsuited to Horse Artillery and Cavalry, I ordered him to leave the
mounted portion of his column, except one squadron of Cavalry, at Kila
Aushar.
Macpherson made a rapid advance on the morning of the 10th December,
skirting the fringe of low hills which intervenes between Kohistan and
the Chardeh valley. He reached the Surkh Kotal--which divides western
Kohistan from the Arghandeh valley--without opposition. From this
point, however, the Kohistanis were sighted, occupying a position
about two miles to his right front, their centre on a steep, conical,
isolated hill, at the base of which lay the village of Karez-i-Mir.
Macpherson was now able to obtain a good view of the Paghman and
Chardeh valleys on his left and left rear, and the numerous standards
planted on the different knolls near the villages of Paghman gave
ample evidence of the presence of the enemy discovered by Lockhart the
previous day, and showed him that, unless he could quickly succeed in
scattering the Kohistanis, he would find himself attacked by an enemy
in his rear, in fact, between two fires.
Macpherson made his disposition for an attack with skill and rapidity.
Leaving Lieutenant-Colonel Money with one company of the 67th, five
companies of the 3rd Sikhs, and two guns, to hold the ridge, he sent
the remainder of the Sikhs to harass the enemy's left flank and
support the Cavalry, who were ordered to hover about and threaten the
line of retreat, while Macpherson himself went forward with the rest
of the force.
The Kohistanis retreated rapidly before our skirmishers, and the
attacking party, protected by a well-directed fire from Morgan's guns,
advanced with such promptitude that the enemy made no attempt to
rally until they reached the conical hill, where they made a stubborn
resistance. The hill was carried by assault, its defenders were driven
off, leaving seven standards on the field, and Morgan, bringing up his
Artillery, inflicted severe loss on the flying Kohistanis. On this
occasion Major Cook, V.C., of the 5th Gurkhas, was again noticed for
his conspicuous gallantry, and Major Griffiths, of the 3rd Sikhs,
greatly distinguished himself. Our casualties were one officer
(Lieutenant-Colonel Fitz-Hugh) and six men wounded.
It was evident that the tribesmen from the directions of Arghandeh and
Paghman intended to ascend the Surkh Kotal, but suddenly they appeared
to change their minds, on discovering, probably, that our troops
held all the commanding positions and that their allies were in full
flight.
Soon after noon on the 10th I received the report of Macpherson's
success and the enemy's retirement towards Arghandeh. I at once sent
off Lieutenant-Colonel B. Gordon, R.H.A., with orders to intercept
them with the Horse Artillery and Cavalry at Aushar; but when I rode
over myself later in the day to that place, I was much disappointed to
find that Gordon had not been able to give effect to my instructions,
as the enemy, on perceiving his troops, dispersed and took shelter in
the surrounding villages and on the slopes of the hills.
Macpherson encamped for the night between the Surkh Kotal and
Karez-i-Mir, and Baker, who had steadily pursued his march along a
very difficult road, halted a short distance west of Maidan and eight
miles only from Arghandeh.
To Macpherson I sent orders to march very early the next morning--the
11th--through Paghman towards Arghandeh and in Baker's direction; at
the same time I informed him that Massy, whom I had placed in command
of the troops at Aushar, would, according to directions from me, leave
that place at nine o'clock to co-operate with him, _viâ_ the Arghandeh
and Ghazni road. That evening Massy came to my room, and I carefully
explained to him his part in the next day's proceedings; I told him
that he was to advance cautiously and quietly by the road leading
directly from the city of Kabul towards Arghandeh, feeling for
the enemy; that he was to communicate with Macpherson and act in
conformity with that officer's movements; and I impressed upon him
that he was on no account to commit himself to an action until
Macpherson had engaged the enemy.
Up to this time the combination of tribesmen, which later proved so
formidable, had not been effected; Macpherson for the time being had
dispersed the Kohistanis and checked the force advancing from Ghazni
under the leadership of Mahomed Jan; the Logaris and Ghilzais were
merely watching events, and waiting to see how it fared with the
Kohistani and Ghazni factions, before committing themselves to
hostilities; they had but recently witnessed our successful advance
through their country; they knew that their homes and property would
be at our mercy should we be victorious, and they were uncertain as to
Baker's movements.
On the morning of the 11th December,[8] therefore, only one section
was actually in opposition to us, that led by Mahomed Jan, who during
the night of the 10th had taken up a position near the group of
villages known as Kila Kazi.
Further, I felt that Mahomed Jan must be disheartened at our recent
success, and at his failure to induce the Logaris to join him, and
doubtless felt that a movement towards Kabul would expose his left
flank to Macpherson, while his rear would be threatened by Baker.
The strength of Baker's and Macpherson's columns had been carefully
considered, as well as the routes they were to take. I was thoroughly
well acquainted with the ground comprised in the theatre of the
proposed operations, having frequently ridden over it during the
preceding two months; I was thus able to calculate to a nicety the
difficulties each column would have to encounter and the distances
they would have to cover, and arrange with the utmost precision the
hour at which each Commander should move off to insure a timely
junction. So that when I left Sherpur at ten o'clock on the 11th
December to take command of Macpherson's and Massy's columns as soon
as they should unite, I had no misgivings, and was sanguine that my
carefully arranged programme would result in the discomfiture of
Mahomed Jan; but the events which followed on that day afforded a
striking exemplification of the uncertainty of war, and of how even a
very slight divergence from a General's orders may upset plans made
with the greatest care and thought, and lead to disastrous results.
Massy could not have clearly understood the part he was meant to take
in co-operation with Macpherson, for instead of following the route I
had directed him to take, he marched straight across country to the
Ghazni road, which brought him face to face with the enemy before he
could be joined by Macpherson. In his explanatory report Massy stated
that he had been misled by a memorandum[9] which he received from the
Assistant Adjutant-General after his interview with me (although this
memorandum contained nothing contradictory of the orders I had given
him); that he understood from it that his business was to reach the
Ghazni road at its nearest point in the direction of Arghandeh, and
that he thought it better, with a thirty miles' march in prospect, to
take the most direct line in order to save his horses, to economize
time in a short December day, and to keep as near as he could to the
column with which he was to co-operate; further, he stated that he was
under the impression there was little likelihood of his meeting with
any of the enemy nearer than Arghandeh.
On starting from Aushar Massy detached a troop of the 9th Lancers to
communicate with Macpherson. This reduced his column to 247 British
and 44 Native Cavalry, with 4 Horse Artillery guns.
As the party moved along the Chardeh valley, a loud beating of drums
was heard, and Captain Bloomfield Gough, 9th Lancers, commanding the
advance guard, perceived when he had moved to about a mile north of
Kila Kazi, that the enemy were occupying hills on both sides of the
Ghazni road, about two miles to his left front, and sent back word to
that effect. Massy, not believing that the Afghans had collected
in any considerable numbers, continued to advance; but he was soon
undeceived by the crowds of men and waving standards which shortly
came into view moving towards Kila Kazi. He then ordered Major
Smith-Wyndham to open fire, but the range, 2,900 yards, being
considered by Colonel Gordon, the senior Artillery officer, too far
for his six-pounders, after a few rounds the guns were moved across
the Ghazni road, and again brought into action at 2,500 yards; as this
distance was still found to be too great, they were moved to 2,000
yards. The enemy now pressed forward on Massy's left flank, which was
also his line of retreat, and the guns had to be retired about a mile,
covered on the right and left by the 9th Lancers and the 14th Bengal
Lancers respectively, and followed so closely by the Afghans that when
fire was next opened they were only 1,700 yards distant. Four Horse
Artillery guns could do nothing against such numbers attacking without
any regular formation, and when the leading men came within carbine
range, Massy tried to stop them by dismounting thirty of the 9th
Lancers; but their fire 'had no appreciable effect.'
It was at this critical moment that I appeared on the scene. Warned by
the firing that an engagement was taking place, I galloped across the
Chardeh valley as fast as my horse could carry me, and on gaining the
open ground beyond Bhagwana, an extraordinary spectacle was presented
to my view. An unbroken line, extending for about two miles, and
formed of not less than between 9,000 and 10,000 men, was moving
rapidly towards me, all on foot save a small body of Cavalry on their
left flank--in fact, the greater part of Mahomed Jan's army. To meet
this formidable array, instead of Macpherson's and Massy's forces,
which I hoped I should have found combined, there were but 4 guns, 198
of the 9th Lancers under Lieutenant-Colonel Cleland, 40 of the 14th
Bengal Lancers under Captain Philip Neville, and at some little
distance Gough's troop of the 9th Lancers, who were engaged in
watching the enemy's Cavalry.
The inequality of the opposing forces was but too painfully apparent.
The first glance at the situation showed me the hopelessness of
continuing the struggle without Infantry. Up to that moment our
casualties had not been many, as Afghans seldom play at long bowls, it
being necessary for them to husband their ammunition, and when, as in
the present instance, they outnumber their adversaries by forty to
one, they universally try to come to close quarters and use their
knives.
My first thought was how to secure the best and shortest line of
retreat; it lay by Deh-i-Mazang, but in order to use it, the gorge
close by that village had to be held; for if the enemy reached it
first they would have no difficulty in gaining the heights above
Kabul, which would practically place the city at their mercy.
I was very anxious also to prevent any panic or disturbance taking
place in Kabul. I therefore told General Hills, who just
then opportunely joined me, to gallop to Sherpur, explain to
Brigadier-General Hugh Gough, who had been placed in temporary
command of that place, how matters stood, and order 200 of the 72nd
Highlanders to come to Deh-i-Mazang with the least possible delay. I
directed Hills, after having delivered this message, to make for the
city, shut the gates, and do all in his power to keep the people
quiet, while warning the Kizilbashes[10] to be prepared to defend
their quarter. I then despatched my nephew and A.D.C., Lieutenant John
Sherston, to Macpherson to inform him of what had happened, and desire
him to push on with the utmost speed.
Having taken these precautionary measures, I sent another A.D.C.,
Captain Pole Carew, to Brigadier-General Massy to direct him to try
and find a way by which the guns could retire in case of a necessity,
which appeared to me to be only too probable.
The engagement had now become a question of time. If Mahomed Jan could
close with and overwhelm our small force, Kabul would be his; but if,
by any possibility, his advance could be retarded until Macpherson
should come up, we might hope to retain possession of the city. It
was, therefore, to the Afghan leader's interest to press on, while it
was to ours to delay him as long as we possibly could.
Pole Carew presently returned with a message from Massy that the enemy
were close upon him, and that he could not keep them in check. I
desired Pole Carew to go back, order Massy to retire the guns, and
cover the movement by a charge of Cavalry.
The charge was led by Lieutenant-Colonel Cleland and Captain Neville,
the former of whom fell dangerously wounded; but the ground, terraced
for irrigation purposes and intersected by nullas, so impeded
our Cavalry that the charge, heroic as it was, made little or no
impression upon the overwhelming numbers of the enemy, now flushed
with the triumph of having forced our guns to retire. The effort,
however, was worthy of the best traditions of our British and Indian
Cavalry, and that it failed in its object was no fault of our gallant
soldiers. To assist them in their extremity, I ordered two of
Smyth-Windham's four guns to halt and come into action while the other
two continued to retire, but these had not gone far before they got
into such difficult ground that one had to be spiked and abandoned in
a water-cut, where Smyth-Windham found it when he came up after
having fired a few rounds at the fast advancing foe. I now ordered
Smyth-Windham to make for the village of Bhagwana with his three
remaining guns, as the only chance left of saving them. This he did,
and having reached the village, he again opened fire from behind a
low wall which enclosed the houses; but the ammunition being nearly
expended, and the enemy close at hand, there was nothing for it but to
limber up again and continue the retirement through the village. At
the further side, however, and forming part of its defences, was a
formidable obstacle in the shape of a ditch fully twelve feet deep,
narrowing towards the bottom; across this Smyth-Windham tried to take
his guns, and the leading horses had just begun to scramble up the
further bank, when one of the wheelers stumbled and fell, with the
result that the shafts broke and the gun stuck fast, blocking the only
point at which there was any possibility of getting the others across.
With a faint hope of saving the guns, I directed Captain
Stewart-Mackenzie, who had assumed command of the 9th Lancers on
Cleland being disabled, to make a second charge, which he executed
with the utmost gallantry,[11] but to no purpose; and in the meanwhile
Smyth-Windham had given the order to unhook and spike the guns.
By this time the enemy were within a few hundred yards of Bhagwana,
and the inhabitants had begun to fire at us from the roofs of their
houses. I was endeavouring to help some men out of the ditch, when the
headman of the village rushed at me with his knife, seeing which, a
Mahomedan[12] of the 1st Bengal Cavalry, who was following me on foot,
having just had his horse shot under him, sprang at my assailant, and,
seizing him round the waist, threw him to the bottom of the ditch,
thereby saving my life.[13]
Suddenly the Afghans stayed their advance for a few minutes, thinking,
as I afterwards learnt, that our Infantry were in the village--a
pause which allowed many of our Cavalry who had lost their horses to
escape.[14]
Directly we had got clear of the village the Cavalry reformed, and
retired slowly by alternate squadrons, in a manner which excited my
highest admiration, and reflected the greatest credit on the
soldierly qualities of Stewart-Mackenzie and Neville. From Bhagwana,
Deh-i-Mazang was three miles distant, and it was of vital importance
to keep the enemy back in order to give the Highlanders from Sherpur
time to reach the gorge.
For a time the Afghans continued to press on as before, but after a
while their advance gradually became slower and their numbers somewhat
decreased. This change in Mahomed Jan's tactics, it afterwards turned
out, was caused by Macpherson's advance guard coming into collision
with the rear portion of his army; it was of the greatest advantage
to us, as it enabled the 72nd to arrive in time to bar the enemy's
passage through the gorge. My relief was great when I beheld them,
headed by their eager Commander, Brownlow, doubling through the gap
and occupying the village of Deh-i-Mazang and the heights on either
side. The Cavalry greeted them with hearty cheers, and the volleys
delivered by the Highlanders from the roofs of the houses in the
village soon checked the Afghans, some of whom turned back, while
others made for Indiki and the slopes of the Takht-i-Shah. For a time,
at any rate, their hopes of getting possession of Kabul had been
frustrated.
It will be remembered that the orders I sent to Macpherson on the 10th
were that he was to march very early the next morning, as Massy with
the Horse Artillery and Cavalry would leave Aushar at 9 a.m., and that
he must join him on the Arghandeh road. Macpherson did not make so
early a start as I had intended; from one cause or another, he said,
he was not able to leave Karez-i-Mir before eight o'clock. On reaching
the Surkh Kotal he observed dense bodies of the enemy hurrying from
the Paghman and Arghandeh directions towards Kila Kazi, and he pushed
on, hoping to be able to deal with them individually before they had
time to concentrate. For the first three miles from the foot of the
pass the view was obstructed by a range of hills, and nothing could be
seen of the Horse Artillery and Cavalry; but soon after 10 a.m. the
booming of guns warned Macpherson that fighting was going on, but he
could not tell whether it was Baker's or Massy's troops which were
engaged. He was, however, not left long in doubt, for Lieutenant
Neville Chamberlain, attached to Macpherson as political officer, and
who had gone on with his advance guard, sent back word that he could
distinguish British Cavalry charging the Afghans, and as Baker had
only Native Cavalry with him, Macpherson knew at once that the action
was being fought by Massy. Suddenly the firing ceased, and he was
informed that the enemy were advancing on Kabul, and that their
vanguard had already reached the belt of orchards and enclosures, on
the further fringe of which the smoke from our guns and the charge of
our Cavalry had been seen.
Macpherson, feeling that something serious had occurred, called on his
men to make a further effort. At 12.30 p.m., less than an hour after
we had begun to retire, he reached the ground where the fight had
taken place. The dead bodies of our officers and men, stripped and
horribly mutilated, proved how fierce had been the struggle, and
the dropping shots which came from the fortified villages in the
neighbourhood and from the ravines, warned the Brigadier-General that
some of the enemy were still in the neighbourhood. But these men, so
bold in the confidence of overwhelming numbers when attacking Massy's
Cavalry, were not prepared to withstand Macpherson's Infantry; after a
brief resistance they broke and fled in confusion, some to Indiki, but
the greater number to the shelter of the hills south of Kila Kazi, to
which place Macpherson followed them, intending to halt there for the
night. This I did not allow him to do, for, seeing the heavy odds we
had opposed to us, and that the enemy were already in possession
of the Takht-i-Shah, thus being in a position to threaten the Bala
Hissar, I sent orders to him to fall back upon Deh-i-Mazang, where he
arrived about 7 p.m.
Meanwhile, Macpherson's baggage, with a guard of the 5th Gurkhas,
commanded by Major Cook, V.C., was attacked by some Afghans, who had
remained concealed in the Paghman villages, and it would probably have
fallen into their hands, as the Gurkhas were enormously outnumbered,
but for the timely arrival of four companies of the 3rd Sikhs, under
Major Griffiths, who had been left by Macpherson to see everything
safely down the pass. Cook himself was knocked over and stunned by
a blow, while his brother in the 3rd Sikhs received a severe
bullet-wound close to his heart.
During the retirement from Bhagwana, Macgregor, my Chief of the Staff,
Durand, Badcock, and one or two other staff officers, got separated
from me and were presently overtaken by an officer (Captain Gerald
Martin), sent by Macpherson to tell Massy he was coming to his
assistance as fast as his Infantry could travel; Martin informed
Macgregor that as he rode by Bhagwana he had come across our abandoned
guns, and that there was no enemy anywhere near them. On hearing this,
Macgregor retraced his steps, and, assisted by the staff officers with
him and a few Horse Artillerymen and Lancers, and some Gurkhas of
Macpherson's baggage guard picked up on the way, he managed to rescue
the guns and bring them into Sherpur that night. They had been
stripped of all their movable parts, and the ammunition-boxes had been
emptied; otherwise they were intact, and were fit for use the next
day.
I found assembled at Deh-i-Mazang Wali Mahomed and other Sirdars, who
had been watching with considerable anxiety the issue of the fight,
for they knew if the Afghans succeeded in their endeavours to enter
Kabul, all property belonging to people supposed to be friendly to us
would be plundered and their houses destroyed. I severely upbraided
these men for having misled me as to the strength and movements of
Mahomed Jan's army, and with having failed to fulfil their engagement
to keep me in communication with Baker. They declared they had been
misinformed themselves, and were powerless in the matter. It was
difficult to believe that this was the case, and I was unwillingly
forced to the conclusion that not a single Afghan could be trusted,
however profuse he might be in his assurances of fidelity, and that we
must depend entirely on our own resources for intelligence.
I waited at Deh-i-Mazang until Macpherson arrived, and thus did not
get back to Sherpur till after dark. I was gratified on my arrival
there to find that Hugh Gough had made every arrangement that could be
desired for the defence of the cantonment, and that by his own
cool and confident bearing he had kept the troops calm and steady,
notwithstanding the untoward appearance of some fugitives from the
field of battle, whose only too evident state of alarm might otherwise
have caused a panic.
For the safety of Sherpur I never for one moment had the smallest
apprehension during that eventful day. It was, I believe, thought by
some that if Mahomed Jan, instead of trying for the city, had made for
the cantonment, it would have fallen into his hands; but they were
altogether wrong, for there were a sufficient number of men within the
walls to have prevented such a catastrophe had Mahomed Jan been in
a position to make an attack; but this, with Macpherson's brigade
immediately in his rear, he could never have dreamt of attempting.
The city of Kabul remained perfectly quiet while all the excitement
I have described was going on outside. Hills, with a few Sikhs,
patrolled the principal streets, and even when the Afghan standard
appeared on the Takht-i-Shah there was no sign of disturbance.
Nevertheless, I thought it would be wise to withdraw from the city;
I could not tell how long the people would remain well disposed,
or whether they would assist us to keep the enemy out. I therefore
directed Hills to come away and make over his charge to an influential
Kizilbash named Futteh Khan. I also telegraphed to General Bright at
Jalalabad to reinforce Gandamak by a sufficient number of troops
to hold that post in case it should be necessary to order
Brigadier-General Charles Gough, who was then occupying it, to move
his brigade nearer to Kabul; for I felt sure that, unless I could
succeed in driving Mahomed Jan out of the neighbourhood of Kabul,
excitement would certainly spread along my line of communication.
I concluded my message to Bright thus: 'If the wire should be cut,
consider it a bad sign, and push on to Gandamak, sending Gough's
Brigade towards Kabul.'
I could not help feeling somewhat depressed at the turn things had
taken. I had no news from Baker, and we had undoubtedly suffered a
reverse, which I knew only too well would give confidence to the
Afghans, who, from the footing they had now gained on the heights
above Kabul, threatened the Bala Hissar, which place, stored as it was
with powder and other material of war, I had found it necessary to
continue to occupy. Nevertheless, reviewing the incidents of the 11th
December, as I have frequently done since, with all the concomitant
circumstances deeply impressed on my memory, I have failed to discover
that any disposition of my force different from that I made could have
had better results, or that what did occur could have been averted
by greater forethought or more careful calculation on my part. Two
deviations from my programme (which probably at the time appeared
unimportant to the Commanders in question) were the principal factors
in bringing about the unfortunate occurrences of that day. Had
Macpherson marched at 7 a.m. instead of 8, and had Massy followed the
route I had arranged for him to take, Mahomed Jan must have fallen
into the trap I had prepared for him.
Our casualties on the 11th were--killed, 4 British officers, 16
British and 9 Native rank and file; wounded, 4 British officers, 1
Native officer, 20 British and 10 Native rank and file.
[Illustration: SKETCH SHOWING THE OPERATIONS IN THE CHARDEH
VALLEY ON DECEMBER 10TH AND 11TH, 1879]
[Footnote 1: Fragrance of the universe.]
[Footnote 2: Viz., Logar, Zurmat, the Mangal and Jadran districts, and
the intervening Ghilzai country.]
[Footnote 3: Kohistan.]
[Footnote 4: Maidan and Ghazni.]
[Footnote 5: Macpherson had with him the following troops: 4 guns
R.H.A.; 4 guns Mountain battery; 1 squadron 9th Lancers; 2 squadrons
14th Bengal Lancers; 401 rifles 67th Foot; 509 rifles 3rd Sikhs; 393
rifles 5th Ghurkas.]
[Footnote 6: Baker's column consisted of: 4 guns Mountain battery;
3 troops 5th Punjab Cavalry; 25 Sappers and Miners; 450 rifles 92nd
Highlanders; 450 rifles 5th Punjab Infantry.]
[Footnote 7: Now Lieutenant-General Sir William Lockhart, K.C.B.,
K.C.S.I.]
[Footnote 8: On the 11th December, the troops at and around Kabul
amounted to 6,352 men and 20 guns, which were thus disposed:
_Men._ _Guns._
Baker's column 1,325 4
Macpherson's column 1,492 4
Massy's column 351 4
At Sherpur 3,184 8
----- --
6,352 20
There were besides at Butkhak and Lataband 1,343 2
And the Guides Corps, which reached Sherpur}
on the evening of the 11th December } 679
----- --
Total 8,374 22]
[Footnote 9: The memorandum was as follows:
'Brigadier-General Massy will start at eight a.m. to-morrow with a
squadron of Cavalry, join the Cavalry and Horse Artillery now
out under Colonel Gordon, taking command thereof, and operating
towards Arghandeh in conjunction with Brigadier-General
Macpherson. The troops to return in the evening.']
[Footnote 10: Kizilbashes are Persians by nationality and Shiah
Mahomedans by religion. They formed the vanguard of Nadir Shah's
invading army, and after his death a number of them settled in Kabul
where they exercise considerable influence.]
[Footnote 11: Stewart-Mackenzie's horse was shot, and fell on him, and
he was extricated with the greatest difficulty.]
[Footnote 12: Mazr Ali was given the order of merit for his brave
action, and is now a Native officer in the regiment.]
[Footnote 13: Our Chaplain (Adams), who had accompanied me throughout
the day, behaved in this particular place with conspicuous gallantry.
Seeing a wounded man of the 9th Lancers staggering towards him,
Adams dismounted, and tried to lift the man on to his own charger.
Unfortunately, the mare, a very valuable animal, broke loose, and was
never seen again. Adams, however, managed to support the Lancer until
he was able to make him over to some of his own comrades.
Adams rejoined me in time to assist two more of the 9th who were
struggling under their horses at the bottom of the ditch. Without a
moment's hesitation, Adams jumped into the ditch. He was an unusually
powerful man, and by sheer strength dragged the Lancers clear of their
horses. The Afghans meanwhile had reached Bhagwana, and were so close
to the ditch that I thought my friend the padre could not possibly
escape. I called out to him to look after himself, but he paid no
attention to my warnings until he had pulled the almost exhausted
Lancers to the top of the slippery bank. Adams received the Victoria
Cross for his conduct on this occasion.]
[Footnote 14: These men were much impeded by their long boots and
their swords dangling between their legs; the sight, indeed, of
Cavalry soldiers trying to defend themselves on foot without a firearm
confirmed the opinion I had formed during the Mutiny, as to the
desirability for the carbine being slung on the man's back when going
into action. Lieutenant-Colonel Bushman (Colonel Cleland's successor)
curiously enough had brought with him from England a sling which
admitted of this being done, and also of the carbine being carried in
the bucket on all ordinary occasions. This pattern was adopted, and
during the remainder of the campaign the men of the 9th Lancers placed
their carbines on their backs whenever the enemy were reported to
be in sight. At the same time I authorized the adoption of an
arrangement--also brought to my notice by Colonel Bushman--by which
the sword was fastened to the saddle instead of round the man's body.
This mode of wearing the sword was for some time strenuously opposed
in this country, but its utility could not fail to be recognized, and
in 1891 an order was issued sanctioning its adoption by all mounted
troops.]
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