1879
Guiding instructions--Visit to the Bala Hissar--Yakub Khan abdicates
--The Proclamation--Administrative measures
--Explosions in the Bala Hissar
At last I was at Kabul, the place I had heard so much of from my
boy-hood, and had so often wished to see! The city lay beneath me,
with its mud-coloured buildings and its 50,000 inhabitants, covering
a considerable extent of ground. To the south-east corner of the city
appeared the Bala Hissar, picturesquely perched on a saddle just
beneath the Shahr-i-Darwaza heights, along the top of which ran
a fortified wall, enclosing the upper portion of the citadel and
extending to the Deh-i-Mazang gorge.
Kabul was reported to be perfectly quiet, and numbers of traders came
into our camp to dispose of their wares; but I forbade anyone to
enter the city until I had been able to decide upon the best means of
maintaining order amongst a population for the most part extremely
fanatical, treacherous, and vindictive.
So far our success had been complete: all opposition had been
overcome, Kabul was at our mercy, the Amir was in my camp ready to
agree to whatever I might propose, and it had been all done with
extraordinarily little loss to ourselves. Nevertheless, I felt my
difficulties were very far from being at an end--indeed, the part of
my duty still remaining to be accomplished was surrounded with far
greater difficulty, and was a source of much more anxiety to me than
the military task I had undertaken; for, with regard to the latter, I
possessed confidence in myself and my ability to perform it, whereas,
with respect to the political and diplomatic side of the question,
actual personal experience I had none, and I could only hope that
common-sense and a sense of justice would carry me through.
The instructions I had received from the Government of India were very
general in their character, for the Viceroy felt that any proceedings
must necessarily depend on the state of affairs obtaining at Kabul,
the acts and attitude of the Amir and his people, and the various
conditions impossible to foresee when the Foreign Office letter was
written to me on the 29th September. But, though general, they were
very comprehensive.
The troops were to be placed in strong and secure positions, such as
would give me complete control over the Amir's capital; any Afghan
soldiers remaining at Kabul, and the whole of the city population,
were to be disarmed; supplies were to be collected in sufficient
quantities to render my force independent in case of interruption
along the line of communication; Yakub Khan's personal safety was to
be secured, and adequate supervision maintained over his movements
and actions; a close investigation was to be instituted into all the
causes and circumstances connected with the 'totally unprovoked and
most barbarous attack by the Amir's soldiery and the people of his
capital upon the representative of an allied State, who was residing
under the Amir's protection in the Amir's fortress, in very close
proximity to the Amir himself, and whose personal safety and
honourable treatment had been solemnly guaranteed by the Ruler of
Afghanistan.'
The retribution to be exacted was to be adapted to the twofold
character of the offence, and was to be imposed upon the Afghan nation
in proportion as the offence was proved to be national, and as the
responsibility should be brought home to any particular community.
Further, the imposition of a fine, it was suggested upon the city of
Kabul 'would be in accordance with justice and precedent,' and the
demolition of fortifications and removal of buildings within range of
my defences, or which might interfere with my control over the city,
might be 'necessary as a military precaution.'
In forming my plans for the removal of obstructive buildings, I was to
consider 'whether they can be combined with any measures compatible
with justice and humanity for leaving a memorial of the retribution
exacted from the city in some manner and by some mark that will not be
easily obliterated.'
I was told that 'in regard to the punishment of individuals, it should
be swift, stern, and impressive, without being indiscriminate or
immoderate; its infliction must not be delegated to subordinate
officers of minor responsibility acting independently of your
instructions or supervision; and you cannot too vigilantly maintain
the discipline of the troops under your orders, or superintend their
treatment of the unarmed population, so long as your orders are obeyed
and your authority is unresisted. You will deal summarily in the
majority of cases with persons whose share in the murder of anyone
belonging to the British Embassy shall have been proved by your
investigations, but while the execution of justice should be as public
and striking as possible, it should be completed with all possible
expedition, since the indefinite prolongation of your proceedings
might spread abroad unfounded alarm.'
The despatch concluded with the words: 'It will probably be essential,
not only for the protection of your own camp from annoyance, but also
for the security of the well-affected population and for the general
maintenance of order, that you should assume and exercise supreme
authority in Kabul, since events have unfortunately proved that the
Amir has lost that authority, or that he has conspicuously failed to
make use of it.'
On the 10th I visited Sherpur, and the next day I went to the Bala
Hissar, and wandered over the scene of the Embassy's brave defence
and cruel end. The walls of the Residency, closely pitted with
bullet-holes, gave proof of the determined nature of the attack
and the length of the resistance. The floors were covered with
blood-stains, and amidst the embers of a fire were found a heap of
human bones. It may be imagined how British soldiers' hearts burned
within them at such a sight, and how difficult it was to suppress
feelings of hatred and animosity towards the perpetrators of such a
dastardly crime. I had a careful but unsuccessful search made for the
bodies of our ill-fated friends.
[Illustration: ENTRANCE TO THE BALA HISSAR, KABUL.
_From a photograph._]
The Bala Hissar, at one time of great strength, was now in a somewhat
dilapidated condition. It contained eighty-five guns, mortars and
howitzers, some of them of English manufacture, upwards of 250 tons of
gunpowder, stowed away in earthen vessels, many millions of Enfield
and Snider cartridges, and a large number of arms, besides quantities
of saddlery, clothing for troops, musical instruments, shot, shell,
caps, and accoutrements, and a vast amount of lead, copper and tin. It
would not have given us much trouble to storm the Bala Hissar, had we
been obliged to do so, for Artillery could have opened on it within
easy range, and there was cover for Infantry close up to the walls.
The reading of the Proclamation announcing the intentions of the
British Government with regard to the punishment of the city was
to take place in the Bala Hissar next day. The Amir had agreed to
accompany me. The leading people were invited to attend, and I had
given orders that all the troops were to take part in the procession,
so as to render as impressive as possible the ceremony, at which were
to be made known to the inhabitants of Kabul the terms imposed upon
them by the British Government. The object of my visit was to decide
how the troops might best be disposed so as to make the most imposing
display on the occasion.
I decided to detain in custody two Sirdars, Yahia Khan[1] and his
brother Zakariah Khan, the Mustaufi, and the Wazir, as these four
were Yakub Khan's principal advisers, and I was satisfied that their
influence was being used against us, and that so long as they were at
large a mine might be sprung upon me at any moment.
The Commander-in-Chief, Daud Shah, was also in the Amir's confidence;
but I determined to leave him at liberty, for, from what I could
learn, he had made an effort (not a very strong one, perhaps) to help
our unfortunate countrymen, and he had on several occasions since he
had been in my camp given me useful information; moreover, I hoped
to obtain further help from him, in which hope I was not altogether
disappointed.
As to what I ought to do with the Amir I was considerably puzzled.
Lord Lytton had urged upon me the necessity for weighing well the
advisability of prematurely breaking with him, as it was very possible
he might become a useful instrument in our hands, an eventuality which
I thoroughly understood; but I was not at all sure that Yakub Khan
would not break with me when he learnt my decision with regard to his
Ministers, and I had received more than one warning that, if he failed
to keep me from entering Kabul, he contemplated flight and a supreme
effort to raise the country against me.
Yakub Khan certainly did not deserve much consideration from us; for,
though no absolute proof was forthcoming of his having instigated the
attack upon the Embassy, he most certainly made not the slightest
effort to stop it or to save the lives of those entrusted to his
care, and throughout that terrible day showed himself to be, if not
a deliberate traitor, a despicable coward. Again, his endeavours to
delay the march of my force for the sole purpose of gaining sufficient
time to organize the destruction of the army to whose protection he
had appealed deprived him, to my mind, of the smallest claim to be
treated as an honourable ally.
My doubts as to what policy I ought to pursue with regard to Yakub
Khan were all solved by his own action on the morning of the 12th
October. He came to my tent before I was dressed, and asked for an
interview, which was, of course, accorded. The only chair I possessed
I offered to my Royal visitor, who seated himself, and then and there
announced that he had come to resign the Amirship, and that he was
only carrying out a determination made before he came to Kushi; he had
then allowed himself to be over-persuaded, but now his resolution was
fixed. His life, he said, had been most miserable, and he would rather
be a grass-cutter in the English camp than Ruler of Afghanistan; he
concluded by entreating me to allow his tent to be pitched close to
mine until he could go to India, to London, or wherever the Viceroy
might desire to send him. I placed a tent at his disposal, ordered
breakfast to be prepared for him, and begged him not to decide at
once, but think the matter over for some hours, adding that I would
see him again at ten o'clock, the hour appointed for him to accompany
me to the Bala Hissar in order that he might be present at the reading
of the Proclamation. At this time, it must be remembered, the Amir did
not know what the terms of the Proclamation were, and was entirely
ignorant of my intentions regarding his Ministers.
As arranged, I had another interview with Yakub Khan at ten o'clock,
when I found him unshaken in his resolve to abdicate, and unwilling,
under the circumstances, to be present at the ceremony which was about
to take place. He said, however, that he would send his eldest son,
and that all his Ministers should attend me. I begged him again to
reconsider the decision he had come to, and to think well over the
results to himself; but finding that he had finally[2] made up his
mind, I told His Highness I would telegraph his determination to the
Viceroy and ask for instructions; that he would not, of course, be
forced to continue to reign at Kabul against his will, but that I
would ask him to retain his title until I could receive a reply from
Simla.
At noon I proceeded to the Bala Hissar, accompanied by my staff, the
Heir-Apparent, the Ministers, and a large gathering of the chief
Sirdars of Kabul. Both sides of the road were lined with troops, of
whom I felt not a little proud that day. Notwithstanding that the duty
required of them had been severe and continuous, now that they were
required to take part in a ceremonial parade, they turned out as clean
and smart as one could wish to see them.
As the head of the procession entered the main gateway, the British
flag was run up, the bands played the National Anthem, and a salute of
thirty-one guns was fired.
On arriving at the public Hall of Audience, I dismounted, and
ascending the steps leading to it, I addressed the assembled
multitude, and read to them the following Proclamation, containing the
orders of the British Government:
'In my Proclamation dated the 3rd October, I informed the people
of Kabul that a British army was advancing to take possession of
the city, and I warned them against offering any resistance to the
entry of the troops and the authority of His Highness the Amir.
That warning has been disregarded. The force under my command has
now reached Kabul and occupied the Bala Hissar, but its advance
has been pertinaciously opposed, and the inhabitants of the city
have taken a conspicuous part in the opposition offered. They have
therefore become rebels against His Highness the Amir, and have
added to the guilt already incurred by them in abetting the
murder of the British Envoy and his companions--a treacherous and
cowardly crime which has brought indelible disgrace upon the
Afghan people. It would be but a just and fitting reward for such
misdeeds if the city of Kabul were now totally destroyed and its
very name blotted out; but the great British Government ever
desires to temper justice with mercy, and I now announce to the
inhabitants of Kabul that the full retribution for their offence
will not be exacted, and that the city will be spared.
'Nevertheless, it is necessary that they should not escape all
penalty, and, further, that the punishment inflicted should be
such as will be felt and remembered. Therefore, such portions
of the city buildings as now interfere with the proper military
occupation of the Bala Hissar, and the safety and comfort of the
British troops to be quartered in it, will be at once levelled
with the ground; and, further, a heavy fine, the amount of which
will be notified hereafter, will be imposed upon the inhabitants
of Kabul, to be paid according to their several capacities. I
further give notice to all, that, in order to provide for the
restoration and maintenance of order, the city of Kabul and the
surrounding country, to a distance of ten miles, are placed under
martial law. With the consent of His Highness the Amir, a military
Governor of Kabul will be appointed, to administer justice and
punish with a strong hand all evil-doers. The inhabitants of Kabul
and of the neighbouring villages are hereby warned to submit to
his authority.
'This punishment, inflicted upon the whole city, will not, of
course, absolve from further penalties those whose individual
guilt may be hereafter proved. A full and searching inquiry into
the circumstances of the late outbreak will be held, and all
persons convicted of having taken part in it will be dealt with
according to their deserts.
'With the view of providing effectually for the prevention of
crime and disorder, and the safety of all well-disposed persons in
Kabul, it is hereby notified that for the future the carrying of
dangerous weapons, whether swords, knives, or firearms, within the
streets of the city or within a distance of five miles from the
city gates, is forbidden. After a week from the date of this
Proclamation, any person found armed within those limits will be
liable to the penalty of death. Persons having in their possession
any articles whatsoever which formerly belonged to members of
the British Embassy are required to bring them forthwith to the
British camp. Anyone neglecting this warning will, if found
hereafter in possession of any such articles, be subject to the
severest penalties.
'Further, all persons who may have in their possession any
firearms or ammunition formerly issued to or seized by the Afghan
troops, are required to produce them. For every country-made
rifle, whether breech or muzzle loading, the sum of Rs. 3 will be
given on delivery, and for every rifle of European manufacture Rs.
5. Anyone found hereafter in possession of such weapons will be
severely punished. Finally, I notify that I will give a reward
of Rs. 50 for the surrender of any person, whether soldier or
civilian, concerned in the attack on the British Embassy, or for
such information as may lead directly to his capture. A similar
sum will be given in the case of any person who may have fought
against the British troops since the 3rd September (Shawal) last,
and therefore become a rebel against His Highness the Amir. If any
such person so surrendered or captured be a captain or subaltern
officer of the Afghan army, the reward will be increased to Rs.
75, and if a field officer to Rs. 120.'
The Afghans were evidently much relieved at the leniency of the
Proclamation, to which they listened with the greatest attention.
When I had finished reading it, I dismissed the assembly, with the
exception of the Ministers whom I had decided to make prisoners. To
them I explained that I felt it to be my duty to place them under
restraint, pending investigation into the part they had taken in the
massacre of the Embassy.
The following day I made a formal entry into the city, traversing all
its main streets, that the people might understand that it and they
were at our mercy. The Cavalry brigade headed the procession; I
followed with my staff and escort, and five battalions of Infantry
brought up the rear; there were no Artillery, for in some places the
streets were so narrow and tortuous that two men could hardly ride
abreast.
It was scarcely to be expected the citizens would give us a warm
welcome; but they were perfectly respectful, and I hoped the martial
and workmanlike appearance of the troops would have a salutary effect.
I now appointed Major-General James Hills, V.C., to be Governor of
Kabul for the time being, associating with him the able and respected
Mahomedan gentleman, Nawab Ghulam Hussein Khan, as the most likely
means of securing for the present order and good government in the
city. I further instituted two Courts--one political, consisting of
Colonel Macgregor, Surgeon-Major Bellew,[3] and Mahomed Hyat Khan, a
Mahomedan member of the Punjab Commission, and an excellent Persian
and Pushtu scholar, to inquire into the complicated circumstances
which led to the attack on the Residency, and to ascertain, if
possible, how far the Amir and his Ministers were implicated. The
other, a military Court, with Brigadier-General Massy as president,
for the trial of those Chiefs and soldiers accused of having taken
part in the actual massacre.[4]
Up to this time (the middle of October) communication with India had
been kept up by way of the Shutargardan, and I had heard nothing of
the approach of the Khyber column. It was so very necessary to open up
the Khyber route, in view of early snow on the Shutargardan, that I
arranged to send a small force towards Jalalabad, and to move the
Shutargardan garrison to Kabul, thus breaking off communication with
Kuram.
Colonel Money had beaten off another attack made by the tribesmen
on his position, but as they still threatened him in considerable
numbers, I despatched Brigadier-General Hugh Gough with some troops to
enable him to withdraw. This reinforcement arrived at a most opportune
moment, when the augmented tribal combination, imagining that the
garrison was completely at its mercy, had sent a message to Money
offering to spare their lives if they laid down their arms! So sure
were the Afghans of their triumph that they had brought 200 of
their women to witness it. On Gough's arrival, Money dispersed the
gathering, and his force left the Shutargardan, together with the
Head-Quarters and two squadrons of the 9th Lancers, which had been
ordered to join me from Sialkot, and afterwards proved a most valuable
addition to the Kabul Field Force.
I was sitting in my tent on the morning of the 16th October, when I
was startled by a most terrific explosion in the upper part of the
Bala Hissar, which was occupied by the 5th Gurkhas, while the 67th
Foot were pitched in the garden below. The gunpowder, stored in a
detached building, had somehow--we never could discover how--become
ignited, and I trembled at the thought of what would be the
consequences if the main magazine caught fire, which, with its 250
tons of gunpowder, was dangerously near to the scene of the explosion.
I at once sent orders to the Gurkhas and the 67th to clear out, and
not to wait even to bring away their tents, or anything but their
ammunition, and I did not breathe freely till they were all safe on
Siah Sang. The results of this disaster, as it was, were bad enough,
for Captain Shafto, R.A. (a very promising officer), a private of the
67th, the Subadar-Major of the 5th Gurkhas, and nineteen Natives, most
of them soldiers, lost their lives.
A second and more violent explosion took place two hours and a half
after the first, but there was no loss of life amongst the troops,
though several Afghans were killed at a distance of 400 yards from the
fort.
There was given on this occasion a very practical exemplification
of the good feeling existing between the European soldiers and the
Gurkhas. The 72nd and the 5th Gurkhas had been much associated from
the commencement of the campaign, and a spirit of _camaraderie_ had
sprung up between them, resulting in the Highlanders now coming
forward and insisting on making over their greatcoats to the little
Gurkhas for the night--a very strong proof of their friendship, for at
Kabul in October the nights are bitterly cold.
Two telegrams received about this time caused the greatest
gratification throughout the force. One was from the
Commander-in-Chief, conveying Her Majesty's expression of 'warm
satisfaction' at the conduct of the troops; the other was from the
Viceroy, expressing his 'cordial congratulations' and His Excellency's
'high appreciation of the ability with which the action was directed,
and the courage with which it was so successfully carried out.' I was
informed at the same time by Lord Lytton that, on the recommendation
of the Commander-in-Chief, I was given the local rank of
Lieutenant-General, to enable me to be placed in command of all the
troops in eastern Afghanistan, a force of 20,000 men and 46 guns, in
two divisions. The first division remained under my own immediate
command, and Major-General R. O. Bright, C.B.,[5] was appointed to the
command of the other. I was, of course very much pleased at this proof
of the confidence reposed in me.
[Footnote 1: Yahia Khan was Yakub Khan's father-in-law.]
[Footnote 2: At an interview which Major Hastings, the Political
Officer, and Mr. Durand, my Political Secretary, had with His Highness
at my request on the 23rd October, he said, referring to the subject
of the Amirship: 'I call God and the Koran to witness, and everything
a Mussulman holds sacred, that my only desire is to be set free, and
end my days in liberty. I have conceived an utter aversion for these
people. I always treated them well, and you see how they have rewarded
me. So long as I was fighting in one place or another, they liked me
well enough. Directly I became Amir, and consulted their own good by
making peace with you, they turned on me. Now I detest them all, and
long to be out of Afghanistan for ever. It is not that I am unable to
hold the country; I have held it before and could hold it again, but I
have no further wish to rule such a people, and I beg of you to let me
go. If the British Government wish me to stay, I will stay, as their
servant or as the Amir, if you like to call me so, until my son is of
an age to succeed me, or even without that condition; but it will
be wholly against my own inclination, and I earnestly beg to be set
free.']
[Footnote 3: Dr. Bellew was with the brothers Lumsden at Kandahar in
1857.]
[Footnote 4: My action in endorsing the proceedings of this court,
and my treatment of Afghans generally, were so adversely and severely
criticized by party newspapers and periodicals, and by members of the
Opposition in the House of Commons, that I was called upon for an
explanation of my conduct, which was submitted and read in both Houses
of Parliament by the Secretary of State for India, Viscount Cranbrook,
and the Under-Secretary of State for India, the Hon. E. Stanhope. In
the Parliamentary records of February, 1880, can be seen my reply to
the accusations, as well as an abstract statement of the executions
carried out at Kabul in accordance with the findings of the military
Court.]
[Footnote 5: Afterwards General Sir Robert Bright, G.C.B.]
* * * * *