CHAPTER X.

THE NATIVE PRIESTHOOD.

Their titles.--Practitioners of the healing art by supernatural

means.--Their power derived from natural magic and the exercise of

the clairvoyant and mesmeric faculties.--Examples.--Epidemic

hysteria.--Their social position.--Their duties as religious

functionaries.--Terms of admission to the Priesthood.--Inner

organization in various nations.--Their esoteric languages and

secret societies.

Thus picking painfully amid the ruins of a race gone to wreck centuries

ago, thus rejecting much foreign rubbish and scrutinizing each stone

that lies around, if we still are unable to rebuild the edifice in its

pristine symmetry and beauty, yet we can at least discern and trace the

ground plan and outlines of the fane it raised to God. Before leaving

the field to the richer returns of more fortunate workmen, it will not

be inappropriate to add a sketch of the ministers of these religions,

the servants in this temple.

Shamans, conjurers, sorcerers, medicine men, wizards, and many another

hard name have been given them, but I shall call them _priests_, for in

their poor way, as well as any other priesthood, they set up to be the

agents of the gods, and the interpreters of divinity. No tribe was so

devoid of religious sentiment as to be without them. Their power was

terrible, and their use of it unscrupulous. Neither men nor gods, death

nor life, the winds nor the waves, were beyond their control. Like Old

Men of the Sea, they have clung to the neck of their nations, throttling

all attempts at progress, binding them to the thraldom of superstition

and profligacy, dragging them down to wretchedness and death.

Christianity and civilization meet in them their most determined, most

implacable foes. But what is this but the story of priestcraft and

intolerance everywhere, which Old Spain can repeat as well as New Spain,

the white race as well as the red? Blind leaders of the blind, dupers

and duped fall into the ditch.

In their own languages they are variously called; by the Algonkins and

Dakotas, "those knowing divine things" and "dreamers of the gods"

(_manitousiou_, _wakanwacipi_); in Mexico, "masters or guardians of the

divine things" (_teopixqui_, _teotecuhtli_); in Cherokee, their title

means, "possessed of the divine fire" (_atsilung kelawhi_); in Iroquois,

"keepers of the faith" (_honundeunt_); in Quichua, "the learned"

(_amauta_); in Maya, "the listeners" (_cocome_). The popular term in

French and English of "medicine men" is not such a misnomer as might be

supposed. The noble science of medicine is connected with divinity not

only by the rudest savage but the profoundest philosopher, as has been

already adverted to. When sickness is looked upon as the effect of the

anger of a god, or as the malicious infliction of a sorcerer, it is

natural to seek help from those who assume to control the unseen world,

and influence the fiats of the Almighty. The recovery from disease is

the kindliest exhibition of divine power. Therefore the earliest canons

of medicine in India and Egypt are attributed to no less distinguished

authors than the gods Brahma and Thoth;[265-1] therefore the earliest

practitioners of the healing art are universally the ministers of

religion.

But, however creditable this origin is to medicine, its partnership with

theology was no particular advantage to it. These mystical doctors

shared the contempt still so prevalent among ourselves for a treatment

based on experiment and reason, and regarded the administration of

emetics and purgatives, baths and diuretics, with a contempt quite equal

to that of the disciples of Hahnemann. The practitioners of the rational

school formed a separate class among the Indians, and had nothing to do

with amulets, powwows, or spirits.[265-2] They were of different name

and standing, and though held in less estimation, such valuable

additions to the pharmacopoeia as guaiacum, cinchona, and ipecacuanha,

were learned from them. The priesthood scorned such ignoble means. Were

they summoned to a patient, they drowned his groans in a barbarous

clangor of instruments in order to fright away the demon that possessed

him; they sucked and blew upon the diseased organ, they sprinkled him

with water, and catching it again threw it on the ground, thus drowning

out the disease; they rubbed the part with their hands, and exhibiting a

bone or splinter asserted that they drew it from the body, and that it

had been the cause of the malady, they manufactured a little image to

represent the spirit of sickness, and spitefully knocked it to pieces,

thus vicariously destroying its prototype; they sang doleful and

monotonous chants at the top of their voices, screwed their

countenances into hideous grimaces, twisted their bodies into unheard of

contortions, and by all accounts did their utmost to merit the

honorarium they demanded for their services. A double motive spurred

them to spare no pains. For if they failed, not only was their

reputation gone, but the next expert called in was likely enough to

hint, with that urbanity so traditional in the profession, that the

illness was in fact caused or much increased by the antagonistic nature

of the remedies previously employed, whereupon the chances were that the

doctor's life fell into greater jeopardy than that of his quondam

patient.

Considering the probable result of this treatment, we may be allowed to

doubt whether it redounded on the whole very much to the honor of the

fraternity. Their strong points are rather to be looked for in the real

knowledge gained by a solitary and reflective life, by an earnest study

of the appearances of nature, and of those hints and forest signs which

are wholly lost on the white man and beyond the ordinary insight of a

native. Travellers often tell of changes of the weather predicted by

them with astonishing foresight, and of information of singular accuracy

and extent gleaned from most meagre materials. There is nothing in this

to shock our sense of probability--much to elevate our opinion of the

native sagacity. They were also adepts in tricks of sleight of hand, and

had no mean acquaintance with what is called natural magic. They would

allow themselves to be tied hand and foot with knots innumerable, and at

a sign would shake them loose as so many wisps of straw; they would spit

fire and swallow hot coals, pick glowing stones from the flames, walk

naked through a fire, and plunge their arms to the shoulder in kettles

of boiling water with apparent impunity.[267-1] Nor was this all. With a

skill not inferior to that of the jugglers of India, they could plunge

knives into vital parts, vomit blood, or kill one another out and out to

all appearances, and yet in a few minutes be as well as ever; they could

set fire to articles of clothing and even houses, and by a touch of

their magic restore them instantly as perfect as before.[267-2] If it

were not within our power to see most of these miracles performed any

night in one of our great cities by a well dressed professional, we

would at once deny their possibility. As it is, they astonish us only

too little.

One of the most peculiar and characteristic exhibitions of their power,

was to summon a spirit to answer inquiries concerning the future and the

absent. A great similarity marked this proceeding in all northern tribes

from the Eskimos to the Mexicans. A circular or conical lodge of stout

poles four or eight in number planted firmly in the ground, was covered

with skins or mats, a small aperture only being left for the seer to

enter. Once in, he carefully closed the hole and commenced his

incantations. Soon the lodge trembles, the strong poles shake and bend

as with the united strength of a dozen men, and strange, unearthly

sounds, now far aloft in the air, now deep in the ground, anon

approaching near and nearer, reach the ears of the spectators. At length

the priest announces that the spirit is present, and is prepared to

answer questions. An indispensable preliminary to any inquiry is to

insert a handful of tobacco, or a string of beads, or some such douceur

under the skins, ostensibly for the behoof of the celestial visitor, who

would seem not to be above earthly wants and vanities. The replies

received, though occasionally singularly clear and correct, are usually

of that profoundly ambiguous purport which leaves the anxious inquirer

little wiser than he was before. For all this, ventriloquism, trickery,

and shrewd knavery are sufficient explanations. Nor does it materially

interfere with this view, that converted Indians, on whose veracity we

can implicitly rely, have repeatedly averred that in performing this

rite they themselves did not move the medicine lodge; for nothing is

easier than in the state of nervous excitement they were then in to be

self-deceived, as the now familiar phenomenon of table-turning

illustrates.

But there is something more than these vulgar arts now and then to be

perceived. There are statements supported by unquestionable testimony,

which ought not to be passed over in silence, and yet I cannot but

approach them with hesitation. They are so revolting to the laws of

exact science, so alien, I had almost said, to the experience of our

lives. Yet is this true, or are such experiences only ignored and put

aside without serious consideration? Are there not in the history of

each of us passages which strike our retrospective thought with awe,

almost with terror? Are there not in nearly every community individuals

who possess a mysterious power, concerning whose origin, mode of action,

and limits, we and they are alike in the dark? I refer to such organic

forces as are popularly summed up under the words clairvoyance,

mesmerism, rhabdomancy, animal magnetism, physical spiritualism.

Civilized thousands stake their faith and hope here and hereafter, on

the truths of these manifestations; rational medicine recognizes their

existence, and while it attributes them to morbid and exceptional

influences, confesses its want of more exact knowledge, and refrains

from barren theorizing. Let us follow her example, and hold it enough to

show that such powers, whatever they are, were known to the native

priesthood as well as the modern spiritualists, and the miracle mongers

of the Middle Ages.

Their highest development is what our ancestors called "second sight."

That under certain conditions knowledge can pass from one mind to

another otherwise than through the ordinary channels of the senses, is

familiarly shown by the examples of persons _en rapport_. The limit to

this we do not know, but it is not unlikely that clairvoyance or second

sight is based upon it. In his autobiography, the celebrated Sac chief

Black Hawk, relates that his great grandfather "was inspired by a belief

that at the end of four years, he should see a white man, who would be

to him a father." Under the direction of this vision he travelled

eastward to a certain spot, and there, as he was forewarned, met a

Frenchman, through whom the nation was brought into alliance with

France.[269-1] No one at all versed in the Indian character will doubt

the implicit faith with which this legend was told and heard. But we may

be pardoned our scepticism, seeing there are so many chances of error.

It is not so with an anecdote related by Captain Jonathan Carver, a

cool-headed English trader, whose little book of travels is an

unquestioned authority. In 1767, he was among the Killistenoes at a time

when they were in great straits for food, and depending upon the arrival

of the traders to rescue them from starvation. They persuaded the chief

priest to consult the divinities as to when the relief would arrive.

After the usual preliminaries, this magnate announced that next day,

precisely when the sun reached the zenith, a canoe would arrive with

further tidings. At the appointed hour the whole village, together with

the incredulous Englishman, was on the beach, and sure enough, at the

minute specified, a canoe swung round a distant point of land, and

rapidly approaching the shore brought the expected news.[270-1]

Charlevoix is nearly as trustworthy a writer as Carver. Yet he

deliberately relates an equally singular instance.[270-2]

But these examples are surpassed by one described in the _Atlantic

Monthly_ of July, 1866, the author of which, John Mason Brown, Esq., has

assured me of its accuracy in every particular. Some years since, at the

head of a party of voyageurs, he set forth in search of a band of

Indians somewhere on the vast plains along the tributaries of the

Copper-mine and Mackenzie rivers. Danger, disappointment, and the

fatigues of the road, induced one after another to turn back, until of

the original ten only three remained. They also were on the point of

giving up the apparently hopeless quest, when they were met by some

warriors of the very band they were seeking. These had been sent out by

one of their medicine men to find three whites, whose horses, arms,

attire, and personal appearance he minutely described, which description

was repeated to Mr. Brown by the warriors before they saw his two

companions. When afterwards, the priest, a frank and simple-minded man,

was asked to explain this extraordinary occurrence, he could offer no

other explanation than that "he saw them coming, and heard them talk on

their journey."[271-1]

Many tales such as these have been recorded by travellers, and however

much they may shock our sense of probability, as well-authenticated

exhibitions of a power which sways the Indian mind, and which has ever

prejudiced it so unchangeably against Christianity and civilization,

they cannot be disregarded. Whether they too are but specimens of

refined knavery, whether they are instigations of the Devil, or whether

they must be classed with other facts as illustrating certain obscure

and curious mental faculties, each may decide as the bent of his mind

inclines him, for science makes no decision.

Those nervous conditions associated with the name of Mesmer were nothing

new to the Indian magicians. Rubbing and stroking the sick, and the

laying on of hands, were very common parts of their clinical procedures,

and at the initiations to their societies they were frequently

exhibited. Observers have related that among the Nez Perces of Oregon,

the novice was put to sleep by songs, incantations, and "certain passes

of the hand," and that with the Dakotas he would be struck lightly on

the breast at a preconcerted moment, and instantly "would drop prostrate

on his face, his muscles rigid and quivering in every fibre."[272-1]

There is no occasion to suppose deceit in this. It finds its parallel in

every race and every age, and rests on a characteristic trait of certain

epochs and certain men, which leads them to seek the divine, not in

thoughtful contemplation on the laws of the universe and the facts of

self-consciousness, but in an entire immolation of the latter, a sinking

of their own individuality in that of the spirits whose alliance they

seek. This is an outgrowth of that ignoring of the universality of Law,

which belongs to the lower stages of enlightenment.[273-1] And as this

is never done with impunity, but with iron certainty brings its

punishment with it, the study of the mental conditions thus evoked, and

the results which follow them, offers a salutary subject of reflection

to the theologian as well as the physician. For these examples of

nervous pathology are identical in kind, and alike in consequences,

whether witnessed in the primitive forests of the New World, among the

convulsionists of St. Medard, or in the excited scenes of a religious

revival in one of our own churches.

Sleeplessness and abstemiousness, carried to the utmost verge of human

endurance--seclusion, and the pertinacious fixing of the mind on one

subject--obstinate gloating on some morbid fancy, rarely failed to bring

about hallucinations with all the garb of reality. Physicians are well

aware that the more frequently these diseased conditions of the mind are

sought, the more readily they are found. Then, again, they were often

induced by intoxicating and narcotic herbs. Tobacco, the maguey, coca;

in California the chucuaco; among the Mexicans the snake plant,

ollinhiqui or coaxihuitl; and among the southern tribes of our own

country the cassine yupon and iris versicolor,[273-2] were used; and, it

is even said, were cultivated for this purpose. The seer must work

himself up to a prophetic fury, or speechless lie in apparent death

before the mind of the gods would be opened to him. Trance and ecstasy

were the two avenues he knew to divinity; fasting and seclusion the

means employed to discover them. His ideal was of a prophet who dwelt

far from men, without need of food, in constant communion with divinity.

Such an one, in the legends of the Tupis, resided on a mountain

glittering with gold and silver, near the river Uaupe, his only

companion a dog, his only occupation dreaming of the gods. When,

however, an eclipse was near, his dog would bark; and then, taking the

form of a bird, he would fly over the villages, and learn the changes

that had taken place.[274-1]

But man cannot trample with impunity on the laws of his physical life,

and the consequences of these deprivations and morbid excitements of the

brain show themselves in terrible pictures. Not unfrequently they were

carried to the pitch of raving mania, reminding one of the worst forms

of the Berserker fury of the Scandinavians, or the Bacchic rage of

Greece. The enthusiast, maddened with the fancies of a disordered

intellect, would start forth from his seclusion in an access of demoniac

frenzy. Then woe to the dog, the child, the slave, or the woman who

crossed his path; for nothing but blood could satisfy his inappeasable

craving, and they fell instant victims to his madness. But were it a

strong man, he bared his arm, and let the frenzied hermit bury his teeth

in the quivering flesh. Such is a scene at this day not uncommon on the

northwest coast, and few of the natives around Milbank Sound are without

the scars the result of this horrid custom.[275-1]

This frenzy, terrible enough in individuals, had its most disastrous

effects when with that peculiar facility of contagion which marks

hysterical maladies, it swept through whole villages, transforming them

into bedlams filled with unrestrained madmen. Those who have studied the

strange and terrible mental epidemics that visited Europe in the middle

ages, such as the tarantula dance of Apulia, the chorea Germanorum, and

the great St. Vitus' dance, will be prepared to appreciate the nature of

a scene at a Huron village, described by Father le Jeune in 1639. A

festival of three days and three nights had been in progress to relieve

a woman who, from the description, seems to have been suffering from

some obscure nervous complaint. Toward the close of this vigil, which

throughout was marked by all sorts of debaucheries and excesses, all the

participants seemed suddenly seized by ten thousand devils. They ran

howling and shrieking through the town, breaking everything destructible

in the cabins, killing dogs, beating the women and children, tearing

their garments, and scattering the fires in every direction with bare

hands and feet. Some of them dropped senseless, to remain long or

permanently insane, but the others continued until worn out with

exhaustion. The Father learned that during these orgies not unfrequently

whole villages were consumed, and the total extirpation of some families

had resulted. No wonder that he saw in them the diabolical workings of

the prince of evil, but the physician is rather inclined to class them

with those cases of epidemic hysteria, the common products of violent

and ill-directed mental stimuli.[276-1]

These various considerations prove beyond a doubt that the power of the

priesthood did by no means rest exclusively on deception. They indorse

and explain the assertions of converted natives, that their power as

prophets was something real, and entirely inexplicable to themselves.

And they make it easily understood how those missionaries failed who

attempted to persuade them that all this boasted power was false. More

correct views than these ought to have been suggested by the facts

themselves, for it is indisputable that these magicians did not

hesitate at times to test their strength on each other. In these strange

duels _a l'outrance_, one would be seated opposite his antagonist,

surrounded with the mysterious emblems of his craft, and call upon his

gods one after another to strike his enemy dead. Sometimes one,

"gathering his medicine," as it was termed, feeling within himself that

hidden force of will which makes itself acknowledged even without words,

would rise in his might, and in a loud and severe voice command his

opponent to die! Straightway the latter would drop dead, or yielding in

craven fear to a superior volition, forsake the implements of his art,

and with an awful terror at his heart, creep to his lodge, refuse all

nourishment, and presently perish. Still more terrible was the tyranny

they exerted on the superstitious minds of the masses. Let an Indian

once be possessed of the idea that he is bewitched, and he will probably

reject all food, and sink under the phantoms of his own fancy.

How deep the superstitious veneration of these men has struck its roots

in the soul of the Indian, it is difficult for civilized minds to

conceive. Their power is currently supposed to be without any bounds,

"extending to the raising of the dead and the control of all laws of

nature."[277-1] The grave offers no escape from their omnipotent arms.

The Sacs and Foxes, Algonkin tribes, think that the soul cannot leave

the corpse until set free by the medicine men at their great annual

feast;[277-2] and the Puelches of Buenos Ayres guard a profound silence

as they pass by the tomb of some redoubted necromancer, lest they should

disturb his repose, and suffer from his malignant skill.[278-1]

While thus investigating their real and supposed power over the physical

and mental world, their strictly priestly functions, as performers of

the rites of religion, have not been touched upon. Among the ruder

tribes these, indeed, were of the most rudimentary character.

Sacrifices, chiefly in the form of feasts, where every one crammed to

his utmost, dances, often winding up with the wildest scenes of

licentiousness, the repetition of long and monotonous chants, the making

of the new fire, these are the ceremonies that satisfy the religious

wants of savages. The priest finds a further sphere for his activity in

manufacturing and consecrating amulets to keep off ill luck, in

interpreting dreams, and especially in lifting the veil of the future.

In Peru, for example, they were divided into classes, who made the

various means of divination specialties. Some caused the idols to speak,

others derived their foreknowledge from words spoken by the dead, others

predicted by leaves of tobacco or the grains and juice of cocoa, while

to still other classes, the shapes of grains of maize taken at random,

the appearance of animal excrement, the forms assumed by the smoke

rising from burning victims, the entrails and viscera of animals, the

course taken by a certain species of spider, the visions seen in

drunkeness,[TN-16] the flights of birds, and the directions in which

fruits would fall, all offered so many separate fields of

prognostication, the professors of which were distinguished by different

ranks and titles.[279-1]

As the intellectual force of the nation was chiefly centred in this

class, they became the acknowledged depositaries of its sacred legends,

the instructors in the art of preserving thought; and from their duty to

regulate festivals, sprang the observation of the motions of the

heavenly bodies, the adjustment of the calendars, and the pseudo-science

of judicial astrology. The latter was carried to as subtle a pitch of

refinement in Mexico as in the old world; and large portions of the

ancient writers are taken up with explaining the method adopted by the

native astrologers to cast the horoscope, and reckon the nativity of the

newly-born infant.

How was this superior power obtained? What were the terms of admission

to this privileged class? In the ruder communities the power was

strictly personal. It was revealed to its possessor by the character of

the visions he perceived at the ordeal he passed through on arriving at

puberty; and by the northern nations was said to be the manifestation of

a more potent personal spirit than ordinary. It was not a faculty, but

an inspiration; not an inborn strength, but a spiritual gift. The

curious theory of the Dakotas, as recorded by the Rev. Mr. Pond, was

that the necromant first wakes to consciousness as a winged seed, wafted

hither and thither by the intelligent action of the Four Winds. In this

form he visits the homes of the different classes of divinities, and

learns the chants, feasts, and dances, which it is proper for the human

race to observe, the art of omnipresence or clairvoyance, the means of

inflicting and healing diseases, and the occult secrets of nature, man,

and divinity. This is called "dreaming of the gods." When this

instruction is completed, the seed enters one about to become a mother,

assumes human form, and in due time manifests his powers. _Four_ such

incarnations await it, each of increasing might, and then the spirit

returns to its original nothingness. The same necessity of death and

resurrection was entertained by the Eskimos. To become of the highest

order of priests, it was supposed requisite, says Bishop Egede, that one

of the lower order should be drowned and eaten by sea monsters. Then,

when his bones, one after another, were all washed ashore, his spirit,

which meanwhile had been learning the secrets of the invisible world,

would return to them, and, clothed in flesh, he would go back to his

tribe. At other times a vague and indescribable longing seizes a young

person, a morbid appetite possesses them, or they fall a prey to an

inappeasable and aimless restlessness, or a causeless melancholy. These

signs the old priests recognize as the expression of a personal spirit

of the higher order. They take charge of the youth, and educate him to

the mysteries of their craft. For months or years he is condemned to

entire seclusion, receiving no visits but from the brethren of his

order. At length he is initiated with ceremonies of more or less pomp

into the brotherhood, and from that time assumes that gravity of

demeanor, sententious style of expression, and general air of mystery

and importance, everywhere deemed so eminently becoming in a doctor and

a priest. A peculiarity of the Moxos was, that they thought none

designated for the office but such as had escaped from the claws of the

South American tiger, which, indeed, it is said they worshipped as a

god.[281-1]

Occasionally, in very uncultivated tribes, some family or totem claimed

a monopoly of the priesthood. Thus, among the Nez Perces of Oregon, it

was transmitted in one family from father to son and daughter, but

always with the proviso that the children at the proper age reported

dreams of a satisfactory character.[281-2] Perhaps alone of the Algonkin

tribes the Shawnees confined it to one totem, but it is remarkable that

the greatest of their prophets, Elskataway, brother of Tecumseh, was not

a member of this clan. From the most remote times, the Cherokees have

had one family set apart for the priestly office. This was when first

known to the whites that of the Nicotani, but its members, puffed up

with pride and insolence, abused their birthright so shamefully, and

prostituted it so flagrantly to their own advantage, that with savage

justice they were massacred to the last man. Another was appointed in

their place who to this day officiates in all religious rites. They

have, however, the superstition, possibly borrowed from Europeans, that

the _seventh_ son is a natural born prophet, with the gift of healing by

touch.[281-3] Adair states that their former neighbors, the Choctaws,

permitted the office of high priest, or Great Beloved Man, to remain in

one family, passing from father to eldest son, and the very influential

_piaches_ of the Carib tribes very generally transmitted their rank and

position to their children.

In ancient Anahuac the prelacy was as systematic and its rules as well

defined, as in the Church of Rome. Except those in the service of

Huitzilopochtli, and perhaps a few other gods, none obtained the

priestly office by right of descent, but were dedicated to it from early

childhood. Their education was completed at the _Calmecac_, a sort of

ecclesiastical college, where instruction was given in all the wisdom of

the ancients, and the esoteric lore of their craft. The art of mixing

colors and tracing designs, the ideographic writing and phonetic

hieroglyphs, the songs and prayers used in public worship, the national

traditions and the principles of astrology, the hidden meaning of

symbols and the use of musical instruments, all formed parts of the

really extensive course of instruction they there received. When they

manifested a satisfactory acquaintance with this curriculum, they were

appointed by their superiors to such positions as their natural talents

and the use they had made of them qualified them for, some to instruct

children, others to the service of the temples, and others again to take

charge of what we may call country parishes. Implicit subordination of

all to the high priest of Huitzilopochtli, hereditary _pontifex

maximus_, chastity, or at least temperate indulgence in pleasure,

gravity of carriage, and strict attention to duty, were laws laid upon

all.

The state religion of Peru was conducted under the supervision of a

high priest of the Inca family, and its ministers, as in Mexico, could

be of either sex, and hold office either by inheritance, education, or

election. For political reasons, the most important posts were usually

enjoyed by relatives of the ruler, but this was usage, not law. It is

stated by Garcilasso de la Vega[283-1] that they served in the temples

by turns, each being on duty the fourth of a lunar month at a time. Were

this substantiated it would offer the only example of the regulation of

public life by a week of seven days to be found in the New World.

In every country there is perceptible a desire in this class of men to

surround themselves with mystery, and to concentrate and increase their

power by forming an intimate alliance among themselves. They affected

singularity in dress and a professional costume. Bartram describes the

junior priests of the Creeks as dressed in white robes and carrying on

their head or arm "a great owlskin, stuffed very ingeniously, as an

insignia of wisdom and divination. These bachelors are also

distinguishable from the other people by their taciturnity, grave and

solemn countenance, dignified step, and singing to themselves songs or

hymns, in a low sweet voice, as they stroll about the towns."[283-2] The

priests of the civilized nations adopted various modes of dress to

typify the divinity which they served, and their appearance was often in

the highest degree unprepossessing.

To add to their self-importance they pretended to converse in a tongue

different from that used in ordinary life, and the chants containing

the prayers and legends were often in this esoteric dialect. Fragments

of one or two of these have floated down to us from the Aztec

priesthood. The travellers Balboa and Coreal, mention that the temple

services of Peru were conducted in a language not understood by the

masses,[284-1] and the incantations of the priests of Powhatan were not

in ordinary Algonkin, but some obscure jargon.[284-2] The same

peculiarity has been observed among the Dakotas and Eskimos, and in

these nations, fortunately, it fell under the notice of competent

linguistic scholars, who have submitted it to a searching examination.

The results of their labors prove that certainly in these two instances

the supposed foreign tongues were nothing more than the ordinary

dialects of the country modified by an affected accentuation, by the

introduction of a few cabalistic terms, and by the use of descriptive

circumlocutions and figurative words in place of ordinary expressions, a

slang, in short, such as rascals and pedants invariably coin whenever

they associate.[285-1]

All these stratagems were intended to shroud with impenetrable secrecy

the mysteries of the brotherhood. With the same motive, the priests

formed societies of different grades of illumination, only to be entered

by those willing to undergo trying ordeals, whose secrets were not to be

revealed under the severest penalties. The Algonkins had three such

grades, the _waubeno_, the _meda_, and the _jossakeed_, the last being

the highest. To this no white man was ever admitted. All tribes appear

to have been controlled by these secret societies. Alexander von

Humboldt mentions one, called that of the Botuto or Holy Trumpet, among

the Indians of the Orinoko, whose members must vow celibacy and submit

to severe scourgings and fasts. The Collahuayas of Peru were a guild of

itinerant quacks and magicians, who never remained permanently in one

spot.

Withal, there was no class of persons who so widely and deeply

influenced the culture and shaped the destiny of the Indian tribes, as

their priests. In attempting to gain a true conception of the race's

capacities and history, there is no one element of their social life

which demands closer attention than the power of these teachers.

Hitherto, they have been spoken of with a contempt which I hope this

chapter shows is unjustifiable. However much we may deplore the use they

made of their skill, we must estimate it fairly, and grant it its due

weight in measuring the influence of the religious sentiment on the

history of man.

FOOTNOTES:

[265-1] Haeser, _Geschichte der Medicin_, pp. 4, 7: Jena, 1845.

[265-2] Schoolcraft, _Ind. Tribes_, v. p. 440.

[267-1] Carver, _Travels in North America_, p. 73: Boston, 1802;

_Narrative of John Tanner_, p. 135.

[267-2] Sahagun, _Hist. de la Nueva Espana_, lib. x. cap. 20; _Le Livre

Sacre des Quiches_, p. 177; _Lett. sur les Superstit. du Perou_, pp. 89,

91.

[269-1] _Life of Black Hawk_, p. 13.

[270-1] _Travs. in North America_, p. 74.

[270-2] _Journal Historique_, p. 362.

[271-1] Sometimes facts like this can be explained by the quickness of

perception acquired by constant exposure to danger. The mind takes

cognizance unconsciously of trifling incidents, the sum of which leads it

to a conviction which the individual regards almost as an inspiration.

This is the explanation of _presentiments_. But this does not apply to

cases like that of Swedenborg, who described a conflagration going on at

Stockholm, when he was at Gottenberg, three hundred miles away.

Psychologists who scorn any method of studying the mind but through

physiology, are at a loss in such cases, and take refuge in refusing them

credence. Theologians call them inspirations either of devils or angels,

as they happen to agree or disagree in religious views with the person

experiencing them. True science reserves its opinion until further

observation enlightens it.

[272-1] Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iii. p. 287; v. p. 652.

[273-1] "The progress from deepest ignorance to highest enlightenment,"

remarks Herbert Spencer in his _Social Statics_, "is a progress from

entire unconsciousness of law, to the conviction that law is universal

and inevitable."

[273-2] The Creeks had, according to Hawkins, not less than seven sacred

plants; chief of them were the cassine yupon, called by botanists _Ilex

vomitoria_, or _Ilex cassina_, of the natural order Aquifoliaceae; and the

blue flag, _Iris versicolor_, natural order Iridaceae. The former is a

powerful diuretic and mild emetic, and grows only near the sea. The

latter is an active emeto-cathartic, and is abundant on swampy grounds

throughout the Southern States. From it was formed the celebrated "black

drink," with which they opened their councils, and which served them in

place of spirits.

[274-1] Martius, _Von dem Rechtzustande unter den Ureinwohnern

Brasiliens_, p. 32.

[275-1] Mr. Anderson, in the _Am. Hist. Mag._, vii. p. 79.

[276-1] Such spectacles were nothing uncommon. They are frequently

mentioned in the Jesuit Relations, and they were the chief obstacles to

missionary labor. In the debauches and excesses that excited these

temporary manias, in the recklessness of life and property they fostered,

and in their disastrous effects on mind and body, are depicted more than

in any other one trait the thorough depravity of the race and its

tendency to ruin. In the quaint words of one of the Catholic fathers, "If

the old proverb is true that every man has a grain of madness in his

composition, it must be confessed that this is a people where each has at

least half an ounce" (De Quen, _Rel. de la Nouv. France_, 1656, p. 27).

For the instance in the text see _Rel. de la Nouv. France_, An 1639, pp.

88-94.

[277-1] Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, v. p. 423.

[277-2] J. M. Stanley, in the _Smithsonian Miscellaneous Contributions_,

ii. p. 38.

[278-1] D'Orbigny, _L'Homme Americain_, ii. p. 81.

[279-1] See Balboa, _Hist. du Perou_, pp. 28-30.

[281-1] D'Orbigny, _L'Homme Americain_, ii. p. 235.

[281-2] Schoolcraft, _Ind. Tribes_, v. p. 652.

[281-3] Dr. Mac Gowan, in the _Amer. Hist. Mag._, x. p. 139; Whipple,

_Rep. on the Ind. Tribes_, p. 35.

[283-1] _Hist. des Incas_, lib. iii. ch. 22.

[283-2] _Travels in the Carolinas_, p. 504.

[284-1] _Hist. du Perou_, p. 128; _Voiages aux Indes Occidentales_, ii.

p. 97.

[284-2] Beverly, _Hist. de la Virginie_, p. 266. The dialect he specifies

is "celle d'Occaniches," and on page 252 he says, "On dit que la langue

universelle des Indiens de ces Quartiers est celle des _Occaniches_,

quoiqu'ils ne soient qu'une petite Nation, depuis que les Anglois

connoissent ce Pais; mais je ne sais pas la difference qui'l y a entre

cette langue et celle des Algonkins." (French trans., Orleans, 1707.)

This is undoubtedly the same people that Johannes Lederer, a German

traveller, visited in 1670, and calls _Akenatzi_. They dwelt on an

island, in a branch of the Chowan River, the Sapona, or Deep River

(Lederer's _Discovery of North America_, in Harris, Voyages, p. 20).

Thirty years later the English surveyor, Lawson, found them in the same

spot, and speaks of them as the _Acanechos_ (see _Am. Hist. Mag._, i. p.

163). Their totem was that of the serpent, and their name is not

altogether unlike the Tuscarora name of this animal _usquauhne_. As the

serpent was so widely a sacred animal, this gives Beverly's remarks an

unusual significance. It by no means follows from this name that they

were of Iroquois descent. Lederer travelled with a Tuscarora (Iroquois)

interpreter, who gave them their name in his own tongue. On the contrary,

it is extremely probable that they were an Algonkin totem, which had the

exclusive right to the priesthood.

[285-1] Riggs, _Gram. and Dict. of the Dakota_, p. ix; Kane, _Second

Grinnell Expedition_, ii. p. 127. Paul Egede gives a number of words and

expressions in the dialect of the sorcerers, _Nachrichten von Groenland_,

p. 122.

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