[Transcriber's Notes: Bold text is marked as =text=; italic text
is marked as _text_. A caron over an r is rendered as [vr],
e.g., Dvo[vr]ák. An acute accent over a capital S is rendered as
['S], e.g., ['S]akuntalá. German quotation marks are rendered as
guillemets, e.g., »text«. Obvious printer errors have been corrected
without note. Images and sound files for the music examples are
available in the HTML version of this e-book.]
The Evolution
OF
Modern Orchestration
BY
LOUIS ADOLPHE COERNE, PH.D.
[Illustration]
New York
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1908
_All rights reserved_
COPYRIGHT, 1908,
BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
Set up and electrotyped. Published September 1908
Stanhope Press
F.H. GILSON COMPANY
BOSTON, U.S.A.
CONTENTS
PART I.--PRELIMINARIES.
PAGE
PREFACE v
INTRODUCTORY NOTE vii
CHAPTER I. THE CRADLE OF INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.
(HISTORICAL REVIEW.) 1
" II. THE DAWN OF INDEPENDENT INSTRUMENTATION 5
" III. EVOLUTION OF MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 8
" IV. BEGINNINGS OF ORCHESTRATION 16
SUMMARY OF PART I 26
PART II.--THE CLASSIC ERA.
CHAPTER V. BACH, HÄNDEL, AND THEIR CONTEMPORARIES 28
" VI. GLUCK AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES 38
" VII. HAYDN, MOZART, AND BEETHOVEN 47
" VIII. THE CONTEMPORARIES OF BEETHOVEN 58
SUMMARY OF PART II 68
PART III.--ROMANTICISM.
CHAPTER IX. THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL 70
" X. THE CLASSICAL ROMANTICISTS 81
" XI. THE NEW MOVEMENT 89
" XII. FRANCE AND ITALY 125
" XIII. HUNGARY AND BOHEMIA 145
" " SCANDINAVIA AND RUSSIA 148
" " ENGLAND AND AMERICA 157
SUMMARY OF PART III 175
CONCLUSION 183
APPENDIX OF MUSICAL ILLUSTRATIONS 189
INDEX 277
PREFACE
It is not the purpose of this work to write a treatise on
instrumentation or to prepare a pedagogical analysis of orchestration
only, but rather to trace the evolution of the orchestra and of
orchestration in connection with the history of music proper. Special
emphasis will be laid upon what may be termed the IMPELLING FORCES to
which the development of orchestration is due. This necessitates a
considerable repetition of familiar facts that do not lend themselves
to further original treatment. The restatement of such facts,
however, would seem to form an indispensable background for the main
theme, which is thereby exposed with all its attending phases of
logical evolution.
In addition to extended studies of orchestral scores themselves,
the standard works of Berlioz, Gevaërt, Riemann, Parry, and others
have, as a matter of course, been referred to. The subject under
discussion has already been admirably handled by Lavoix in his
voluminous work entitled "Histoire de L'Instrumentation," but it was
unquestionably done through French glasses, and the scores of not one
German romanticist are submitted to careful analysis beyond those of
Weber and Wagner. "Parsifal" had not been produced at the time when
Lavoix's book went to press, nor had such representative composers
as Brahms, Saint-Saëns, Tschaikowsky, Dvo[vr]ák then won their full
meed of recognition. It is obvious, therefore, that the orchestration
especially of the nineteenth century offers a fertile field for
further profitable research. Again, the present writer is not aware
of the existence of any comprehensive work in the English language
upon the _history_ of the orchestra and of orchestration.
Throughout these pages the achievements of the more prominent
composers are set forth in such manner as to indicate not only
the distinctive features of their orchestration but of their
general creative ability as well. In each case, the general
style of composition and its significance as a contribution to
musical literature are first enlarged upon. This is followed by an
examination of the differentiated treatment of the strings, the wood,
the brass, presented in logical sequence. A final analysis is then
made of the individual method of orchestration as a whole, together
with its relative value in the evolution of orchestration.
In the Appendix to this book will be found a few musical
illustrations selected from representative orchestral scores.
LOUIS ADOLPHE COERNE.
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS, U.S.A.
_April_ 30, 1905.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
It was inevitable that in an age marked like the present by
specialization in all the arts and in all branches of learning as
well, the need would one day be felt of a history of orchestration.
In attempting to supply it with this book Dr. Coerne has filled a
want in English musical literature. Of treatises devoted to the
art of writing for the orchestra there is no lack. Berlioz, the
greatest master of the art before Wagner, wrote such a treatise,
which while it was still looked upon as in many respects a model, was
revised and brought down to date by Richard Strauss; but invaluable
as this treatise is and as are the more voluminous treatises of
the Belgian Gevaërt, the German Hofmann and the Englishman Prout,
they are after all study-books for the creative musician, and only
by laborious comparison of their illustrative examples, or the
scores of composers, can the historical inquirer learn aught of the
evolution of the art to which they are devoted. Even then his view
is restricted, practically, to the music composed since the closing
decades of the eighteenth century. The explanation of this fact is
that while the art of music is always spoken of as young in the
handbooks, that of orchestration is much younger. The student of
orchestration, say the teachers, can derive little benefit from a
study of scores older than those of Haydn and Mozart because some of
the instruments of their predecessors are obsolete and so is their
manner of writing for the instruments still in use. This, however,
brings small comfort to the historical investigator who is quite
as desirous to know what the orchestra was like prior to Haydn and
Mozart, and the Mannheim symphonists, as he is to learn the steps
by which it reached its present marvellous efficiency. It is the
help which it extends in this direction which makes the "Histoire de
L'Instrumentation" of M. Lavoix, to which our author acknowledges
indebtedness, valuable; but that work is accessible only to students
who have knowledge of the French language.
Moreover, there are interesting signs of a return to some of the
orchestral instruments which had fallen into disuse when the modern
art of orchestration came into existence. It is not only a pious
regard and reverence for Bach and Händel, especially the former,
which is prompting conductors when performing their works to restore
instruments to the orchestra which were considered hopelessly
obsolete only a few decades ago, but also a growing appreciation of
the fact that modern substitutes for them have largely failed of
their mission. Two facts of large importance confront the careful
observer of musical phenomena to-day: the art of composition has
reached that degree of technical perfection, or high virtuoso-ship
which in the history of all the arts introduces a decay of true
creativeness. We have, therefore, on the one hand excessive
admiration for technique _per se_, and on the other a growing
reaction towards old ideals. Of this latter fact I thought I saw
significant evidences in 1900 when as a member of the International
Jury at the Paris Exposition new specimens of a considerable number
of archaic musical instruments came into my hands for examination,
among them a bass flute for the return of which Mr. Frederick Corder
expresses an ardent longing in his admirable essay on Instrumentation
in the new edition of Grove's "Dictionary of Music and Musicians."
Since then, too, we have heard the harpsichord in our concert-rooms,
seen the oboe d'amore adopted by Richard Strauss, the alto flute
by Felix Weingartner, and observed the establishment in America as
well as Europe of orchestral and chamber concerts in which music of
the seventeenth and earlier centuries is played upon instruments
for which it was written. We shall in all likelihood some day
have to extend our treatises on orchestration to include some of
the instruments now considered obsolete, and be grateful for all
references to them in historical works like the present one.
Dr. Coerne, the author of this book, is an American composer born in
Newark, N.J., who has achieved the distinction of having an opera
of his writing performed in a European opera-house. His "Zenobia"
was brought forward in Bremen on December 1, 1905. It was the first
instance of the performance in Europe of a grand opera composed
by a native of the United States. The score of this opera and the
subject-matter of this book were accepted as a thesis by Harvard
University which conferred the degree of Ph.D. on the author in June,
1905. It was the first time that the university bestowed the degree
for special work in music.
H.E. KREHBIEL.
NEW YORK, _April_, 1908.
THE EVOLUTION OF MODERN ORCHESTRATION
PART I.--PRELIMINARIES.
CHAPTER I.
THE CRADLE OF INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC. (HISTORICAL REVIEW.)
I.
Primitive men were no doubt impelled to give utterance to their
feelings by a desire for awakening sympathetic response in their
fellow beings. Vocal manifestation of feeling developed into
incipient melody, hence rudimentary scales. Gestures of dancing
suggested rhythm. A fusion of both melody and rhythm led to contrast,
and contrast implies symmetry of design. To emphasize rhythm combined
with euphony, musical instruments were needed. Relics of certain
species of these instruments are analogous to subsequent species of
civilized nations.
Another source whence music can be traced is in the religious rites
of the pagans.
Ancient history reveals diversified and wide-spread musical activity.
The oldest representations of musicians are to be found on Egyptian
monuments. Through contact with Oriental nations, Egypt possibly
founded her system of intellectual music on extraneous principles.
On the other hand, she probably influenced the music of the
Hebrews, certainly that of the Greeks. Exemplification of Oriental
instrumentalists is seen on Assyrian bas reliefs. One of these, in
the possession of the British Museum, represents performers on a
drum, a double-pipe, a primitive species of the dulcimer, and seven
harps. The preponderance of stringed instruments suggests sensitive
appreciation for modulated quality of tone. Constant reference to
Hebrew music is, of course, to be found in the Scriptures. The
classification of singers for temple worship during the reign of
Solomon and of David, and the especial importance attached to song
with instrumental accompaniment will at once recur to the mind.
Greece during her ascendency elevated music to a plane of importance
only secondary to that of her sister art, poetry, whose handmaiden
she became. Indeed, though both vocal and purely instrumental music
were practised independently, prominence was bestowed upon the
welding together of poetry and music as embodied in the Athenian
tragedies. The Greeks possessed but a theoretical knowledge of
harmony. Instrumental accompaniment probably duplicated the vocal
melody in unison or octave, and may have added some simple harmonic
intervals such as the fourth or fifth.
With the disorganization of Greece, music was transplanted to Rome,
and, being no longer looked upon as an art, sank into degeneracy.
Nevertheless, the fundamental principles governing the science of
music as promulgated by the Greek theoreticians were rescued from
oblivion by early Roman writers. And these principles, leavened
by fragments of melancholy and contemplative strains of Hebraic
melody, devolved from the early Christian neophytes, were destined to
constitute the rock upon which all subsequent Western ecclesiastical
music, even to the present day, has been built.
Review thus far tends to show that the objective of prehistoric and
ante-Christian musical thought was primarily the emotional expression
of human feeling. The growth of musical art was, moreover, amazingly
dilatory as compared with that of the other fine arts.
II.
The next step to record is that of incipient harmonic effects,
musical notation, the principles of design. And for centuries the
art was now developed exclusively under the beneficent patronage of
the Roman Church--persistently along vocal lines. For the Church
adolescent discountenanced anything suggestive of pagan worship,
or traceable to depraved Roman orgies. Consequently instrumental
evolution lay quiescent. This was the age of dreary speculation, of
highly ingenious and elaborately scientific artifice. Yet the results
were but puerile. For even such rudiments of modern musical grammar
as are readily mastered in our day by a mere child, were far beyond
the perspective of the early scholastic monks, who arrived at a few
tangible results only by the most circuitous methods. Nevertheless
progress, though sluggish, is to be traced in logical sequence.
Beginning with the establishment of singing-schools by Pope
Sylvester, and the Antiphons and Hymns of Ambrosius in the fourth
century, it is but necessary to recall the documents of Boëtius and
of Isadore in the sixth century, the reforms of the Gregories in
the seventh and eighth, the _sequentiae_ of Notker in the ninth.
More specific were the crude attempts at harmony in the ninth and
tenth centuries as typified by Hucbald's organum; Guido d'Arezzo's
notation in the eleventh; finally the adoption of mensural writing as
attributed to Franco de Cologne, thirteenth, and Johannes de Muris,
fourteenth century.
Thus under the guardianship of the Church, and upon a basis of
what has ever been known as the Gregorian Chant, a decade of
centuries had been consumed in learning to perceive and to apply
the fundamentals of melody and of harmony, to discover an adequate
interpreter, notation, and an accurate though flexible regulator,
rhythm.
III.
Meanwhile the Folk-song, already mentioned in its primogenial
character, reasserted itself as the annotator of lyric poetry,
through the activity of the troubadours from the eleventh to the
fourteenth centuries. Of these, the name of Adam de la Hale is, of
course, best known. Just as combined Oriental and Greek traditions
formed the substructure of the early ecclesiastical modes, so a
fusion of the Gregorian Chant and the Folk-song resulted in the
establishment of a second, and in this case more distinctly accretive
nucleus. This was of incalculable service, primarily to subsequent
secular music as a whole, eventually to instrumentation as a side
issue. For the soul of the Folk-song finds expression in the melodic.
And this natural mode of expressing natural emotion, amplified not
alone by the peoples of the Romance nations and of the Teutonic
races, but also quite especially by such as were of Celtic origin,
infused life, color, and variety into the stiff and formal church
style then in vogue. Again, _la gaie science_ required the art of
accompaniment; consequently this long-neglected acquirement began
to awake from its lethargy. So we find the troubadours accompanying
their songs with a variety of instruments such as the crwth, the
rebec, the lute, the harp, the viol.
The Folk-song has in the end proved to be the most enduring mode of
expressing feeling, representing, as it does, the natural growth of a
nation. Influenced by local temperament, climate, history, on every
hand its distinctly indigenous characteristics have stood out in
peaceful contrast to the eclectic polyphony of coexisting scientific
attempts. And, as we know, although the Folk-song was eclipsed for
a time by other forms, it was destined to play an important rôle.
For its loftiest mission was realized not only in connection with
the German Singspiel of the eighteenth century, but also through
its application by the great classicists of the same period as
contrasting theme for the Sonata-piece.
IV.
Continuing our chronological review, we trace the propagandism of
Italian theoretical principles through France into the Netherlands.
Here, during the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, polyphonic
vocal music was reared on the exalted pedestals of noble Gothic
architecture. From Dufay--the connecting link between the French and
Flemish Schools--through Ockeghem, Josquin des Près, Willaert, to
Lasso, the supremacy of musical composition was conceded to the Low
Countries, although simultaneous musical activity in Italy was by no
means retrogressional. As for the labors of such men as Dunstable in
England and Isaak in Germany, the former was not in the direct line
either of technical or of æsthetic evolution, whereas the latter was
trained in Italy and wrote in the Flemish style.
The concentrated results of this era consisted of the consecutive
development of the technicalities of counterpoint, growing regard for
euphony and expressive verbal interpretation, finally, the ascendency
of objective emotionalism. Lasso, embodying in his works the highest
ideals of polyphonic writing, transplanted them into Germany.
Simultaneously, Palestrina, the greatest purist of Italian vocal
writing, was at the zenith of his glory. France had produced Goudimel
and Claude le Jeune. The music of England was prominently connected
with such names as Merbecke, Tallys, Byrd, Morley. The Reformation
was exercising a powerful influence upon the art of music in the
development of the Chorale.
And thus in the second half of the sixteenth century, this wonderful
array of coexisting phases of choral art stood prepared for
something greater. Pure choral music had been perfected. The era of
instrumental music was at hand. For in spite of the rare æsthetic
beauty, the intricate yet lucid voice-leading, the admirable handling
of human voices _en masse_ that signalize the works of Palestrina
and Lasso, two essential elements, indispensable for further
creative expansion, were lacking--rhythm and form. To attain these,
new means and methods were necessary. Two possibilities presented
themselves: solo singing, and instrumental music. Although both of
these combined had been subjected to quasi-scientific experiment
since time immemorial, the style of writing for them possessed as yet
but little individuality. There was indeed much to be done before a
permanent basis for modern tonality and modern instrumentation could
be secured. The old modal system was still at the root of both sacred
and secular music. Harmony was but the adventitious corollary of
counterpoint. Only simple diatonic intervals were in use. Incipient
harmony could not inspire men to think rhythmically. Pure church
music was monotonous and vague. True, secular music in erudite form
was influenced by the Folk-song, and showed some progress in rhythmic
and simple harmonic effects. These in turn reacted favorably upon the
sacred forms. Nevertheless, any attempt at developing motives as the
synthetic germs of a composition was not to be thought of until the
following century in connection with instrumental forms.
The pith of the conditions prevalent at the close of the era has
been happily stated by Parry when he says: "It is as though the art
was still in too nebulous a state for the essential elements to have
crystallized into separate and definite entities."
(Summary on page 26.)
CHAPTER II.
THE DAWN OF INDEPENDENT INSTRUMENTATION.
I.
The awakening interest for instrumental music received its incentive
from two distinctive sources--the organ, and accompaniment to solo
singing. As a natural corollary to centuries of ecclesiastical
supremacy in musical composition, the organ had taken first rank
among instruments and was, comparatively speaking, the most advanced,
both as to mechanical construction and correlative technique of its
performers. Hence the organ was destined to become a spontaneous yet
covert connecting link between pure choral and pure instrumental
music.
The initiative in this progression is due to the direct heirs of
the Flemish School--the Venetian organists. Both Andreas Gabrieli
(1510), pupil of Willaert, and Merulo (1533) had begun to add
ornamental embellishments to their accompaniments, and although
coherence was lacking, the step once taken led to extended
experiments. Thus the treatment of further instruments employed in
religious worship instinctively received more careful attention.
Little by little composers awoke to the realization that the
servile imitation of _a capella_ polyphonic choral writing hitherto
employed, was unsuited to the characteristics of differentiated
individual instruments or combinations of instruments. True, the
artistic value of these early attempts was but small, and would
almost appear as an incompatibility, taking into consideration
the fact that their authors were erudite in the subtleties of
canonical device. Nevertheless, several tangible results are to be
noted. As has been said, instrumental writing acquired a certain
amount of individuality. Through search for balance of tone there
was inaugurated a selective process as to the permanent value of
each specific _genre_ of an instrument. Instrumental adaptation of
choral imitation led to contrast. Expansibility of musical thought
was quickened. Thus Flemish influence was kept alive in that the
incipient forms of their Venetian disciples, inherited by the
subsequent violinist-composers, matured into the cyclic sonata.
Conspicuous are the organ works of Frescobaldi (1583-1644), the great
predecessor of Bach. His labors also directly influenced subsequent
clavier music as developed by Kuhnau in the following century.
Credit is due to Giovanni Gabrieli (1587) for systematic attempts
at orchestration and a distinctive style of writing for the violin.
This latter, however, had to wait for the development of technique,
which, as we shall see, was concurrent with the progress of solo
singing. And thus the year 1600, epoch-making in the rehabilitation
of the drama, can be likewise referred to as a general starting point
for independent instrumentation.
II.
The second and more powerful incentive that instrumentation
received was from monody, in connection with which its function as
accompaniment in simplified form was demonstrated. The _fons et
origo_ of declamatory recitative are, of course, to be traced to the
attempted reforms of the Florentine camerata. Monody was the cradle
of opera and oratorio, and became in turn the foster child of her
progeny. Now these histrionic roots were diversified and far reaching.
In the first place, during the two centuries preceding the era under
discussion, the miracle plays and representations of similar purport
had had recourse to musical support, though of a nature disjointed
and irrelevant.
Secondly, the efforts of the troubadours, minstrels, and minnesingers
embodied solo-singing to instrumental accompaniment, and contained
elements of the dramatic.
Lastly, a newly awakened veneration for everything pertaining to
classic Greece revealed the nobility of her drama. This was the
_causa vera_ to be espoused! And the evolution of this renaissance,
which reached a climax in 1600, must be traced to the history of the
Medici.
Toward the close of the fifteenth century, when three generations
of that family had brought Florence to the height of her glory, art
had received a new impulse under the fostering care of Lorenzo.
Moreover, science had acquired the doctrines of the Greek scholars
fleeing from Turkish oppression. And the brief interim of asceticism
under the sway of the Dominican monk, Savanarola, was followed by
the restoration to power of the Medici. A non-clerical influence in
all matters pertaining to art made itself felt, and the founding of
the Platonic Academy by Cosimo the Great added fuel to the already
existing predilection for the drama as exploited by the Ancients.
Hence the aim of the amateur poet and composer, Bardi, and his
coterie was to produce a drama which should faithfully conform to the
purity and idealism of classic models. And they sought diligently for
a clue to original renditions of Attic tragedy, the Dorian choral
lyrics, the song-lyrics of Anacreon, Sappho. But their conception
thereof was based on a fallacy, so that were one to judge the fruits
of their labors solely for their intrinsic value, the verdict would
be disappointing.
On the other hand, the step they took was a gigantic one forward
in its revolutionary after-results. For the quintessence of
recitative and lyrical solo was contained in Galilei's and Caccini's
declamatory recitatives with accompaniment of lute or viol; in Peri's
and Caccini's "Dafne" and "Euridice"--the first genuine music dramas
in the monodic style; in Cavalieri's allegory or incipient oratorio
"L'Anima e Corpo." All these attempts were infinitely more expressive
and effective than the sombre selections with which A. Gabrieli and
Merulo had been wont to enliven festive secular occasions. Bardi and
Corsi, in the face of conservatism and skepticism, had sought to
reinstate the principles founded upon the Greek Dithyramb. Inspired
by the enthusiasm of these two amateurs, the professionals, Peri
and Cavalieri, succeeded simultaneously in discovering two rational
operatic designs, capable of sequent dramatic treatment.
Finally, the very nature of the monodic principle was inseparable
from instrumental accompaniment, and the primary causes that led to
monody, namely, expression and dramatic effect, would in themselves
insist upon a keener appreciation for instrumental combination as to
selection, distribution of parts, dynamics, color-scheme. This is
borne out to a limited extent in the later works of both Peri and
Cavalieri, whose instrumentation, though crude, paved the way for
their greater contemporary and eventual successor, Monteverde. Even
though the bulk of the figured bass accompaniment was assigned to
the harpsichord, "Euridice" called into requisition one viol, three
flutes, and a triplet of instruments of the lute variety. Cavalieri
made use of practically the same combination, and even recommended
that a violin should duplicate the vocal melody throughout.
In contradistinction to these essays at dramatic scoring should be
mentioned the instrumentation of Striggio (1535), whose _intermezzi_
or comedies interspersed with music were written in the madrigal
style. Nor should the _concertante_ sacred song of Viadana (1564)
or the instrumental effects of Gibbons (1583) be overlooked. But
Striggio, some thirty odd years before "Euridice" was produced, had
not only forestalled but surpassed his immediate successors by the
employment of an orchestra of which more than half were stringed
instruments; again, seven of these were played with a bow. So that,
considering the primitive methods then in use, the constitution of
Striggio's orchestra was unique. It consisted of six lutes, seven
viols, two gravicembali, six flutes, eight cornetti and tromboni, all
of variated types and sizes.
The above enumeration brings to mind the pre-existence of a rather
heterogeneous assortment of now partially obsolete instruments with
which we are more or less familiar. Therefore, before proceeding from
the subject of instrumentation to that of orchestration proper as
inaugurated by Monteverde, a review of the structural and mechanical
evolution of instruments themselves would seem in place.
(Summary on page 26.)
CHAPTER III.
EVOLUTION OF MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.
The first serious attention bestowed upon the mechanism of
instruments and the selection of those whose qualities should justify
permanent retention occurred during the sixteenth century, and, as
we have seen, the causes that led up to this were extraneous. In
glancing over the names and descriptions of the many varieties of
instruments already in existence before this development began, the
mind becomes easily confused. Many species of stringed instruments
such as lutes, viols, clavichords, harpsichords, not to mention brass
instruments, the schalmei, cromornes, abounded on every hand; but the
deeper the student of instrumental evolution delves into comparative
research, the more he finds authorities at variance. However, the
lineage of the three great representatives of stringed instruments
as are in use to-day--instruments played with a bow, the harp, the
pianoforte, may fairly be traced simultaneously.
I.
Prehistoric origin of stringed instruments, in spite of extant
relics, is a matter of conjecture. History, on the other hand,
suggests various sources in various ages. Of greatest recorded
antiquity are the Egyptian lute and harp, which were struck with a
plectrum or plucked by the fingers. These migrated through Arabia
into Spain, thence to Southern Italy, and became diffused over
all Europe. The Greek lyra or kithara, having originally but four
strings, was also played with a plectrum, and became the heirloom of
the Romans. But to discover the origin of instruments played with a
bow is a more difficult matter. A number of theories are plausible.
Like all other instruments they were probably invented simultaneously
by many isolated barbaric races. The bow and arrow were undoubtedly
suggestive, and it is to be presumed that primitive types of the lyre
family whose strings were originally plucked, were fitted to uncouth
sounding-boards and played upon with a bow. The Hindoos possessed
such instruments, and it is possible that their admission into Europe
was concurrent with that of the lute and harp. In defence of this
supposition, one might point to the dance of the women attending
the Jongleurs. Now the dance is no uncertain revealer of racial
characteristics. But not only the dance itself, but also certain
features of the accompaniment, as well as the types of instruments
peculiar to the Jongleurs bear the impress of Orientalism. As far
as is known, neither the Greeks nor the Romans possessed instruments
played with a bow.
From the Middle Ages on, the study of instrumental evolution is, of
course, based upon authentic history. The most direct line of descent
for bowed-instruments is probably from either the Celtic crwth or the
Oriental rebab to the vielle or viola of the Middle Ages (Spanish
vihuela, Latin fidula), of which the last representative was the
gamba; and the viola da gamba was the predecessor of the violoncello.
The early viols were of manifold types, there being, for instance,
as many as seven viole da braccia and six viole da gambe. The violin
owes its existence to a gradual metamorphosic development of the
early tenor viola, during the latter part of the fifteenth and early
sixteenth centuries. Skill in the manufacture of these instruments
was of an advanced order in the Netherlands prior to the advent
of the great Italian violin makers, whose efforts were eventually
crowned by the immutable sovereignty of the Cremonese creations
at the commencement of the eighteenth century. The introduction
of the contrabasso was likewise of slow growth. For as late as
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries there still existed bass
instruments of the lute family, such as the double-necked theorbo
and the largest bass lute, the chitarrone, which were struck with a
plectrum. But growing appreciation for the wonderful possibilities
concealed in the infant violin proper, of technique, tone, color,
delicacy, and variety of shading, reacted upon the secondary
bowed-instruments, and they in turn were rapidly perfected. Hence,
by a judicious selection of the superior and a suppression of the
inferior types of viols were the violas and violoncellos evolved;
and the theorbo and chitarrone were permanently supplanted by the
double-bass, constructed on the same general principles as the violin.
Although the ideal balance of tone and expressive powers as embodied
in the modern string orchestra justifies the perspicuity of this
selective process in every way, it would seem to be a matter
for regret that a certain species of viols, the viola d'amore,
should have become practically obsolete. Its seven strings were
supplemented by seven concealed under strings, designed to vibrate
sympathetically. One might say that this principle has been
incorporated in the modern grand pianoforte by means of the "una
corda" pedal. But since Meyerbeer resuscitated the viola d'amore in
"Les Huguenots" in 1836, the only living composer who has assigned
to it a conspicuous rôle is, to the present writer's knowledge, Mr.
C.M. Loeffler in his symphonic poem "La Mort de Tintagiles," after
Maeterlinck, indeed the original score contained parts for _two_ solo
viole d'amore though one part has since been rewritten for a violin.
II.
The evolution of the harp is obvious, whereas that of the pianoforte
is more complex. The prototype of the modern pianoforte in its
embryonic state traces its ancestry to all the various types of
stringed instruments taken collectively. Specifically, the primitive
acoustic monochord of Pythagoras might be looked upon as a plausible
starting point. Add to this a keyboard and its attendant devices as
applied to church organs in the earlier centuries of the Christian
era, and the prototype is complete. Be that as it may, there was
developed during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries a family of
widely known instruments embodying advanced qualities of mechanism,
styled "Hackbrett," synonym for cembalo, tympanon, although it is
best known as the dulcimer. According to Dr. Riemann, it originated
apparently in Germany, since for a time it was called in Italy by
the name of Salterio tedesco. The instrument consisted of a flat
trapezium-shaped sounding-board on which steel strings were set,
and was played upon by two hammers held one in each hand of the
performer. In improved form, it is still extant in the hands of
the gypsies. But already at the beginning of the sixteenth century
was the clavichord established as its successor. The clavichord,
according to Hipkins, was derived from the polychord with four
strings, which in turn was developed from the monochord "to
facilitate the melodic division of the Gregorian tones." Directly
appeared still another instrument styled clavicembalo or harpsichord,
of which the psaltery, a triangular harp, was undoubtedly the
ancestor. The spinet and virginal differed from the harpsichord
only as to shape; and in England, virginal was the general term for
spinet and harpsichord. The cardinal point of dissimilarity between
the mechanical construction of the clavichord and the harpsichord
was that the strings of the former were caused to sound by means of
metal tangents, which struck against the strings and then pressed
them up, whereas the strings of the latter were plucked by hard
quills set in wooden jacks. But of far greater importance was the
difference of tone-quality. The tone of the clavichord was delicate,
subdued,--incapable of energetic utterance, but so expressive that
it was a favorite with great musicians; that of the harpsichord was
crisp, short, uniform. A radical readjustment of mechanism was found
necessary in order to combine in one instrument euphony and variation
of dynamic force. Therefore in the beginning of the eighteenth
century hammer-action was invented, and the pianoforte, derived
from the dulcimer, came into existence. Despite this fact, both the
clavichord and the harpsichord continued to hold their own beyond the
boundaries of that century. And so we see that the perfected modern
pianoforte, being but the outcome of a variety of instruments already
in existence three hundred years ago, was unable to supersede them
until the nineteenth century.
* * * * *
Turning our attention again to instruments belonging to the orchestra
proper, we find an inexhaustible subject in the evolution of the
two other great families, the wood and the brass. Most of the
above-advanced hypotheses in respect to origin and migration of
strings are equally pertinent to the wind. But the inference that
the genesis of these latter instruments antedates that of the lyre
and lute is surely justified in that conch shells and the horns
of animals must have offered the most natural means for producing
artificial musical tones. Again, the construction of stringed
instruments suggests a more advanced stage of intellectuality.
Finally, there have been preserved to us from antiquity a far more
numerous and varied array of comparatively natural instruments such
as the Egyptian mem and sebi,--respectively vertical and horizontal
flutes, of which the former was more common and still exists in the
guise of the modern Arab flute. One of the most simple species of
horn was the "Schofar" or ram's-horn, used in the temple worship
of the Hebrews. The Assyrians as well as the Egyptians possessed
trumpets, probably of brass. The war trumpets of the Romans were of
bronze. The deep-toned trumpet or tuba was straight; the high-toned
lituus was bent; and the buccina, large trumpet or trombone, was
curved.
III.
The principle of both single and double reeds was understood by the
Greeks. As a result of the researches of Professor A.A. Howard,
an accurate description of their representative instruments, the
auloi, Latin tibiae, is to be found in "Harvard Studies in Classical
Philology," Vol. 4. His article presents strong arguments in favor
of the belief that instrumental polyphony was actually practised by
the Greeks. Performers upon the auloi played almost invariably upon
two pipes at once. The instruments were supplied with finger-holes,
were capable of producing both the diatonic and chromatic scales, and
may be divided into three classes corresponding, in a general way,
to the three types of wood-winds as are in use to-day. All of them
had a tube of cylindrical bore, but most of them were supplied with a
double mouthpiece like the modern oboe, so that these species of the
auloi can be regarded as the prototype of the preferred double-reeds
that prevailed during the Middle Ages when they went under the name
of schalmei. This nomenclature is confusing; in explanation it should
be said that not until after the original schalmei had developed into
the pommer, thence to the oboe, was the single-reeded predecessor of
the clarinet known by this name. Colloquialism refers to the schalmei
in its later application.
Another double-reed that came into temporary existence during the
Middle Ages was the variety of cromornes. They differed from the
schalmei principally as to form--Krummhorn.
The successors of the original schalmei are described in detail by
Praetorius, who wrote in the first decade of the seventeenth century.
Of the six varieties of pommer mentioned by him, the treble pommer
became transformed into the hautbois (high wood); the alto pommer
into the cor Anglais (cor anglé, bent horn),--known during the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as the oboe da caccia; and out
of the bass pommer, likewise styled bombarde, emanated the fagotto
(bundle of fagots). As a commentary to the above enumeration one
should take note of a quite remarkable tendency which was, indeed,
already in vogue during the Hellenic age. Namely, that from each
parent instrument whether string, wood, or brass, there germinated
a complete family representing the four ranges of the human voice.
And again from these the process of tribal expansion was carried
yet further. Moreover it must be remembered that before the Middle
Ages, the art of combining human voices in polyphony was but in
a nascent state, and probably existed in classic Greece not at
all. Therefore families of instrumental species cannot have been
constructed for the purpose of obtaining homogeneous _harmonic_
effects. An extensive _range_ of con-natural tone-color was then the
objective. It will be found that this tendency was uniform throughout
the history of instrumental evolution. Of course when we reach the
sixteenth century, we find that the advantage of distributing the
components of harmony among the members of assimilated instruments
began to be appreciated. It is possibly due to this natural evolution
that innovators in orchestration at first accustomed themselves
to the use of pure tone-color rather than of mixed tints. Thus in
the sixteenth century, the flûte à bec, predecessor of the modern
flute, was employed in groups of four. Praetorius makes mention of
no less than eight different kinds as prevalent in his day. Our
chief representative of the single reed, the clarinet, which was not
invented until the end of the seventeenth century, owes its origin
to a primitive form of instrument with clarinet mouthpiece:--the
mediæval chalemiax or chalumeau, whence the phonetic rendition,
schalmei. The now obsolete basset-horn belongs properly to this
genealogy. It was frequently used during the time of its development
by the composers of the latter eighteenth and early nineteenth
centuries. From it were devolved the short-lived alto and tenor
clarinets, and the better qualities of all three are now embodied
in the subsequently perfected bass-clarinet. Mention is also due to
the saxophone, invented by Sax in 1840. It should be classed under
the heading of wood instruments rather than of brass, since its
tone-quality partakes somewhat of the nature of the clarinet. It has
a single-reed mouthpiece, and the fingering is akin to that of the
clarinet; but the over-blowing produces the octave as in the flute
and oboe, whereas in the clarinet the twelfth is produced. Sax made
seven different sized saxophones, of which four are commonly in use,
and that particularly in French and American military bands.
IV.
The history of brass instruments is extensive; at the same time their
development is easy to trace. But it must be remembered that only
those instruments possess pedigree from which upper harmonics are
produced, _i.e._ those constructed with long tube and narrow bore.
Even this statement must be qualified in that the French horn is
of modern extraction. Only trumpets and trombones, therefore, are
directly descended from the early Roman instruments with cup-shaped
mouthpieces, such as the lituus and buccina. And in the Middle Ages
there existed side by side two such families,--the Zinken, and the
trombe and tromboni. The Zink or cornetto had a wooden tube pierced
by sounding holes, and was constructed in different sizes. The larger
species was, at the close of the sixteenth century, transformed into
the Serpent, which had a bell of brass. This instrument is still in
use in some Italian military bands. The Zinken were extant in the
hands of the "town musicians" even into the eighteenth century. Akin
to them are the simple Alpine Horn and the Lur of Norway.
In the Middle Ages the trumpet was generally made of brass, and the
tube was at first unbent. The principle of sliding tubes for the
purpose of procuring additional tones to the natural ones of an
instrument was of ancient origin. It was applied to trumpets as well
as to trombones, a practice still in force in England. The obvious
advantage of this device was that a complete chromatic scale could be
obtained, impossible for all other brass instruments at a time when
crooks and valves were unknown. The earlier name for the trombone,
_i.e._ bass trumpet, was sackbut, but the original appellation,
buccina, has been perpetuated in the German Bosaun, now Posaune.
In the sixteenth century, the tromba, synonym for clarino, trummet,
together with the three _genres_ of trombones as used by the
subsequent great classicists, was already perfected as a sliding-tube
instrument. Or one might include both instruments under one heading
by speaking of the tromba as a treble trombone. However, in order to
obtain more efficient high brass instruments, constant experiments
were made. The earlier improvements had obviated the clumsy length of
brass instruments by bending and rebending their tubes. Then followed
the application to the brass of the finger-hole system of the wooden
Zinken. Finally, in the eighteenth century, the introduction of
removable crooks improved the trombe as far as quality of tone is
concerned. But the highest point of evolution was arrived at early in
the nineteenth century, when the perfection of the chromatic valve
principle revolutionized not only the mechanism but also the manner
of writing for trumpets as well as for horns and bugles.
As has been intimated above, the history of the French horn is short.
There is but a slight analogy between it and the _cor de chasse_
of the Middle Ages, an instrument that possessed but few tones.
The genuine French horn made its appearance in the first half of
the seventeenth century, and the stages of its development may be
regarded as centennial. In the eighteenth century was added the crook
principle, in the nineteenth, the valve system. These improvements
were attendant upon those made upon trumpets. Like the trumpet, the
"natural" horn was conducive to purity of tone, the chromatic horn to
greater practicability without material loss of purity.
The family of bugles belong more properly to the subject of military
bands, but a word is due to their evolution on account of the
orchestral importance of one of their members--the bass tuba. The
bugle-horn, also known as the sax-horn, is constructed on acoustic
principles diametrically opposed to those of the trombe family in
that the bore is wider and the tube shorter, whereby the principle of
obtaining harmonics is reversed.
The date of Beethoven's birth signalized the first application of key
mechanism to wood instruments. Simultaneously, experiments were made
upon the now obsolete brass Zinken. The new instrument was called
_bugle à clefs_, and was the forerunner of a group of different sized
opheicleides, of which the lowest supplanted the sixteenth century
Serpent. Subsequently the opheicleide itself was superseded by the
bass tuba, a more noble instrument of the same general family.
V.
The evolution of instruments of percussion requires but brief
mention. Sound-producing apparatus devoid of definite pitch belongs
to the initial attempts of primitive men to assist vocal expression
of emotional feeling, to accompany religious orgies, or to encourage
their warriors on the march. The modern orchestra includes the best
of these primitive species, transformed into perfected types of
genuine artistic value, and has also drawn into requisition various
instruments originating in countries that are far apart. Most
commonly used are the bass-drum, the cymbals, and the triangle. The
family of drums further includes the long side-drum and the small
military drum. With the cymbals and triangle belong the tam-tam or
Chinese gong, the Oriental and Spanish tambourine, the Spanish and
Neapolitan castanets, and the Turkish crescent or bell-rattle. The
use of all such instruments is, of course, the exception rather than
the rule. Their mission is primarily to suggest "local" coloring or
to emphasize rhythm for dancing.
Instruments of percussion possessing definite and variable pitch
are represented primarily by the kettle-drums, which are constant
and indispensable members of the orchestra. The early Hackbrett
or dulcimer might also be classed under this heading, which
further includes the various sets of bells, such as the carillon or
Glockenspiel of Chinese origin, together with the Stahlspiel or Lyra,
and the Xylophone.
* * * * *
This sketch demonstrates the fact that the early evolution of
instruments went hand in hand with that of music in general and is
subject to identical hypotheses. With the dawn of secular music, the
development of instrumental construction and mechanism is focused
upon the sixteenth century, with emphasis upon the anterior practice
of employing complete homogeneous groups.
In order to cover the entire ground, this survey of the development
of musical instruments has necessarily transgressed the bounds of the
sixteenth century perspective. And since we are about to recontinue a
critical review of the orchestra as inherited by Monteverde, it will
be well to remember that in his day the only orchestral instruments
in the modern sense of the word were violins and viols, harps,
flutes, pommers, cornetti, trumpets, trombones. In combination with
these, lutes, guitars, organs, the clavichord and the harpsichord
were still employed.
(Summary on page 26.)
CHAPTER IV.
BEGINNINGS OF ORCHESTRATION.
I.
CLAUDIO MONTEVERDE[1] (1567-1643) is justly styled the
founder of the modern orchestra; but although modern orchestral
organization owes its substratum of solidity and balance of tone to
him, only indirectly was he led to attain this end, for his paramount
objective was artistic expression. Naturally, the employment of
artistically grouped instruments appealed to him as the most
flexible conveyance for expressive thought. Again, Monteverde was
instinctively a dramatic writer, so that as a matter of course the
histrionic efforts of the Florentine experimentalists attracted him.
Finally, when Monteverde entered upon his dramatic career after
having already become celebrated as a writer of madrigals and of
other vocal forms, pure choral music as perfected by Palestrina and
Lasso was at its zenith, and instrumentation in its elementary state
was inseparable from the drama,--it being understood that the early
attempts at oratorio in the _stilo rappresentativo_ were built on the
same general principles as the early operas, without differentiation
in musical or instrumental treatment. Nor were the incipient efforts
at orchestral accompaniment to religious worship of sufficient
importance to be taken into consideration. Therefore, _Monteverde's_
contribution to the chain of æsthetic and practical musical
development consists of his successful search after expressive and
dramatic effects and his reconstruction of the orchestra. He also
broke away from the Church Modes, employed a system of harmony nearer
akin to our own, made free use of the Chord of the Dominant Seventh,
and introduced bolder harmonies and unprepared dissonances. These
harmonic innovations were already noticeable in his earlier vocal
compositions.
[Footnote 1: See Appendix of Musical Illustrations, Examples 1 to 5.]
As we have seen, Peri contributed much to his successors from a
dramatic standpoint, but as for expression, the Florentine _pseudo_
music dramas consisted of a monotonous and long-spun succession of
primitive and dreary _recitativi_ with but little support other than
a _basso continuo_ and meagre chords, whereas Monteverde, absorbed
in the discovery of means by which he might emphasize expression,
developed true creative talent in a diversity of ways. For although
his chord successions were still crude and his perspective for
design but slightly evolved, his realization of the importance of
stage effects led him to intensify the dramatic action, to vary
the tone-color, to extend the functions of the accompaniment to the
voice, and to relieve the monotony of constant _recitativo_ by a more
liberal and artistic use of the _arioso_.
These innovations were destined to wield far-reaching influence.
Though admiration for the earlier pure choral style was soon
rekindled in Italy, it was not long before the two styles, the
old and the new, were combined, as embodied in the oratorios of
Carissimi; and Schütz, who had been taught by Giovanni Gabrieli of
Venice, transplanted these Italian methods into Germany. But the
direct line of development from Monteverde's dramatic theories is to
be traced through Cavalli, and from him through Lulli, into France,
thenceforth the permanent home for histrionic displays; for Italy
turned to a more careful consideration of melodic beauty and taste
for design, whereas the disciples of Schütz, though cultivating the
new principles especially in oratorio, still retained their German
characteristics.
Turning to Monteverde's labors in the field of instrumentation, we
find, in place of the very rudimentary and heterogeneous combinations
heretofore employed, a well-defined and fairly logical assortment
of instruments, the nuclei of which were strings, and it is the
establishment of this nucleus that is epoch making. True, his first
dramatic attempt, "Orfeo," was scored for organs, harpsichords,
lutes, harps, guitars, trombones, trumpets, flutes, and various
members of the viol family, including so-called little French
violins,[2] constituting an orchestra of thirty-six men, of whom
nearly one third were performers upon brass instruments. On the
other hand, it is necessary to take several contingencies into
consideration. In the first place, this orchestra, like Cavalieri's,
was concealed behind the scenes, instructive in its suggestion for
the modern sunken orchestra at Bayreuth. Again, it has been supposed
that the loud-voiced trumpets were muted, a device sometimes employed
for special effects in modern scoring. (As to this supposition,
however, the present writer is of the opinion that the instruments
actually employed were the _cornetti muti_ or soft-speaking trumpets
of wood, and that in translation, the word "muted" has been
erroneously applied.) Finally, although Monteverde was not, like
Peri and Cavalieri, content to depend entirely upon the performers
to supply the necessary chords and embellishments, nevertheless
in the art of instrumentation he was but a pioneer, and most of
his accompaniments were light and of a primitive nature. The very
simplicity of his rudimentary method of scoring is proof that neither
he nor his contemporaries could have realized the resonant powers
of so formidable an aggregation of brass when properly handled; and
just this non-realization was propitious for the early development of
the orchestra, in that, by negative means, noisy trivialities were
excluded from the scores of the early masters. But in antithesis to
this undue preponderance of metallic tone-quality, the employment of
no less than seventeen instruments played with a bow was an immense
stride forward, especially when we consider the fact that within the
same decade lutes and the harpsichord had constituted the body of
embryo orchestras.
[Footnote 2: Ex. 2.]
At the close of the sixteenth century there were still many varieties
of the viol family, but the value of the erroneously styled "little
French violin" is said to have been first appreciated by Monteverde,
who introduced it into his orchestra where its inestimable value
was at once recognized. Profiting by this felicitous innovation, he
continued to emphasize the importance of the string band, enlarged
it, and, by a judicious suppression of the weaker members of the
viol family, established a body of strings that conforms, at least
approximately, to the violins, violas, 'cellos, and basses of the
present day.
Having once for all instituted a rational and permanent foundation
for obtaining solidity of tone combined with facility of execution,
it was a matter of course that the brass should ultimately
appear in more logical proportion to the strings. The progress
of the wood-wind was of slower growth, largely due to technical
imperfections and mechanical difficulties of performance. But,
considering the means at his disposal, a commendable appreciation
for contrasted groups of instruments is embodied in the pages of
his later works,--indeed, already in "Orfeo" can be traced this
tendency to enhance the dramatic situation by means of judicious
tone-coloring. Oft-quoted illustrations are the accompaniment of
Pluto's songs by four trombones, the lament of Orpheus by bass viols,
the chorus of spirits by _organi di legno_. And in his riper works,
intelligent instrumentation and characteristic orchestration progress
simultaneously. The introduction of the _tremolo_, _pizzicato_, and
other dramatic and expressive devices is attributed to him. He showed
some system of scoring, which included more specific instructions
for the performers than had hitherto been the custom.[3] And the
fact that he distinguished between vocal and instrumental effects is
of historic value in that it paved the way for the advent of purely
orchestral composition.[4]
[Footnote 3: Ex. 1.]
[Footnote 4: Monteverde's admitted position at the dawn of
orchestration constitutes so vast a point of departure in scientific
method, that the unprejudiced writer of to-day must, toward
Monteverde rather than toward anyone else, weigh and sift opinions
as to his intention, however much these opinions combat each other.
The statements of the present writer that Monteverde was the first to
suggest instrumental characterization in his music--the same being
evidenced in the scores that have come down to us--are supported
by the majority of investigators. There are, however, others who
have followed the same trail and whose conclusions are as worthy of
future credence. These declare that it is only a fantastic conceit,
which grew out of the circumstance that in the list of characters
and instruments in the prefatory matter of the score of Monteverde's
"Orfeo," there is a chance association like Pluto's name standing
opposite the trombones, etc., which, falsely reasoned, has placed
Monteverde in an epoch-making niche where he should not be.]
II.
It is remarkable that the direct successors of Monteverde should have
been more or less blind to the latent powers of this newly vitalized
organism,--this prototype of the modern orchestra. Even Carissimi
(1604) cannot be included among the progressive writers for the
orchestra, indeed, his art of scoring stands lower than Monteverde's.
Of course, in the development of oratorio, his dramatic influence was
of great importance. He caused the monodic style to advance rapidly,
by infusing into _recitativo_ and the _aria_ more spontaneity, into
instrumental accompaniment greater interest. Though inferior to
Monteverde in originality, Carissimi evinced a keener appreciation
for plastic and tonal effects. His eminent pupil, Cesti (1620), is
likewise to be remembered less for his instrumentation than for
his further development of _recitativo_ and the _da capo aria_ in
connection with the operatic stage.
On the other hand, Cavalli (1600), apart from the fortuitous
influence his sojourn at the court of Louis XIV had upon Lulli,
inherited a more decided talent for orchestration from Monteverde,
whose pupil he was. His interesting experiments in writing
accompaniments for two violins and a bass established a precedent
that survived the test of many years. Like Monteverde, his instincts
were strongly dramatic, but perhaps his connection with St. Mark's
Church modified his style of writing for the orchestra. For more
especially his _a capella_ sacred works are imbued with considerable
warmth of expression, and show sentient regard for melody, rhythm,
and form. And thus, even as Carissimi displayed but little feeling
for purely instrumental effects, though holding a unique position
as a composer of oratorio, so Cavalli must be regarded as primarily
a dramatic writer,--indeed, among the immediate successors of
Monteverde, he alone succeeded in substantially furthering dramatic
development in Italy, that is to say, the development of dramatic
ideals as had been attempted by the Florentine neophytes of Greek
tragedy. For as Langhans expresses it: "After him Italian opera
gradually diverges from the path originally taken, and sacrifices the
antique simplicity aimed at by its founders to the ever increasing
demand for sensuous charm. The alliance of poetry and music,
dissolved in the Middle Ages and renewed but a few decades before, is
again broken off, and the equilibrium that had just been acquired is
sacrificed anew to the claims of music."
III.
But while the nature of Italian music after Cavalli's time was
subject to variable influences, France took up the cause of drama
with enthusiasm, and in this field LULLI (1633-1687) looms
up as the sole dictator of his age. Favored by the extravagant
demands for display and spectacular effects prevalent at the court
of Louis XIV, Lulli proceeded to develop dance forms as had been
inaugurated by his predecessor, Cambert, whose position he usurped.
The _ballet de cour_, already in vogue in France, consisted of
dances, dialogues set to music, combined with dramatic episodes.
Out of this native form of entertainment, modern French opera was
destined to germinate. Having found this a suitable prototype as
a basis for his operas, Lulli proceeded to imbue it with exotic
principles. Like Monteverde, he discarded the ecclesiastical modes.
Again, he adhered strictly to the requirements of his text, and
developed declamatory recitative as promulgated by Cavalli. And to
the reactive influence of the Italian monodic theorem upon French
literature during this brilliant period of Corneille, Molière,
Racine, does France owe the excellence of her declamation.
But, considering the versatility of the man, once again a
disappointing analogy to the peculiarly prominent deficiency of
Carissimi and Cavalli confronts us. For Lulli's orchestration was,
like that of Meyerbeer two hundred years later, sensational rather
than of enduring worth. By no means is Lulli's universal genius
as organizer, composer and orchestrator to be undervalued, nor is
the importance of his influence upon subsequent French music to
be lost sight of. But it is evident that the direct evolution of
really stable instrumentation was benefited, during this period,
more by the crowning achievements of Scarlatti, and by the labors
of the secondary Italian composers, who devoted themselves more
especially to purely instrumental music, and thereby sowed the seed
for subsequent purely orchestral music in Germany. It is true that
credit is due to Lulli for having introduced into his orchestra a
large variety of instruments, which he used with considerable skill,
although all of them were not suitable for permanent retention; but
it would appear to the present writer that Lavoix, in his "Histoire
de L'Instrumentation," page 216, is, perhaps, somewhat extravagant
in his eulogy of Lulli's orchestration, especially since he
previously makes but passing reference to that of Scarlatti. Again,
similar use of solo effects and of contrasted groups of instruments
as cited by Lavoix is also to be found in the scores of Lulli's
predecessors and contemporaries in Italy. Indeed one might say that
in general the efforts of these early composers to obtain genuinely
characteristic tone-color are apt to be overestimated, for, as Lavoix
himself subsequently acknowledges in regard to Lulli:--"[French:
Il faut l'avouer, c'était encore au violon qu'il avait confié ses
scènes symphoniques les plus délicates et les plus expressives.]"
Finally, even though strings formed the basis of his orchestra,
augmented by wind instruments both wood and brass, the irrepressible
harpsichord, solicitous for the welfare of her flock, and fearful
lest emancipation from her protectorate should result in chaos,
still closely followed the harmonic delineations of the legitimate
orchestral instruments, supporting them, as it were, in concentual
leading-strings! Had Lulli and his contemporaries understood the
art of judiciously distributing the notes of a chord throughout the
orchestra, not to mention the proper choice in number and species
of instrument, this custom would have soon fallen into disuse; and,
as we know, not until this did take place one hundred years later,
was it possible to obtain ideal solidity, balance of tone, contrast,
and variety. By a coincidence, the year of Beethoven's birth sounded
the death-knell of the orchestral harpsichord, for in the opera
"Mitridate," written in that year, Mozart was the last of the great
composers to employ it as a regular component of the orchestra.
To Lulli, therefore, orchestration was but a secondary issue, in
spite of the importance he attached to it. Form, on the other hand,
was permanently benefited by his labors, whereas, in musical history,
he occupies the second of the four pedestals sustaining the arch that
spans the realm of pure music drama, and retires into the mythical
haze of Hellenic tragedy.
IV.
As intimated above, further survey of the field of instrumentation
in Italy discovers commendable activity, such as was displayed by
Legrenzi; by Steffani and Clari; by the violinists Torelli, Vivaldi,
and especially Corelli; finally, by the greatest musician both active
and creative of the seventeenth century, Scarlatti.
The labors of Legrenzi (1625) are worthy of consideration on account
of his logical development of the constituency of the orchestra.
As Maestro at San Marco, Venice, he increased the number of
instrumentalists at that church to over thirty. It is noteworthy that
he employed almost exclusively violins and viols, supported in the
bass by four theorbos (_i.e._ bass instruments of the lute family).
The wood-wind was represented by a solitary bassoon, whereas two
cornets and three trombones replaced Monteverde's earlier assortment
of brass. And thus, already in the seventeenth century was found a
man whose perspicuity in the choice of a modest band of loud-voiced
instruments commended itself for some of the mightiest climaxes of
Beethoven's immortal works.
The significance of chamber music as fostered by Steffani (1655) and
Clari (1669) is, of course, well known in musical history. And the
wonderful impetus given to the art of violin-making, by stimulating
a development of executive technique, brought forth fruit that
culminated in the regency of a number of famous violinist-composers.
Among these, Torelli (died 1708), for the creation of the _concerto
grosso_, Vivaldi (died 1743), for the development of harmonic
design and figuration characteristic of his instrument, and Corelli
(1653-1713), for combining principles of harmony with contrapuntal
devices, rendered invaluable service to the nascent architecture
of modern string writing. For by exploring the possibilities of the
violin, by establishing its superiority as a solo instrument, by
demonstrating not only its potentiality but also its limitations in
relation to other instruments, there arose, in consequence, a more
delicate perception as to the necessary constitution of an evenly
balanced string band. This acquirement was accompanied by improved
methods of writing for the strings.
No composer of his time combined these requirements more successfully
than Corelli, for the types of composition which occupied his
attention were the precursors of the classic sonata, and his
contributions thereto mark the starting point of genuinely artistic
instrumental music. Corelli's relation to chamber music and the
concerto is as that of Monteverde to the orchestra. Neither of
them was a radical reformer; they both proceeded along the more
conservative lines of evolution, selection, elaboration. The
scaffolding of their respective spheres of activity had already
been reared by that countless throng of forgotten and unappreciated
workers, whose mission it is to make smooth the path for the greater
lights, that appropriate and mould into collectaneous form the puny
though individual originality of the lesser. But whereas nothing
more than a pious interest in an historic heirloom has preserved
Monteverde's efforts from falling into oblivion, those of Corelli
have been perpetuated by reason of their intrinsic merit.
V.
The highest development of productive musical art during the
seventeenth century culminated in SCARLATTI[5] (1659-1725).
And orchestration was aided by him to no small degree. Of course,
his name is primarily coupled with the Neapolitan operatic
principles,--principles that ultimately led to baneful results,
in spite of having enriched the world with sensuous and beautiful
melody. Only a cursory review of Scarlatti's expansive activity is
permissible as being mostly irrelevant to our subject. Reared in the
characteristic atmosphere of Carissimi's cantatas and oratorios,
impelled by poetic instinct and fondness for melodic design, he
enlarged upon the _da capo aria_, the _recitativo accompagnato_,
and in general paid careful attention to the external structure of
the separate numbers in his operas. Above all, Scarlatti became the
knight errant though eventually the thrall of _il bel canto_.[6] Now
highly developed vocal phraseology demands judicious accompaniment,
and good orchestral accompaniment requires a nice adjustment of
dynamic force combined with skill in writing. It was fortunate,
therefore, that Scarlatti possessed both these attributes; and
through the channels of this important branch of orchestration,
independent orchestration received permanent form. Let us see how
this metamorphosis took place.
[Footnote 5: See Appendix of Musical Illustrations, Examples 6 to 9.]
[Footnote 6: Ex. 7.]
Retrospection shows us that Peri, initiating a rudimentary dramatic
style in place of Flemish polyphony, contributed but slightly to the
advancement of instrumental accompaniment. He and his collaborators
wrote little more than a figured bass for the harpsichord, and at
performance they evoked the aid of the adventitious efforts of
a motley aggregation of instrumentalists. The printed scores of
Schütz are equally primitive. In France, the lyrical stage piece
of Perrin and Cambert, "La Pastorale" (produced in 1659--the year
of Scarlatti's birth) showed some slight improvement in the art of
scoring; but it has been said that even Lulli composed his operas at
the spinet, and at times delegated various details of instrumentation
to his secretary. Monteverde established a nucleus of strings.
Cavalli developed three-part writing for two violins and a bass.
Legrenzi regulated the "distribution" of instruments. Corelli and
his contemporaries advanced technique of performance and cultivated
instrumentation in the miniature.
The task allotted to Scarlatti was, therefore, not difficult. He
accepted the already established supremacy of strings, but soon
realized that three-part writing did not produce even balance of
tone. Consequently, he adopted a manner of writing which comprised a
division of the violins into firsts and seconds. He added, moreover,
an individual part for the violas, and thereby established a canon of
phonetics that has been accepted by all erudite composers since his
time. It is true that these characteristics of orchestration cannot
be said to have originated with him, but his persistent use thereof
established a precedent of permanent value. In three-part writing,
not only the violoncellos and basses progressed simultaneously in
unison or octaves, but also the viola, if present, reënforced the
bass in slavish delineation. It is obvious that this practice was
the result either of sophism or of indifference and ignorance. And
the fact that as late as the eighteenth century no less a composer
than Haydn and even Mozart should have continued to frequently employ
three-part writing for the strings is certainly a paradox, and tends
to prove how circuitous the process of evolution is. However, Haydn
and Mozart had such perfect command of florid counterpoint, that no
matter what the distribution of string parts might be, the results
were invariably effective.
Four instead of three notes of a chord being now properly dispersed
among the strings,[7] Scarlatti proceeded to enrich his orchestra by
a logical employment of wind instruments in pairs. The harpsichord,
of course, continued to hold its own, but the Händelian principle
of long held notes in the wind against more agile string passages
is already to be found in his scores, a principle of which Lulli
was also cognizant. But Scarlatti's orchestra was more plastic than
Lulli's, and his overtures more purely instrumental.
[Footnote 7: Ex. 6.]
As has been stated, Italian culture of the violin and the increasing
regard in which that instrument was held, led to the development of
execution as well as to an appropriate style of writing for it on
a well defined harmonic basis. These improvements were, moreover,
further reflected by a more earnest attention to the progress of
other instruments, both as to mechanism and technique. As a result,
musical performances improved rapidly, and the isolated, purely
instrumental numbers of the opera, heretofore utterly disregarded
by the public, began to excite comment. Whereupon Scarlatti, keen
to perceive any nascent inclination on the part of his audience,
turned to a more careful consideration of the overture. His motives
for doing so may not have been of the highest, but the results
were directly beneficial in that by eliciting warm approval, these
overtures were eventually performed as concert numbers apart from
the opera. Though short in form, they consisted of three or four
distinct, well-rounded movements, and were destined to become the
prototype of the classic symphony.
In specifically instrumental music, Scarlatti paved the way for Bach
and Händel by writing for two violins and a violoncello, treated as
soli instruments to an accompaniment of a string orchestra.
Finally, the components of his orchestra--represented in his most
felicitous scoring by violins, violas, 'cellos, double-basses, two
oboes, two bassoons, two horns--were practically identical with those
of the early classicists.
So we see that the orchestra as bequeathed by Scarlatti was based
upon a well organized body of strings, supported by a modest array
of wood and brass instruments. Differentiated style of choral and
instrumental writing was accentuated, and although polyphonic
mannerism was still prevalent in orchestration, a tendency for
individualistic instrumentation was at least apparent. On the other
hand, the latent passion of the violoncello, when emancipated
from the double-bass, was as yet unknown; and the harpsichord, by
reënforcing the inner harmonies, covered the deficiencies of the wind
instruments. That the mechanism of the latter should have remained in
so immature a condition at a time when the delicate organism of the
ideal string quartet had already been perfected, is but the result of
natural causes. For when the supremacy of the viols was once for all
established, it was of primary importance that _their_ efficiency,
above all others, should be enhanced; and thus subsidiary instruments
were for the time subjected to at least comparative neglect.
The varied labors of Purcell (1658) were without the zone of eclectic
progression. Although he adapted the cyclic style of Corelli, and
kept in touch with the music of Lulli, whom, it is claimed, he even
excelled in instrumentation, he remained true to the traditions of
the English Church and English drama.
VI.
While examining the progress of orchestration, the parallel growth
of organ and clavier music should not be forgotten. A comprehensive
glance at the series of important writers in these branches will
suffice to refresh the memory.
A distinctive style, initiated by the earlier Italian composers,
Merulo, Andreas and Giovanni Gabrieli, was first exploited by
Frescobaldi (1583). He promulgated a novel style of organ playing
and contributed to the development of the fugue. After him,
organ composition became the prerogative of the Germans, and
the seventeenth century is represented by Scheidt, Froberger,
Kerl, Reincken, Buxtehude, finally Pachelbel (1653). In Germany,
Italy, and France, the subsequent chief exponents of clavier
music were respectively Kuhnau, Domenico Scarlatti, and Couperin.
Coincidentally, all three were born in the same decade as Bach.
By thus comparing the prodigious activity displayed in every branch
of music, we find, as the ultimata of this epoch, that homogeneity
in general had given place to a system of related tonalities,
vitalized rhythm, diversified figuration, and a rational mode of
expression. Moreover there were two distinct elements to build
upon,--polyphony, as embodied in the contrapuntal _sonata da chiesa_,
and the popular dance, the pivot of the _sonata da camera_. These two
styles were capable either of further unassociated development or of
reconciliation. By still further adding to such an amalgamation the
principle of reiteration and thematic development of a single thought
as the motive for a composition, we have as a resultant the cyclic
form--first the Suite, earliest of complex forms, then the Sonata.
Musical art was now ready for a master hand who should weld its
component parts firmly together. And that master was Bach.
(Summary on page 27.)
SUMMARY OF PART I
CHAPTER I. THE CRADLE OF INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC.
I. Two impelling forces: emotional expression of human feeling
and pagan religious rites, account for musical development among
primitive men.
Authentic history traces higher development through Egypt and the
Orient to the Hellenic races, when poetry and music became conjoined.
II. Under the protectorate of the Roman Church, melody acquired
plastic form, and systems of harmony, notation, and measure were
established.
III. The lyrics of the troubadours revived a cult for individual
emotionalism--the inherent characteristic of the Folk-song, which now
influenced, and finally dominated the Gregorian Chant.
IV. Polyphonic choral art of the Netherland School developed
consecutively contrapuntal technique, euphony, objective
emotionalism, and culminated in the works of Lasso, when it was
rivalled if not eclipsed by the creations of Palestrina. But the
style of this era lacked rhythm and form. These essentials, together
with tonality and a distinctive secular style, were subsequently
to be developed in connection with solo singing and independent
instrumental music.
CHAPTER II. THE DAWN OF INDEPENDENT INSTRUMENTATION.
I. A desire for increased vitality and florid figuration led to
embellished organ accompaniment. This process devolved to other
instruments. Hence instrumentation acquired individuality, contrast,
expansibility.
II. Search for intensified expression and dramatic effects led to
attempts at monody. The principles of monody are to be traced to the
Miracle Plays, the Troubadours, the Greek tragedies. A semblance
of these tragedies as transfused into Florentine monody led to
recitative and lyric solo. These contained the germ of opera and
oratorio, for which accompaniment was a requisite. In consequence,
selective acumen for species, balance, quality, variety, developed
orchestration.
CHAPTER III. EVOLUTION OF MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.
From primitive stringed instruments played with a bow, such as the
Celtic crwth and the Oriental rebab, devolved the vielle, thence the
subsequent varieties of viols proper, finally, at the end of the
sixteenth century, the modern string quartet.
The pianoforte owes its origin to the monochord and psaltery
with keyboard attachment, as developed from the dulcimer of the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the clavichord and harpsichord
of the sixteenth to the Hammerklavier of the eighteenth century.
The clavichord was derived from the monochord, the harpsichord from
the psaltery, the pianoforte from the dulcimer. The strings of the
dulcimer were played upon by hammers held in the hand; the clavichord
strings were mechanically pressed up; those of the harpsichord
were plucked by quills; whereas the pianoforte is supplied with
hammer-action.
The invention of wind instruments probably antedates that of strings.
Emanating from the ancient Egyptian vertical flute, the flûte à bec
of the Middle Ages matured into the modern horizontal flute. Akin to
the single-reed species of the Greek aulos, Latin tibia, were the
popularized schalmei, predecessors of the pommer and oboe families.
The single-reeded modern clarinet, that came into existence the end
of the seventeenth century, was an outgrowth of the chalemiax of
mediævalism.
From the Roman lituus and buccina devolved side by side the trombe
and Zinken of the Middle Ages. Experimental development through
the stages of bent tubes, slide mechanism, finger holes, removable
crooks, chromatic valves, perfected the valve-trumpet, the
bugle-horn, the slide-trombone.
Instruments of percussion are the parents of all other instruments.
Certain species subsequently became distinctly characteristic of
certain distinct races; those most effective are now incorporated in
the modern orchestra. Of significant importance are the kettle-drums
by reason of their unalloyed artistic value.
CHAPTER IV. BEGINNINGS OF ORCHESTRATION.
MONTEVERDE'S creative genius led to three tangible
results:--(1) Dramatic expression; (2) the founding of a serviceable
orchestra based on bowed instruments; (3) diversity of style between
vocal and instrumental composition.
(1) In writing for the stage, he aimed at an intensification of
dramatic effects, variety in tone-color, a freer accompaniment,
and relief from the monotony of recitative by the employment of a
primitive arioso form. The fruits of these dramatic efforts were
reaped by Carissimi in Italy, Schütz in Germany, Lulli in France.
(2) The founding of a serviceable orchestra was the result of his
expressive and dramatic instinct fostered by the attempts of the
Florentine experimentalists,--orchestral music and the drama being,
moreover, at that time practically inseparable. His orchestration
emphasized the value of strings, readjusted the balance of the wind,
and suggested contrasted choirs of instruments.
(3) Diversity of style between vocal and instrumental music pointed
the way to independent orchestral composition.
* * * * *
It was not the greatest of his successors that directly furthered
the cause of orchestration. Carissimi in oratorio, Lulli in opera,
only incidentally enriched instrumental accompaniment as a means
to an end. Of greater stability were the orchestral efforts of
the secondary composers of this era, of whom Cavalli, Legrenzi,
Corelli are the most important. Cavalli established the precedent
of three-part string writing, Legrenzi of equilibrium and a fairly
adequate supply of strings, whereas their superior, Corelli, by
developing violin technique, made possible a style of writing that
ultimately matured into the classic sonata. Further originality
was displayed in the chamber music of Steffani and Clari, in the
_concerto grosso_ of Torelli, in the combined harmonic and rhythmic
effects of Vivaldi.
* * * * *
In direct lineage from Monteverde, SCARLATTI stands as the
second great orchestral innovator. His three principal achievements
were:--(1) Balance of tone in the strings by the judicious
distribution of the four notes of a chord; (2) numerical suppression
of overpowering wind-instruments, and a logical usage of the same in
pairs; (3) enlargement of the exterior and thematic development of
the interior construction of his overtures. Incidentally, through
readjustment of dynamic force, the viola gained individuality, and
the strings were enabled to stand out in relief against the wind.
* * * * *
The general tendency of the era was one of universal musical
progress in specialized instrumental writing. Homogeneity yielded to
systematic harmonic progressions and well defined rhythm. Upon this
basis, a unification of the dance movement, polyphony, and thematic
treatment was effected in the following century.
PART II.--THE CLASSIC ERA.
CHAPTER V.
BACH, HÄNDEL, AND THEIR CONTEMPORARIES.
An attempt to portray in a felicitous manner the progress of
orchestration during the classic era is apt to carry one between
Scylla and Charybdis. On the one hand lies the temptation to enlarge
upon the biography and extraneous achievements of the great masters,
on the other, the danger of superficiality. Minuteness of detail as
aimed at in the previous chapter when the beginnings of orchestration
rested in the hands of a comparatively small number of men is here
incompatible, in view of the desire for conciseness. Moreover,
extended panegyrics would of necessity consist of but a flatulent
plagiarism upon the voluminous and admirably written works already
in existence. The safe course to pursue is therefore to survey the
era as a whole in its relation to the orchestra, merely touching upon
a very few of the distinctive characteristics peculiar to the most
celebrated exponents.
Naturally one turns to that unbroken chain of Teutonic peers, beside
whom all contemporary efforts were puny. Of these six,--Bach, Händel,
Gluck, Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven, it might be said that only the last
three were direct evolutionists of the symphonic orchestra; for
Gluck was absorbed in exploring the _dramatic_ characteristics of
instrumentation, and as to Bach and Händel, in spite of their titanic
contributions to music itself, neither of them can be regarded as an
orchestral innovator, though this statement savors of heresy.[8]
[Footnote 8: It should be borne in mind that the "heresy" of the
present writer is chargeable only when consideration of Bach's music
comes before or takes the place of what Bach did in the development
of _orchestration_, which is the first consideration of this book.
Of course, it is beyond question that in his instrumentation as
distinct from orchestration, Bach added to the possibilities of
the instruments existing at that time,--notably as shown by the
obbligato wind parts, the gamba and 'cello solos, etc., in the
Masses, the Passions and the Church Cantatas. These prove a much
larger appreciation of orchestral color than was known in music for
three-quarters of a century after him. Nevertheless it must not be
forgotten that for many years Bach's music obtained for itself only
restricted recognition, which therefore justifies the above made
statement that Bach was not a direct evolutionist of the symphonic
orchestra.]
I.
BACH (1685-1750), comparatively a recluse, was but little
known to his contemporaries. His mode of life, however, was only
partially responsible for this neglect, for the fact that a German
imitation of Neapolitan methods was in predominance at that time,
is of especial significance. Thus Haydn and Mozart, who might have
reaped incalculable benefit from his experience, were unfamiliar
with the greater portion of his works. This fact alone is sufficient
to disconnect his name from the direct lineal chain of orchestral
evolution. However, in view of the stupendous posterior influence his
music was destined to wield, one cannot thus summarily pass over his
contributions to orchestration.
Tersely stated, the ideal of this polyphonic giant revealed itself
in subtle expression as concealed in his filigree of mercurial
counterpoint, in the portrayal of inner feeling, and in profound
religious fervor. A Teuton to the core, he stands as the symbolic
exponent of organ and Protestant Church music. His arias are imbued
with dramatic intensity and lyric pathos, and if at times portions
of them seem archaic, one must remember that his art had assimilated
the earlier church style and was but the corollary of it. His Passion
Music not only still exists, but retains its full vitality. His
church style is that of the organ, and the organ was for him the
intermediary to orchestration.
Although Bach's instrumentation was by no means equal to the
substance of his wonderful conceptions intended for orchestration,
he did not neglect to study the prevalent Italian style of scoring,
and was, to say the least, a progressive orchestrator, even if not an
innovator. In his great organ works, the employment of chromatic and
enharmonic modulation, the perfection of the fugue, the development
of earlier strict forms eventually caused vocal music to yield
precedence to instrumental. And Bach transplanted this polyphonic
style into the orchestra with the result that the treatment of each
individual instrument was distinctly melodic. Now this interwoven
texture of austere polyphony, though resulting in a complete
negation of analyzed tone-color, contained the essence of effective
orchestral solo writing, as typified in his _concerti grossi_.
Bach frequently employed the organ as the centre of his orchestra,
though the instrument was never aggressive. Around it were clustered
differentiated groups of the usual variety, whose mission it was to
add specific unities of color rather than volume of sound.
But when Bach had occasion to introduce episodes of simplicity
by way of contrast to his usual polyphony, his scoring for
wood-wind was not so felicitous, and in loud passages, even when
adequately represented, they were prone to be eclipsed by the
strings. It is true that he was frequently hampered by a paucity of
instrumentalists, but subsequent renditions of his orchestral works
tend to prove that he failed to extract the best results from the
wind. In uniting choral writing with the organ, Bach must evidently
have been aware of the acoustic phenomenon that a literal redoubling
of vocal and organ parts results in the complete absorption of the
latter. For in his choral masterpieces, where the organ and orchestra
are simultaneously used, we find, as a means of insuring contrast,
passages wherein entire chords in the orchestra are employed as
passing notes against held chords in the chorus and organ.
Bach's orchestration, therefore, stands for polyphony; melodic
treatment in the voice-leading of each and every part both inner and
outer; contrasted choirs of affiliated instruments for giving variety
to the various sequent movements in relation to each other, rather
than for episodic contrast or variety in the separate movements by
themselves.
A striking contrast to Bach's secluded and uneventful career is to be
found in that of his illustrious contemporary.
II.
HÄNDEL (1685-1759), the man of the world, represents
the realistic, and the æsthetics of melodic form. As suzerain of
oratorio, he handled the orchestra primarily as subsidiary to the
voices. Unlike Bach, his influence upon organ and clavier music
was small. And the value of his forty insipid Italian operas lies
only in the experience it gave him in manipulation of vocal forces,
and the benefits derived from keeping in touch with a cosmopolitan
public. His oratorios are the composite of the orthodox style of
the church, the traits of the Neapolitan School deprived of their
meretricious tendencies, and a precocious expressive and dramatic
instinct, the birthright of his own genius. Ultimately was added to
this composite the inspiration offered by the English anthem and
the talent of Purcell. Indeed, although the centripetal ideal that
guided him was spontaneous and original, it must be acknowledged
that in the setting of his brilliants is to be found an extraneous
aggrandizement, resulting, not from eclecticism, but from plagiarism.
Thus unvarnished phrases of Corelli and Alessandro Scarlatti were
boldly transfused into the works of Händel when his own Muse failed
him. This Italian influence betrays itself in the comparative
simplicity of his modulations, and in his but moderate use of
striking dissonances. The skeleton of his harmonic structures was
reared on a simpler basis than Bach's; on the other hand, the massed
effects of his choral polyphony have never been surpassed.
His instrumental forms were likewise Italian, and his orchestration,
though masterly, was not so conspicuously original as that of his
immediate great successors. Strings as the nuclei were supported by
a large number of reeds. In orchestras which included twenty-five
strings, frequently no less than five oboes and five bassoons would
be employed. Even our modern mighty aggregation of from fifty to
sixty strings would hardly bear the adjunct of ten reeds,--indeed,
three oboes, one English horn, three bassoons, one contra-bassoon
(eight in all) would represent the maximum if tonal equilibrium were
to be preserved. However, two extenuating circumstances for this
Händelian custom should not be overlooked. His method of writing for
the wood did not embody those characteristics subsequently discovered
by Haydn and Mozart; again, the instruments themselves lacked power.
The criterion of Händel's orchestration rests almost exclusively
in his oratorios. Here the mission of instrumental accompaniment
was to support, strengthen, intertwine; for Händel was in quest of
solidity, sonority, vitality,--terms which in this connection might
be considered the synonym for the above three.
His usual method for full scoring was to double the violin parts
with oboes, and the basses with bassoons. Clarinets had as yet no
status; flutes added ornamentation; the brass was fully represented
in logical proportion, though it was then the custom to write high
trumpet parts. Next to the violins, the oboe was Händel's as well
as Bach's favorite solo instrument. The organ played an important
rôle in his oratorios, and he employed the harp freely for historic
representations. Together with Bach, he was practically the last to
make use of the theorbos. At least passing reference is due to his
trios, which constitute so important a contribution to the literature
of chamber music. His contrapuntal overtures and interludes, where
the wood-wind are allowed greater freedom, display considerable
variety. Finally, at this period the harpsichord was fortunately
losing its fallacious value as a musical component of the orchestra,
being retained rather as a means for conducting.
But as already stated, Händel learned to regard the orchestra not as
an unenthralled entity, but rather as the chief ally of oratorio,
for which the corner stone was Italian melody, the foundations
comparatively simple harmonic progressions, and the superstructure
the human voice, surrounded by an orchestral trellis. And the
resultant was a massive tonal edifice.
THE CONTEMPORARIES OF BACH AND HÄNDEL.
Before proceeding to a survey of Gluck's revolutionary
accomplishments, it would seem in place to analyze the artistic
progress of the lesser lights of this period. And since the crisis
of Gluck's life was not reached until a century after the birth of
those two giants, Bach and Händel, even though they were his direct
predecessors and eventual contemporaries, chronological dates must
needs give place to the logic of evolution.
III.
=Italy.= In the previous chapter, the progress of orchestration
in relation to its beneficent guardian, the drama, was traced from
the improvements initiated by Monteverde through those of Scarlatti.
These new doctrines were, of course, assiduously seized upon by
the latter's contemporaries and immediate successors. But indeed
it was not until the advent of Spontini as late as the first part
of the nineteenth century that Italian orchestration was again
represented by an exponent of more than secondary importance,
taking into consideration the achievements of Rameau in France,
not to mention the great German masters. For Pergolesi excelled
particularly in string writing, whereas Cherubini's scoring shows
German influence rather than Italian. Nevertheless, Neapolitan
propagandism exerted world-wide influence, and was directly fostered
by such men as Buononcini, Durante, Porpora, Leo, Logroscino, all of
whom were born in the last quarter of the seventeenth century; to
the same chronological period belongs also Lotti (1667), a worthy
representative of the Venetian School, who, although primarily a
composer of sacred music of marked individuality, wrote a number
of operas for Venice as well as several for Dresden and Vienna.
Having resided for two years in Dresden, he aided the diffusion
throughout Germany of operatic and orchestral principles that were
conspicuously Italian even if not specifically those of Naples. Like
him, Durante devoted himself almost exclusively to sacred writing.
Leo, though producing many dramatic works as well as oratorios and
chamber music, aided the advance of Italian art more as the teacher
of Jomelli and Piccini than by his creations. Both G. Buononcini and
the singing teacher, Porpora, were through the irony of fate led to
aid artistic evolution by negative means, so to speak, since the
trend of their ambitions brought them face to face with the genius of
Händel, upon whom their machinations acted but as a stimulus. For,
as will be remembered, Buononcini's defeat in London was followed
fifteen years later by a second unsuccessful rivalry instigated by
Porpora's faction. Logroscino is to be remembered for his development
of opera-buffa and of the Finale as subsequently applied by Piccini.
But it is clearly evident that none of these representative Italian
composers contributed materially to orchestration with the exception
that their instrumental accompaniments acquired greater freedom.
The brief career of Pergolesi (1710-1736) was consummated during the
interim dating approximately from Gluck's birth to Haydn's. His fame
is confined not alone to his sacred works, such as the Stabat Mater,
but to his dramatic productions as well, of which the finest example
is, of course, "La serva padrona," of opera-buffa propinquities.
His proclivity for employing an orchestra of strings alone, as
exemplified in the above mentioned representative works, was
fortunate in that thereby he was able to concentrate his thoughts
upon finish and detail, such as served as a valuable model for the
period in which he was living, when string writing was as yet at an
immature stage.
IV.
=Germany.= In Germany itself Italian influences predominated,
and interest was centered chiefly upon the opera, in connection
with which Scarlatti's tenets of writing for the orchestra were
diligently copied. German dramatic activity paved the way to the
establishment in 1678 of a permanent opera house in Hamburg, which
enjoyed uninterrupted existence for sixty years. Most prominent
among the composers for and directors of this enterprise were Theile
(1646), Keiser (1674), Mattheson (1681), and Telemann (likewise
1681). Of these, Keiser accrued the greatest temporary popularity by
reason of his prolific and sensational though shallow versatility.
His orchestration, which was of the lightest kind, included various
alternating groups of instruments. Fétis states that Keiser employed
in his opera "Frédegonde" sometimes the strings alone, or the
clavichord together with plucked stringed instruments and a bass.
Again, the voice was accompanied by a single violin, an oboe and a
bass, oboes alone, or a flute and viols. These combinations present
nothing new; they were but in accordance with the customs of the
times. Telemann also was possessed of a reputation sufficient to
overshadow in his day that of Bach. Though the importance of his
activity has since been reduced to insignificance, credit is at least
due to him, not alone for his dramatic writings, but also for his
contribution to concert and chamber music, which frequently revealed
strong German tendencies, all too rare in the midst of Neapolitan
sovereignty. So-called symphonies, overtures, concertos, quartets and
the like are included in Telemann's exhaustless list of compositions,
and in view of his intimacy with Bach, these works must have wielded
at least transitory influence upon the experimental stage of that
master's instrumentation and orchestral form. Händel likewise for
three years devoted his energies to writing operas for the Hamburg
stage; but this was in his youthful days, and, as has been already
intimated, these attempts were but puerile and can have no possible
bearing upon the art of orchestration.
Emanuel Bach (1714-1788) was also unquestionably attracted by the
doctrines of this histrionic circle, although he was never directly
associated with it. (Incidentally, therefore, it should be noted
that he was not the successor of Telemann as director in operatic
lines, a statement erroneously set forth by one historian of repute;
he did succeed him as church musical director but not until later
in life. In support of this correction it is but necessary to call
attention to the fact that in 1738, the very year in which the
degeneracy of the Hamburg operatic experiments culminated in the
relinquishment of the enterprise, Emanuel Bach, being but twenty-four
years old, went to Berlin, where two years later he became chamber
cembalist to Frederick the Great.) The results of his efforts are of
value to posterity in that he was instrumental in causing musical
composition to be established on a more decidedly harmonic rather
than contrapuntal basis. For although he honestly endeavored to
fathom the profundity of his illustrious father, the subtle influence
of his courtly surroundings and the effervescent superficiality of
Neapolitanism could not but have its effect upon his art. Again,
his early training was such as to foster a regard for what has been
called the "gallant" style, and, as Dr. Riemann states it: "to this
very tendency he owes his greatness, for by it he became the father
of modern instrumental music, the precursor of Haydn, Mozart, and
Beethoven in the department of the sonata, symphony, etc., which he
clothed in more pleasing modern dress;" and thus "the son of the last
master of the old school became the founder of the new school."
Passing reference is due to three further German contemporaries
of Händel who were slaves to Italian principles. These were Hasse
(1699), Graun (1701), Naumann (1741). After the downfall of the
Hamburg stage, two distinct efforts were made to establish Italian
opera at Dresden. Now the Dresden orchestra is over three hundred
and fifty years old, and the interest attached to the name of Hasse
is due to his prominent connection with that organization and the
constitution of the same under his management. This band had been
noted for its excellence already in the earlier stages of its
existence, and even at the time of Monteverde it enrolled no less
than thirteen strings and ninety-three instruments of wood, brass,
and percussion. These dimensions were of gigantic proportions for
those days, indeed, they compare favorably with the present size of
the Dresden orchestra. That of Hasse was but half as large, but the
distribution of parts was, of course, infinitely superior, and an
orchestra of even fifty instruments, of which only half were strings,
could readily have overpowered singers of Italian opera, had it not
been for the subservience of the accompaniment to "il bel canto,"
the meagre quality of tone of the wood-wind, and the "thin" scoring
then in vogue. It consisted of twenty-five strings in judicious
apportionment, two flutes, five oboes, five bassoons, two horns,
besides trumpets, trombones, kettle-drums and two clavichords. The
prominence of reed quality and the incorporation of two clavichords,
from one of which Hasse conducted, was in accord with the usages
which Händel accepted. Hasse stands as the most successful native
exponent of extraneous ideas, and, like his method of conducting
which originated in Italy, his harmonic progressions as well as
his instrumentation are of the simplest kind and disclose the same
influence.
Graun achieved renown first as an opera singer, next as an opera
composer; but of more enduring worth are his sacred compositions.
Nevertheless he and Hasse were for a time the only _maestri_ who
wrote for the Berlin Opera, and the orchestral scores of Graun
are considered by some to suggest a transition from the earlier
symphonies to those of Haydn. One of his cantatas is scored for three
flutes, three oboes, two violins, one viola, a bassoon, and a chorus
in six parts. To this series of composers belongs properly the name
of Naumann, even though he was born in the following generation; he
displayed a fatal facility in expressing himself in conventional
formulas, and his career was interrupted only by the ascendency of
Gluck and Mozart.
V.
=France.= French musical art owes the stability of her early
dramatic growth to three eminent composers: Lulli, Rameau, Gluck; and
the first and the last of these were foreigners. Moreover into their
hands was entrusted the moulding of French orchestration, for French
orchestral music was not destined to disengage itself from bondage to
the drama and assert itself as a clearly defined indigenous product
until the nineteenth century. A sharp line of demarcation must be
drawn between each respective career of these three pillars of the
nascent stage. For Lulli had appropriated to himself all the glory
attendant upon the Royal Opera, not alone as the director but as
composer as well. Not until after his death did it become possible
for others to reap the benefits of experience in hearing their own
works produced, in consequence of which, latent talent had had
no chance to expand. And the interim between Lulli and Rameau is
signalized as a period of reaction during which the efforts of even
the most prominent writers were but a pale reflection of those of
their illustrious master.
Three composers, born in the second half of the seventeenth century,
namely Campra, Destouches, Mouret, were the immediate successors
of Lulli, and dedicated their services, such as they were, to the
conservation of his ideals. Of these three men, Campra is popularly
called the link between Lulli and Rameau. Campra possessed genuinely
dramatic instincts, exercised his talents along sacred lines as
well as secular, and revealed certain traits of independence and
originality in that he dared to depart from Lulli's somewhat austere
style by emphasizing the necessity for augmenting rhythmic effects,
which was distinctly beneficial in the development of orchestration.
It is interesting to note that he was the first Frenchman to employ
the _cor de chasse_ in opera, although Lulli introduced it into
some of his ballets. The contributions of Destouches were of small
intrinsic value other than the fact that the chivalrous surroundings
of his earlier career as an officer had nurtured his natural
temperament for the graceful and refined. And so with this æsthetic
touch of a composer otherwise lacking in musical education, he added
his mite to the development of daintiness in instrumentation, such as
the use of two piccolo flutes in thirds in one of his ballets, and
other minor though interesting details. Of Mouret's operas little
can be said; but he deserves honorable mention for his labors as a
conductor of the "Concerts spirituels," which, as the name implies,
had been founded in 1725 to occupy the _interregna_ whenever the
opera houses were closed for religious reasons. Consequently, his
name is rightfully connected with the evolution of the concert
orchestra, for the "Concerts spirituels" exercised a discriminating
influence at a critical time in French musical history, especially
since subsequently, about the date of Beethoven's birth, it was
reorganized by Gossec, with the result that it sprang into prominence
equal to that of some of the foremost orchestras of Europe.
With the advent of RAMEAU (1683-1764), who was born two
years before Bach, the _Opéra_ was again lifted out of the lethargy
into which it had fallen. Rameau, first to offer to the world a
theoretical explanation of harmonic relationship built upon a
logically scientific basis, was exactly fifty years old when he
made his début as an operatic writer, indeed, he did not reach
the summit of his success until about the time of Mozart's birth.
And since Gluck's Parisian career dates from the decade in which
Beethoven was born, the chronological relationship in the labors of
Rameau and Gluck can the more readily be compared. Rameau's handling
of dramatic resources was superior to that of Lulli, in fact, his
methods were of sufficient merit to be subsequently absorbed by Gluck
himself. The three cardinal points of departure from traditional
usage that have caused the name of Rameau, first of the genuinely
French masters, to be so highly respected are his daring harmonic
innovations, the important rôle assigned by him to the dramatic
chorus, and what is more, the importance attached to orchestral
accompaniment, together with increased independence and prominence
for the orchestra itself, as well as enriched instrumentation in
detail. Since most of his operas are published in condensed form,
which, with the exception of the _ritornelli_, contain but the vocal,
violin, and bass parts, facilities for a satisfactory examination
of his instrumentation are usually lacking. This is a matter for
regret, since many of his detached instrumental numbers are veritable
little gems of descriptive writing in the miniature, not dissimilar
in style to those written by his contemporary, François Couperin, who
was mentioned in the previous chapter as one of the three earliest
exponents of characteristic clavier music.
Though Rameau made but few changes in the constituency of the
orchestra, there was assigned to each instrument an individual
and appropriate rôle, and the tone-colors cross and intermingle.
He extended the range of the violins, aided the independency of
accompaniment by the frequent use of arpeggios in the strings, and
was the first to use _pizzicato_ chord effects in the entire body of
strings at once. Although he did not employ the harp, he imitated its
characteristics by means of _pizzicati_ strings. Two horns and even
two clarinets are frequently to be found in his scores, and lighter
touches, such as the accompaniment of the voice by two flutes and a
violin, or three oboes and a bassoon, are also to be met with.
As has been already intimated, the triumphs of Rameau were followed
by a second interim that lasted for nearly twenty years. But
in the case of this second interim, France was not destined to
remain so comparatively unproductive as during the first. For
the same period that heralds the crowning point of Rameau's fame
ushers in the beginnings of French comic opera, for which date
Mozart's birth is again a convenient reminder. As a result of
partisanship for the Italian "bouffons," the philosopher, Jean
Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778), wrote both the words and music of
a little French pastoral in the style of the prevailing Italian
_intermezzi_, and thereby excited the interest more especially
of the younger composers. Duni, Philidor, and Monsigny, who were
born in approximately the same quarter century as Rousseau, were
particularly happy in their efforts to evolve from this germ a
lighter and more popular style, and are therefore to be regarded
as the founders of _opéra comique_, which, in the next generation,
was to be moulded into plasmic form by Grétry. And no style could
have been more beneficial for extricating orchestral writing out
of the stiff and prosaic confines within which serious opera was
prone to restrict it. On the other hand, Italian orchestration was
leaning more and more toward pernicious conventionalism and tawdry
superficiality. Here again the early _opéra comique_ appeared as
a felicitous counterbalance, and infused into the orchestra that
sparkle and piquancy for which French instrumentation has ever since
been famed. True, none of these minor composers contributed signally
to the advancement of orchestration, but each helped in little ways,
and their instrumentation was more correct and finished than that
of their prominent successor, Grétry. Their orchestras were still
somewhat massive, but showed progress in vigor and sonority, variety
and lightness of instrumentation.
And so when Gluck arrived in Paris there existed already four
distinct schools for orchestral writing--the rising classic purity of
his own native land; the Neapolitan traditions, fast deteriorating
into triviality; the legacies of Lulli, revivified and improved upon
by Rameau; and the virginal essays at phosphorescent scoring in
lighter vein.
(Summary on page 68.)
CHAPTER VI.
GLUCK AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES.
I.
GLUCK (1714-1787), the third of the great drama reformers,
and predecessor of Wagner in the establishment of dramatic
continuity, did not appear as the champion of revivified Hellenic
ideals until advanced in years. Though he had long harbored an
intense antagonism to the paltry conventionalities of the existing
lyric drama, his tenets awoke no sympathetic chord in his native
land. And thus it came about that the arena of Lulli's scintillating
pageantry witnessed the rehabilitation of genuine, legitimate, and
unaffected histrionic art. This was attained by a return to a severe
and truthful mode of musical declamation, by clothing the several
stage characters with distinctive individuality, and by instilling
into his music-dramas in their entirety, reflection, simplicity,
sincerity, pathos, nobility. The chorus was raised to importance, the
function of accompaniment rendered more virile, and the orchestra
was made to enhance the dramatic situations. Three defects are
noticeable. Gluck made no attempt to break down the barriers of
stereotyped operatic forms, his melody is at times stilted, and his
music is guilty of frequent grammatical errors. Despite these facts,
his choruses are worthy examples of dramatic effect, and the formal
structure of his overtures is more rounded than those of even Bach
or Händel. But it cannot be said that his genius was conspicuously
original; he was essentially a reformer, not an innovator. For as Mr.
Edward Dickinson expresses it in general terms: "Gluck's success was
not due to his melodic invention or mastery of musical science, for
in neither of these particulars can he be ranked among the greatest
composers. His ability consisted rather of producing great effects
with simple means; the severe grandeur of his style was especially
suited to the antique subjects which he chose, and this style was in
conformity to the peculiar genius of Greek tragedy."
To independent orchestration Gluck contributed but little,
but, considering the age in which he lived, none have excelled
him as an interpreter, by means of the orchestra, of pathetic
expression, or in the use of appropriate instrumentation, varied
and rich tone-coloring. To quote from Parry's "The Art of Music,"
page 220: "Moreover, the expressive qualities of his admirable
recitatives are very much enhanced by his way of dealing with the
accompaniment. He neglected no opportunity to make use of the
qualities of his orchestral instruments--as far as in him lay--to
enforce and accentuate the situations, and even to intensify the
passing moment of feeling implied by the dialogue. Composers were
successfully developing the sense of the functions and resources
of instrumentation. Even Gluck's rival, Piccini, made some very
appropriate effects by using his instruments consistently with
the spirit of the situations. But Gluck applied himself to the
matter with far more intensity, and far more genuine perception of
the characters of the instruments. Indeed it would be hardly an
exaggeration to say, that he was the first composer in the world
who had any genuine understanding of this very modern phase of the
art. Mozart was the first to show real natural gift and genuine
feeling for beautiful disposition of tone, but Gluck anticipated
modern procedure in adapting his colors exactly to the mood of the
situation. A good deal had been attempted already in a sort of
half-hearted and formal manner, but he was the first to seize firmly
on the right principles and to carry out his objects with any mastery
of resources." On the other hand, "his orchestration has none of
the roundness or balance or maturity of Mozart's. It is unequal and
uncertain, and requires humoring in performance to make it produce
the effect which is intended."
Gluck relied to an excessive degree upon the string band, and his
orchestral writing lacked that balance which the contemporary
and sequent classicists regarded as the fundamental requirement.
Notwithstanding, his instrumentation exhibits many original insignia
that are worthy of record. Thus he demonstrated the dramatic power
of low-written viola parts, made varied and characteristic use of
the tremolo, was the first to introduce mutes into the orchestra in
his "Armide," and caused the trombones to emerge from their hitherto
menial subservience, and stand forth in all their dignity and tragic
power of portraying peace, sorrow, fear, religion, majesty. And by
proving the superior effectiveness in employing a group of three
trombones, he established a precedent that has been endorsed by all
subsequent composers.
But it must be confessed that in turning over page after page of his
scores, one discovers the fact that in deploying his wood-wind Gluck
usually laid but modest demands upon them. Their duties were more
commonly restricted to the lending of comparatively simple tone-color
for heightening dramatic action, or for relieving the monotony of
prolonged use of strings alone. Of weird and tragic effect is his
concentration of all high wood-wind _unisono_. But many of his other
orchestral characteristics bear the impress of conventionalism then
in vogue, which soon becomes monotonous; and his manner of writing
for the deeper instruments causes much of his orchestration to sound
heavy.
All things considered, the same must be said of Gluck as of his
vancourier, Lulli, and of the great oratorio composers, Carissimi
and Händel--neither he nor they were attracted by the kaleidoscopic
potentiality of the orchestra when isolated from its kindred rivals,
the opera and the oratorio. And although his name is to be revered
for having opened up the resources of the orchestra, the attention he
bestowed upon it was but a reflection of the greater glories that he
offered up to the shrine of dramatic lustration.
THE CONTEMPORARIES OF GLUCK.
For two hundred years dramatic writing had now dominated musical
art, therefore orchestration as well. The best fruits of these two
centuries of experiments having culminated in the reforms of Gluck,
his music dramas, with their continuity of action and dignity of
subject-matter, were to be surpassed only by Mozart's splendid
attainments, by reason of the latter's perfect melody, pure form and
admirably adjusted orchestration.
A final glance at the dramatic situation of Europe with the date
of Beethoven's birth as a consistently convenient landmark will
be necessary in order to comprehend the significance of Mozart's
operatic constellation as it appeared on the horizon. For the decade
beginning with 1770 was replete with big events, preordained, as it
were, to do homage to the future master--Beethoven. Of the generation
born between 1714 and 1756, further mention has yet to be made of the
Frenchman, Grétry, of the Germans, J.A. Hiller and Dittersdorf, and
of the conservators of declining Italian dogmas, Jomelli, Piccini,
Sacchini, Paesiello, Cimarosa, Salieri.
II.
=France.= After the defeat of the kindly Piccini,--who deserves
more credit than is usually awarded him, not alone for his graceful
melody, clear and sonorous orchestration, but especially for his
judicious application of the orchestral instruments to the demands
of a situation,--the stage of the French capital, now monopolized by
foreign composers, patronized for a brief period the productions of
the Neapolitan Sacchini, and of Salieri. The former was also a fair
composer of chamber music, whereas the latter is signally notorious
for his intrigues against Mozart. Both of them were pupils of Gluck,
and their instrumentation was but an imitation of his. But meanwhile,
after GRÉTRY (1741-1813) had fairly launched his graceful
conceptions, the public soon recognized in him a worthy successor to
Rameau, even though the _genre_ of his offerings was of a different
mould. Interest in imported art waned, and the career of the second
great French composer began.
Grétry, though founding a permanent and powerful national school
that was distinctly the opposite of tragedy, was an ardent disciple
of Gluck's doctrines, being himself even more of a radical in his
indifference for actual singing as a mode of dramatic interpretation.
But in spite of his sensitive perception not alone for truthful
interpretation, but as well for melodic design and novel scenic
effects, his comparative neglect of the orchestra is unique in the
annals of musical history. His strings were generally written in
three parts, with frequent gaps between the bass and the two upper
voices. His harmonies were usually too thin, and his orchestration
as a whole was conventional and uninteresting. Fortunately his
delicate musical thought did not require elaborate instrumentation
as a means for expression, and so he rarely drew upon the resources
of the orchestra for more than was absolutely necessary in simple
accompaniment to the voice. Grétry is cited as having declared that
the accompaniment to solo singing should be as the pedestal to the
statue; but unfortunately his own orchestral accompaniments do not
conform to this pretty saying, for his pedestals were feeble and
lacked the essentials of ornamentation. And although Grétry towers
above his contemporaries as the first great representative of _opéra
comique_, he contributed practically nothing new to orchestration
other than the introduction, in a few isolated cases, of some unusual
instruments of percussion and other minor details of instrumentation.
III.
=Italy.= In 1770, Jomelli, who for fifteen years had occupied
the post of Hofkapellmeister in Stuttgart, had just returned to
Italy, where he found Paesiello in high favor, and Cimarosa about
to begin his operatic career. Both Paesiello and Cimarosa were soon
to pose as rivals to Piccini as well as to each other, but of the
two, Paesiello was possessed of more scholarly attributes which
found outlet in numerous independent instrumental works, including
twelve symphonies and six quartets, whereas Cimarosa displayed
simpler though more spontaneous fertility, and his works are better
known to posterity with whom he ranks as one of the greatest
Italian composers of his day. Nevertheless, the instrumentation of
both Paesiello and Cimarosa was weak and non-progressive. The most
prominent contemporary exponent of chamber music was Boccherini,
who is credited with the authorship of no less than three hundred
and sixty trios, quartets, quintets and the like, besides twenty
symphonies. In antithesis to the transportation into Germany of
exotic ideas, Jomelli and other Italians living in Germany showed
the influence of their new surroundings by improved orchestration,
though unfortunately this had but little immediate effect on their
compatriots at home. For the Italians still held tenaciously to
their traditions, and handled the orchestra principally as a means
of support for and contrast to the human voice. Fearful lest the
singer should be overpowered, they were overcautious; as a result,
their scoring was thin, and decidedly weak in the bass. Jomelli's
efforts are therefore especially praiseworthy. In his operas, the
orchestra acquired greater importance, and, like Sammartini, he
awakened also a keener interest for purely instrumental music. He was
one of the first to make really effective use of the _crescendo_,
increased the efficiency of the violins by adding richer and more
varied ornamentation, and showed a tendency to make proper use of
tone-color. In a word, his instrumentation, together with that of
Pergolesi, ushered in a new epoch in Italy.
IV.
=Germany.= The seed of the new movement in France soon bore
fruit in Germany in the form of the Singspiel, which, however,
sturdily maintained its indigenous characteristics, since not the
form but the spirit only of the French comic opera with spoken
dialogue had been accepted. J.A. Hiller, as the prime mover in
thus establishing a national form of operetta, was emulated by
Dittersdorf, who learned much from the French composers, though
more from Haydn, as is evidenced by the form and instrumentation
of his symphonies. The climax of German operatic enterprise in
the eighteenth century was reached when in 1778 the "Deutsches
Nationalspiel" was founded in Vienna, bringing to that city lasting
prominence in dramatic affairs. For the liberal spirit that was shown
in throwing open its doors to all worthy applicants, irrespective
of nationality or style of writing, attracted such composers
as Gluck, Dittersdorf, Salieri, Mozart. And the eclecticism in
objective, in form, in orchestration, that consequently pervaded the
artistic atmosphere which Beethoven was soon to breathe, must have
unconsciously struck a sympathetic chord in the insatiable longings
of Beethoven's soul to find food for his selective and synthetical
methods of procedure.
V.
=The Concert Orchestra.= Meanwhile the concert orchestra
was rapidly winning wider recognition, since Haydn and his
contemporaries, Sammartini, Gossec, Grétry, had already excited
marked attention. In 1770 the "Concerts des Amateurs" were founded
by Gossec, followed shortly by his reorganization of the "Concerts
spirituels." And but a few years later the Leipzig Gewandhaus, of
which Hiller was the first conductor, was placed on a permanent
basis, being largely due to his untiring efforts in behalf of
orchestral concerts.
Although the permanent bulwark of modern instrumentation was reared
by Haydn, important experiments were successfully developed by
the Milanese, Sammartini, and the Bohemian, Stamitz, both of whom
were born at the same period with Gluck; further by the German,
Cannabich, and the Belgian, Gossec, both born in the same decade
as Haydn; finally, by the Frenchman, Grétry. Thus representatives
of five nationalities were simultaneously engaged in carrying
on the same work, their fields of activity being, moreover,
widely dispersed. Sammartini, also noted as the teacher of Gluck,
remained loyal to his own city; Gossec and Grétry were occupied in
Paris; Stamitz and Cannabich, conductors rather than composers,
were successively settled as directors of the Electoral band at
Mannheim.[9]
[Footnote 9: To this list might properly be added the name of the
Italian, dall'Abaco, since his scores, being now also available for
study, reveal many interesting traits pointing toward originality and
progress. He is to be classed among the earlier composers of this
period, for he was prominently associated with the musical life of
Munich during the first part of the eighteenth century.]
It is a peculiar coincidence that Italy, which has never yet produced
a great symphonic writer, should be able to point to Giovanni
Sammartini as the earliest exponent of this form in the modern sense.
For already in 1734 his first orchestral symphony was produced in
Milan where he was conductor. At that date Haydn was but two years
old. Of course Sammartini obtained no such results as did his great
German successor, but he at least suggested the proper course by
which clearer form and healthier orchestration might be secured,
and his instrumentation abounds in new and interesting traits. In
addition to having written a host of symphonies, of which twenty-four
were published, his labors in other branches of composition were
prodigious. Incidentally, his experience as a writer of string
quartets taught him the value of the viola, in consequence of which,
independent parts for that instrument as advocated by Scarlatti are
likewise to be found in his orchestral scores.
The value of Gossec's persistent energy in both building up the
standard of already existing orchestral organizations and in
establishing a new one is twofold. For not only was the French
public educated to encourage home talent to seek expression in
independent orchestral language, but also by affording these same
French aspirants frequent opportunity for hearing the masterpieces
of foreign contemporaries was the French style of writing for the
orchestra immensely strengthened and broadened. Considering the close
affinity that bound Gossec's birthplace to France, he may well be
regarded as a representative of the country which he had adopted as
his own. As the founder of the first genuine symphonic orchestra
in France, he himself set the example as a diligent composer of
symphonies and string quartets, although, unfortunately, the former
were at first not favorably received. Nevertheless, his perseverance
eventually won the day, especially after he had been crowned with new
laurels as an operatic composer; and at the time of the Gluck-Piccini
controversy, some of his later symphonies finally obtained for him
that recognition to which he had aspired. Lavoix avers that Gossec
was the first French writer to make use of the clarinet. Again, its
introduction into the Opéra in 1772--just in time to be of service
to Gluck--is apparently authenticated by Francoeur. Since, however,
the clarinet was already embodied in Rameau's scoring, the present
writer desires to call attention to these obvious discrepancies. At
all events, we know that the resources of the clarinet were developed
by both Gossec and Gluck, even though at that time only an incomplete
scale in the keys of C and F could be obtained from the instrument.
Gossec was not conspicuously original either in instrumental form or
in orchestration, even though his Requiem, for example, does contain
instances of interesting scoring. Neither does the fact that his
first symphony preceded Haydn's by five years credit him with being
an epoch-making orchestral composer. For his productions, like those
of Sammartini, are now but of historic interest, whereas Haydn's
still find ready listeners. And so his place in history is distinctly
that of pioneer and promoter of independent orchestral performance,
and with the organization of the "Concerts des Amateurs" his programs
included the works of such foreign composers as the Belgian, van
Malder, the Bohemian, Wanhal, likewise Stamitz, eventually Haydn.
His career is certainly unique, since in view of the fact that he
was born two years after Haydn's birth and died two years after
Beethoven's death, the complete panorama of the classic era was
unfolded before his eyes, and during the course of his ninety-five
years it was his privilege to witness the ascendency in turn of
Gluck, Haydn, Mozart and Beethoven together with their co-workers.
During his lifetime, moreover, there sprang into existence also
the Romantic Movement which, emerging out of the later works of
Beethoven, was seized upon and elaborated by Spohr and Weber with
their followers.
A striking illustration of the extent to which at this period
the concert stage was already exerting its power is afforded by
the biography of Grétry, who in spite of his restless dramatic
disposition found time, in the enthusiasm of his productiveness, to
write no less than six symphonies, not to mention a number of minor
works in the form of chamber music--and this in the face of the fact
that he did not know how to write for the orchestra! His saving grace
in this field was his fund of humor, tuneful melody and sound musical
judgment.
Notwithstanding all that has just been said, these signs of activity
in France cannot be compared with contemporary achievements in
Germany, henceforth to be the permanent home and supreme arbiter
of cyclic form and stable instrumentation. And not the least of
the inceptive stimuli leading to the discovery of the proper
constituency of a perfectly balanced orchestra must be accredited to
the Mannheim orchestra, which became celebrated under Stamitz and
Cannabich. At the time of Mozart's birth, that organization embraced
a string band of ten first violins, ten seconds, four violas, four
'cellos and four double-basses. It will be seen at a glance that
excepting a paucity of violas, the value of plentiful strings and
their numerical relation one to the other was keenly appreciated.
The wood-wind was likewise logically represented by two flutes, two
oboes, two bassoons, to which clarinets were added some ten years
later. There were also four horns, twelve trumpets and trombones,
kettle-drums, an organ, and a chorus of twenty-four voices. Why so
many instruments of brass should have been considered necessary is
open to question. Independent parts for not more than two horns and
two trumpets was the rule among the early symphonic writers, and not
one of Haydn's symphonies contains parts for more than two horns,
neither did his simple demands require more than two trumpets. True,
Mozart occasionally called for four horns in his earlier works, but
like Haydn, he used trumpets but sparingly. It is hardly conceivable
that competent conductors of so noble an organization could have
been guilty of such inartistic procedure as to allow the brass,
comparatively unimportant as their functions were at that time, to
be reënforced by reduplication. These supernumerary instruments must
have remained silent at concert performances, being reserved rather
for dramatic representations or sacred renditions for which they
could be of more legitimate service.[10]
[Footnote 10: Another plausible explanation is that the extra
trumpeters and trombonists should be accredited to the "Hof Musik,"
which may have been only an adjunct to the "Hof Kapelle." Their
principal duty may have been to announce the arrival of the Elector
by a fanfare, and to give other signals at the many public functions
of the Court. It has been pointed out to the present writer that this
theory seems confirmed by an illustration in a book covering this
period where is shown a boxful of trumpeters at a Court performance
of opera at Dresden.]
Interesting are the comparisons between the constituency of the
Dresden orchestra in 1732 and that of Mannheim in 1756. It will be
remembered that when referring to Hasse, the Dresden Opera was cited
as harboring twenty-five strings, wood-wind instruments to the number
of twelve, two horns, a number of trumpets and trombones, besides
kettle-drums and two clavichords--in all some fifty instrumental
performers. And, as already enumerated, the orchestra at Mannheim
was comprised of thirty-two strings, six wood and sixteen brass
instruments, as well as kettle-drums and organ, making a total of
about sixty. All in all, the venerable operatic orchestras during
the eighteenth century were the fuller and richer in resources, and
were in possession of a larger numerical disposition of wood and
brass even if inadequately supplied with strings. But the tendency
to correct this deficiency in the constitution of concert orchestras
resulted in the acquirement of greater elasticity and transparency,
which was of all importance for the interpretation of the works
of the great classicists whose servitor the orchestra was soon to
become. And subsequently in writing for specific orchestras for
which a sufficient number of strings had not yet been supplied, it
may be that these masters intuitively presaged that this much needed
metamorphosis of internal organization would gradually take place
as the direct reflex of their own exalted demands for improved
instrumentation and artistic rendition. Fortunately, sentient
appreciation for careful rehearsal leading to a high standard of
rendition had already found a champion in Emanuel Bach, and this
objective was jealously fostered by Gossec, Stamitz and Cannabich,
all of whom devoted themselves assiduously to the obtainment of
purity of tone, equality of dynamic force, precision and coöperation,
elasticity, phraseology, _nuance_. Naturally, the violin, by virtue
of artistic merit and paramount importance, received their most
careful attention, in consequence of which the standard of the
strings as a whole was elevated to that proficiency which made it
possible for the classicists to employ them with such freedom as had
never before been essayed.
The aim of this comparative survey of orchestras and orchestration
as related with the complex phases of musical progression during the
careers of Bach, Händel and Gluck has been to elucidate the artistic
situation as found by the three succeeding masters.
(Summary on page 68.)
CHAPTER VII.
HAYDN, MOZART, AND BEETHOVEN.
I.
It is almost superfluous to say that HAYDN[11] (1732-1809),
the true father of the modern symphony and string quartet, was, after
Monteverde and Scarlatti, the most potent factor in establishing a
perfectly balanced orchestra as a whole. Indeed, one might modify
the eulogy previously bestowed upon Monteverde, and say that whereas
_he_ may be looked upon as the father of modern instrumentation,
_Haydn_ was the father of modern orchestration. Like Monteverde,
he was constantly experimenting, being, moreover, aided by his
exceptionally favorable position at the court of Prince Esterhazy.
To such an extent are his achievements known to all, that it is
permissible to but touch upon the vital landmarks which constitute
the distinguishable features of his quasi-created cyclic forms. This
term is used advisedly, for although he accepted the erudite forms
of his predecessors and contemporaries, and, like them, devolved the
symphony from the earlier _concerto_ for several instruments, he
improved upon these forms to such a degree, that they emerged from
their archaic chrysalis in rejuvenated attire.
[Footnote 11: See Appendix of Musical Illustrations, Examples 10 to
17.]
Lack of space forbids more than a passing reference to the
coevolution of the string quartet, that momentous vehicle for the
sonata form, whose growth was concurrent with that of the symphony.
But in both these branches of art Haydn left his indelible stamp upon
the creations of Mozart and Beethoven, indeed Mozart, though more
emotional and impressive, did not enlarge upon Haydn's form, and even
Beethoven, the tone-poet, remained to the last true to its substance.
Parenthetically it should be remembered that on the other hand
Haydn's quartets and symphonies were in turn influenced by Mozart,
from whom, moreover, both he and Beethoven acquired a more subtle
insight into the skilful handling of the wood-wind. The symphonies of
Haydn and Beethoven have been felicitously compared by styling those
of the former, comedies, those of the latter, tragedies. Finally, the
extent to which the reputation of Haydn's symphonies travelled is
discovered in the already mentioned performances thereof in Paris (at
the "Concerts des Amateurs," founded by the Belgian Gossec, for which
organization Haydn specifically composed several symphonies), not to
speak of his triumphs in London as well as in the musical centres of
his native land.
These rather extended references to the rise of symphonic music are
surely justifiable in that from it dates the dynasty of monarchical
orchestration.[12]
[Footnote 12: It is not intended to belittle the original and
valuable efforts of the Mannheim composer, Stamitz, and of the
several other representatives of various nations as referred to
on pages 42 and 43, even though preëminence in the development of
orchestration and form is accorded to Haydn and Mozart.]
Haydn's development of his formal architecture can be summed up by
saying that he knit together and enlarged the cycle of complex forms,
extended the separate movements individually, imparted to them order,
clearness, variety, and developed free thematic treatment.
As has just been stated, the orchestra in Haydn's plasmic hands
improved as a unit. He introduced no new instruments excepting later
on the clarinet, indeed, his scores betray on the whole a greater
reticence in the employment of numeric varieties of instruments than
do those of Bach and Händel. Haydn's genius matured slowly; his
earlier scoring does not exhibit any advanced degree of originality,
and not until after Mozart had in turn become the greater did Haydn
stand forth in the true strength of _his_ greatness. The antennae
of that long-lived crustacean, the Neapolitan School, had touched
even Haydn as they had Händel before him, and the influence was
directly beneficial, since it modified the Teutonic tendencies
inoculated by his predilection for the style of Emmanuel Bach, and
fostered a regard for melody. Though he used no new material, Haydn
instituted a freer method of employing each instrument according to
its peculiarities and powers. Despite the fact that he was addicted
to the custom of three-part string writing as established by Cavalli
long before, he developed the art of welding the component parts
firmly together, and thereby secured vitality and elasticity.
The strings were now one complete and compact body.[13] Careful
attention was bestowed both upon the manner of writing for them and
upon a judicious numerical selection of each species to the end that
they might not only balance, but also assist and show off to the best
advantage the characteristic qualities of every part, one against
the other. Only the violoncello was as yet subservient, and the
harpsichord was still retained.
[Footnote 13: Ex. 16, 17.]
In the distribution of the parts for the wood-wind, he at first
imitated Händel's usual methods of merely reënforcing the string
parts in unison. But having benefited by repeated practical
experience, and especially after the appearance of Mozart upon the
arena, Haydn's writing for the wood became freer.[14] The oboe, whose
functions are now largely supplanted by the more feminine and soulful
clarinet, was much used as a solo instrument. And when at last the
great classicists came upon the discovery that by supporting a solo
instrument with held chords in the wind,[15] they could attain a more
pliant mode of expression than had been possible in the earlier
stiff and formal polyphonic style,--from that time on a new and
poetic pathway was opened up, and the modern style of writing for the
wood-wind may be said to have fairly begun.
[Footnote 14: Ex. 11, 14, 15.]
[Footnote 15: Ex. 13.]
In the use of the brass Haydn was conservative. Trombones were absent
from his symphonic scheme, and the province of trumpets, if they
were used at all, was exceedingly primitive, so that only the horns
gained greater freedom of treatment. Thus, for example, the valuable
and eventually common custom of strengthening the bass by sustained
tonic and dominant horn parts was employed by Haydn in his symphony
in D, No. 2 (Breitkopf & Haertel). But more than two real parts for
horns are not to be found in any of his works, and the demand for
four horns in the Hunting Chorus in his "Seasons" will, at a glance,
be recognized as having for its purpose the reduplication of two-part
writing, so as to obtain a clearer melodic delineation. And although
prominence of metallic quality was thus acquired, the rich chord
effect of later times is conspicuous for its absence.
When Haydn wrote his first symphony at the time when Mozart was in
his infancy, he employed, in addition to strings, only two oboes and
two horns. By the end of the eighteenth century, the normal symphonic
orchestra had been increased so as to include strings, two flutes,
two oboes, two bassoons, two horns, two trumpets and kettle-drums. To
these were quite occasionally added two clarinets. The rôle of the
trumpets as well as of kettle-drums was to augment the effectiveness
of climaxes, to emphasize rhythm, to add virility, or to suggest
martial portraiture. But the harp shared the fortunes of the
trombones in that it was as yet denied admittance to the symphonic
phalanx.
Of incidental interest is the characteristic deployment of bassoons
in the slow movement of the symphony in D already referred to; and
the introduction into the orchestra of massed short chords struck
simultaneously by all the strings must also be attributed to Haydn.
Finally, his "Creation" embodies successful expedients for
descriptive writing. In this masterpiece, the strings, together with
a full complement of wind instruments in pairs, are further augmented
by the usual kettle-drums, a double-bassoon, and three trombones,--an
aggregation which, apart from the manner of using it for the purpose
of tone-painting, is typical of Beethoven's enlarged orchestra as
employed in his crowning graphic movements. However, this demand for
so huge an apparatus as the assistant to Haydn's mightiest choral and
embryo-romantic composition was exceptional, and as the corollary
of his orchestration, when reviewed as a whole, one might say that
he worked with simple means, and although his pages do not present
delicate combinations, he obtained vigorous and fresh results.[16]
[Footnote 16: Ex. 10, 12, 17.]
II.
MOZART[17] (1756-1791), universal conqueror, peerless
melodist, unrivalled purist, contributed equally to the development
of orchestration as to all other branches of musical art. Opera,
symphony, chamber and church music alike blossomed and ripened at
his magic touch; and the tonal tints of his scoring assumed a mellow
guise foreign to the lighter shading of Haydn's orchestration. Mozart
was a cosmopolitan in so far as that he moulded his polyphony, formal
structure and orchestration in accordance with the classicism of
Teutonic lineage, imbibed the limpid suavity of Italian melody, and
adapted the tragic energy and emotional interpretation of the text as
initiated by Gluck in France. This vivid emotionalism is plainly to
be seen in the dramatic scenes of "Idomeneo" and "Don Giovanni." His
perfect command of contrapuntal subtleties, thematic development, and
vocal composition, combined with the most precocious creative genius,
enabled him not only to build upon the heirloom of Bach's church
music and Haydn's symphonies and quartets, but to establish a basis
for subsequent genuinely German opera. For it is beyond question
that specifically the "Zauberflöte" contains the germ of Weber's
romanticism.
[Footnote 17: See Appendix of Musical Illustrations, Examples 18 to
23.]
For the form of his independent instrumental works, Mozart followed
the precepts of Haydn, but he enlarged them, and imbued their
contents with a certain strategic power for evoking more serious
contemplation and enduring impressiveness. Adherence to tonality, not
only in each individually complete movement, but also in successive
and related complex forms, was one of the fundamental canons of
Mozart's creed. This tonal consistency is to be found even in his
operas, whether employed as the connecting link between the more
gentle sections--suggestive of a delicate string of pearls, or as
a mode of obtaining subtle continuity of thought and action in the
dramatic portions.
In orchestration, Mozart combined the best characteristics of
both Gluck and Haydn, and in his hands it gained counterpoise and
vitality. As a natural outcome, the harpsichord was banished from the
orchestra, but incidentally it should be remembered that by no means
did Mozart undervalue this instrument in its proper sphere, for to
him is due the ascendency of the pianoforte concerto, which he left
as a direct bequest to Beethoven, who not only seized upon it with
avidity, but even caused it to immortalize some of his most sublime
conceptions. Mozart's writing for the orchestra is distinguishable
for amalgamating as well as for contrasting the earlier polyphonic
methods with the monophonic style that was being cultivated by his
contemporaries. The last movement of the "Jupiter" symphony will at
once be recalled as an admirable illustration of advanced orchestral
polyphony.[18] As has just been said, Mozart followed and elaborated
Haydn's symphonic instrumentation, but he added greater freedom
to the strings,[19] more variety and contrast to the wood,[20]
developed the art of combining wind accompaniment and instrumental
solo effects,[21] and in general illustrated the capabilities
and ideal functions of each specific instrument. Furthermore,
constant application to operatic writing stimulated a desire for
varied rhythm, and this attainment is reflected in his symphonic
compositions. Finally, it should be said with emphasis that sensitive
regard for individualistic tonal tints in instrumentation was one
of the most conspicuous attributes of Mozart's genius, and despite
the fact that already the masters of his epoch had had recourse
to the application of variated tone-color, nevertheless Mozart is
universally considered as having been the first to do so in a really
successful manner. By relegating the harpsichord, it became necessary
to write for the strings in such a manner as to insure independent
solidity and coherence. Or, to put it the other way, Mozart's scoring
for the string band made further employment of the harpsichord
superfluous. This he accomplished in the face of frequent three-part
writing. The danger of incurring caesuras in harmonic structure or
lack in volume of sound was obviated by the skilful artifice of
contrapuntal motion which, so to speak, generates warmth of tonal
color--heat and motion being an equivalent one for the other, and, as
Gevaërt suggests, this theorem is applicable to music. But Mozart by
no means neglected four-part writing,[22] and both the violoncello
and the hitherto much neglected viola were advanced to a position
more in keeping with their worth.
[Footnote 18: Ex. 20.]
[Footnote 19: Ex. 19, 20.]
[Footnote 20: Ex. 18, 22, 23.]
[Footnote 21: Ex. 21.]
[Footnote 22: Ex. 19.]
Mozart's employment of the symphonic orchestra was one of
conservatism in regard to compass, as illustrated by the G minor
symphony, from which even trumpets and kettle-drums are debarred.
Peculiar to the scoring of his greatest symphonies is the consistent
use of but one flute, whereas the remaining wind is represented in
pairs. Delicacy was the key-note for the wood-wind. For example, he
delighted in embellishing a melody by the combination of violins
redoubled in the octave by a flute and in the sub-octave by a
bassoon. Another distinguishable trait of his was the substituting
of an oboe for the violins in the above combination. These are
but passing exemplifications of countless dainty conceptions that
the most casual perusal of his pages will divulge; and they offer
an unwearying source of delectation in consequence of their naïve
and guileless character. It is true that for _Tuttis_, Mozart was
satisfied with certain conventional methods, such as an exaggerated
use of wood-wind passages in thirds and sixths. But this practice
was common likewise to Beethoven, and not until after the advent of
the Romanticists did it fall into disuse, indeed, no less a modern
conservative than Brahms was content to adapt classical mannerisms
of this nature. But only subsequent to Mozart's visit to Mannheim
when he was twenty-one years of age, and not until after he had
convinced himself of the indispensability of the clarinet--that
sympathetic medium between high and low wood-wind--was it possible
to give adequate variety of color and effect to this hitherto
rather homogeneous secondary choir. And thus, concurrent with the
emancipation of the wood-wind from many stereotyped formulas, was the
recognition that clarinets began to command in Mozart's orchestral
scheme. And although they were originally included only in the
symphony in E flat,[23] he eventually added them to the one in G
minor; and in the "Zauberflöte" the instrument received effective
and original treatment. Again, although Mozart's sunny nature would
not naturally conceive such morbid and sentimental effects as
elicited by Weber from the lower tones of the clarinet, he at any
rate appreciated a certain value of such tones by employing them
in the course of flowing passages[24] as in the first Finale of
"Don Giovanni." Mention is due, at this juncture, of the prominent
appearance in the "Zauberflöte" of the obsolete basset-horn, since,
as will be recalled, it belongs to the genealogy of clarinets
and is now superseded by its descendant, the bass-clarinet. The
classic literature of chamber music presents no more favorable
examples for profitable study than do Mozart's _divertissements_,
in which various combinations of wind instruments alone are treated
with rare delicacy and effectiveness. Not being subjected, as in
orchestral compositions, to comparison with the greater agility
and more sensitive attributes of the strings, they are enabled to
assert themselves, and to display in full measure their individual
characteristics and expressive powers.
[Footnote 23: Ex. 22, 23.]
[Footnote 24: Ex. 23.]
Mozart's requirements of the brass show but a slight improvement
upon those of Haydn,[25] excepting that his style of writing for it
betrays better judgment. A demand for more than two horns was rare,
and occurs, strange to say, in his earlier works, for some of which
he employed four. Later on he again exceptionally used this number
in "Idomeneo." But of his representative creations, the G minor
symphony is scored for but two horns, the E flat and C for two horns
and two trumpets. Consistent with the usage of his predecessors, it
was only in church music for redoubling the voices and in operatic
works for dramatic effects that Mozart drew upon the trombones, at
first sparingly, eventually, as in the "Zauberflöte," more freely;
and Gluck's precedent of employing them in three-part harmony was
sustained.
[Footnote 25: Ex. 20.]
In so brief an outline, it is not possible to more than indicate
the cardinal points of evolutionary advancement as contributed to
orchestration by Mozart. But one prominent feature of his preëminent
versatility reveals itself in the fact that whereas the long line of
his illustrious predecessors had, with the one exception of Haydn,
developed the art of writing for the orchestra more as a secondary
means to some one particular and all-absorbing primary end, Mozart's
genius devoted itself with impartiality and parallel success just as
much to instrumentation and orchestration as to the formal structures
of his instrumental works or to the contents of his operas and
masses. And the laurels that crown the herculean achievements of his
brief life are symbolic of the æsthetic, the chaste, the ideal.
III.
Three prominent characteristics are associated with the name of
BEETHOVEN[26] (1770-1827), the greatest universal master
in the chronicles of musical history. To him must be attributed the
ideal culmination of classic purity, both as to structural design
and thematic development. Through him, form became subordinated to
human expression. From him the Romantic Movement drew its direct
inspiration. In other words, Beethoven forged the connecting link
between the classicists and the romanticists, between absolute and
programmatic, objective and subjective music, between the primarily
formal and the essentially soulful. In the general principles of
form and technical procedure, Beethoven accepted the precedents
established by his immediate predecessors, and his earlier works
show the influence of both Haydn and Mozart. But the impelling force
of his independent and assertive genius, nurtured by the rugged
characteristics peculiar to the tendencies of his Dutch and German
descent, urged him to further bold and unhesitating innovations
whenever novel effects could thereby be attained.
[Footnote 26: See Appendix of Musical Illustrations, Examples 24 to
35.]
In connection with distinctively formal treatment, the most prominent
feature of this amplification lies in the development even to
minuteness of inner details, the unification of thematic material,
the increase of proportion, and the acquisition of breadth of style
and nobility of subject-matter.
But of far more momentous purport are the fruits of his spirituality
and profound religiousness. Beethoven was a tone-poet to the core,
and his search for emotional expression caused him to disregard
fixed design whenever it interfered with freedom of thought. Thus
in adapting the cyclic sonata form, he enhanced it by means of
perfected monody based on the higher Folk-song, by means of richer
harmonies, freer modulations, varied rhythm, greater license in
the juxtaposition of tonalities, and elasticity in the application
of traditional forms--Beethoven's quest for beauty of form being,
moreover, only secondary in importance to its own reactionary fitness
for beauty of expression. Thus Beethoven became the master of form
and expression combined, reconciled, unified.
Mozart and Beethoven share the same unique and unparalleled
characteristics in that the genius of both of them was so universal
in nature as to make the question of deciding in what particular
branch of composition they excelled a difficult one. So Beethoven,
greatest of symphonic exponents, enriched the world with string
quartets and chamber music that are perfection exemplified,
produced a mighty series of pianoforte concertos and sonatas that
are unexcelled, and dedicated a host of his loftiest inspirations
to the glorification of the Church. He wrote but one opera--it has
become immortal; but one oratorio--the sincerity and depth of its
pathos awaken sympathetic response at each renewed hearing; but
one violin concerto--it is still the ideal, likewise the despair
of every violin virtuoso. And upon riveting the attention solely
upon the instrumentation of his orchestral pages, one finds that
every bar of the score bears the impress of a master's touch, and of
such a master as the world had never before produced. He discovered
the utmost capabilities of each instrument, introduced innovations
in the method of handling them, both as solo interpreters and in
combination, and illustrated that even without the aid of a so-called
modern orchestra, picture-painting can be attained. That is to say,
impressions of the mind of insufficient distinctness to call forth
verbal utterance, are nevertheless capable of tonal exposition.
Hence arises the expression "musical language," and quite especially
in connection with instrumentation one says that the orchestra
"possesses the faculty of language." The Pastoral Symphony is a
graphic exemplification of this truth.
Beethoven's instrumentation bears the unmistakable impress of his
own personal individuality, and purely sensuous tone-effect is ever
subordinated to the inceptive æsthetic scheme and clearness of
thematic delineation. The employment of specific tonal quality of
the various instruments capable of variated coloring, effectiveness,
and scope, was absolutely faithful to the momentary requirements of
the orchestral situation. And thus, while his predecessors had been
absorbed in the contemplation and exposition of abstract musical
thought, and, on the other hand, the sequent composers of the
nineteenth century laid undue stress upon the portrayal of their
conceptions in gorgeous orchestral raiment, Beethoven's masterpieces
embody the temperate assimilation of fervent feeling, architectural
structure, contrast of the various choirs, and intermixing of
instrumental coloring, simultaneously and harmoniously developed,
without apparent effort, all-satisfying, inseparable.
One feature of Beethoven's greatness is emphasized by the
self-restraint he exercised in usually making demands for but a
modest apparatus as the interpreter of his orchestral conceptions.
Thus, in spite of being tremendously progressive, and betraying at
every step the inclination to enlarge the scope of his creations
in every way, he was content to employ Mozart's scoring for all of
his symphonies excepting the Fifth, Sixth, and Ninth,--that is to
say, strings, the four usual wood-instruments in pairs, two horns,
two trumpets, and kettle-drums, were practically sufficient for his
needs. This numerical distribution of parts differed but slightly
in all but the above three excepted symphonies. Comparing this
aggregation with those in Mozart's three representative symphonies,
we find, as the only difference, that Beethoven's wood-wind includes
two flutes in all but the Fourth Symphony, and that clarinets were
now enrolled as a permanent adjunct to the orchestra. Two horns
sufficed for them all excepting for the Third, "Eroica," where three
are to be found, this being, moreover, the first time that more than
two had been employed in symphonic writing by Beethoven.
The orchestral canvas of the Fifth, C minor, presents the coöperation
of a piccolo flute, a contra-bassoon, and three trombones; all of
these, however, remain silent until the victorious entrance of the
Finale. To the Sixth--the Pastoral--are added a piccolo flute and
two trombones instead of three, whereas in the Ninth, the usual
symphonic cohort is supplemented by a piccolo, a double-bassoon, four
horns, three trombones, and human voices. It is worthy of note that
this new departure of employing a second couplet of horns in the
symphonic scheme concludes the evolution of the classical orchestra.
For the incorporation into the concert orchestra of the oboe da
caccia, resuscitated in the form of the English horn, of the modern
bass-clarinet, of the opheicleide and the usurper of its functions,
the bass-tuba, was an outgrowth of the Romantic Movement. Likewise
the harp, in spite of its venerable origin and perennial usage, was,
during the eighteenth century, an adjunct to the operatic orchestra
only, for histrionic effects and historic representations.
The scores of no other composer can be more profitably studied than
those of Beethoven, and a high percentage of the examples set forth
in all standard treatises on instrumentation are drawn from his
works. Apart from the fact that his orchestration not only embodied
but improved upon and matured the orthodox style of writing as
bequeathed to him by Haydn and Mozart, his pages abound in daring
innovations, bold and startling; in subtle combinations, delicate and
pathetic; a kaleidoscope of sequent effects now contemplative and
restful, now tender and languishing, impetuous and fiery, at times
even jocose, weird, bizarre. And throughout is manifested the depth
of his nature, the nobility of his purpose.
In writing for the strings, Beethoven attained a degree of excellence
that has never been surpassed. He fulfilled every requirement,
whether of solidity, sonority, flexibility, or delicacy.[27] With
bold and vigorous strokes, he infused warmth and increased vitality
into the inner and lower voices, and the quartet being thereby more
closely knit together, the resultant effect was that of breadth and
power. He was the first to carry the orchestral violins into the
ethereal domain of their highest range in the overture to "Egmont."
Incomparable is the boisterous string passage toward the close of the
"Leonora" Overture, No. 3, as well as the fughetta in the Scherzo
of the Fifth Symphony, where the double-basses are for the first
time allowed unfettered license.[28] Finally, Beethoven elevated the
violoncello once for all to its proper sphere as an emotional and
heroic interpreter, of which the C minor Symphony affords a favorite
example in that the 'cellos, assisted by the violas, usher in the
opening theme of the slow movement.[29] The violas likewise gained in
individuality, and in the last movement of the Ninth Symphony even
divided viola parts are to be found.
[Footnote 27: Ex. 30, 31, 33.]
[Footnote 28: Ex. 27.]
[Footnote 29: Ex. 24.]
Beethoven was especially happy in discovering the ideal
potentialities of the wood-wind, and from him originated the practice
of reuniting the higher species both in contrasting and amalgamating
choirs.[30] No better model for successful flute writing can be cited
than that in the Allegro of the "Leonora" Overture, No. 3; and the
genial attributes of the oboe which, though latent, had never before
been exposed, are fittingly treated in the scherzos of the Pastoral
and Choral symphonies. The clarinet was now a regularly constituted
member of the orchestra, and specimens of characteristic writing for
it are to be found in the slow movements of the symphonies in B flat
and A, and also in the Finale of the "Eroica," where a judicious
introduction of clarinet arpeggios lends warmth and color to the
Melos.
[Footnote 30: Ex. 25, 28, 34.]
Perhaps no other orchestral instrument received more careful
consideration from Beethoven than the bassoon, and his partiality for
it resulted in detaching it from its former subservient position as
bass for the wood and horns, and elevating it to the dignity of an
equal associate to the remaining wood-wind, with especial regard for
the quality of its tenor range.[31] Thus Beethoven evinced a peculiar
predilection for redoubling a melody, assigned either to violins
or to an instrument of wood, with a bassoon in the sub-octave.
Again, he recognized its sustaining powers as independent bass,
provided the balance of the instruments to be sustained were nicely
adjusted. Gevaërt calls attention to just such a combination in
"Egmont," where one bassoon acts as bass to the strings while the
'cellos and double-basses occasionally assist. And, as he further
remarks, the choice was admirable, for no other instrument, as,
for instance, the horn, would have been suitable. Consistent with
his sentient appreciation for the bassoon, Beethoven rescued the
double-bassoon[32] from comparative obscurity, and although he
employed it invariably as a reduplication of the 'cellos and basses,
it was awarded a more conspicuous rôle in "Fidelio" than in the C
minor Symphony.
[Footnote 31: Ex. 26, 31.]
[Footnote 32: Ex. 30.]
Classic conservatism in the use of the brass found no exception
even when consigned to Beethoven's inspired pen other than the
previously mentioned augmentation of horn parts and the more
frequent requisition for trombones. His horn writing[33] followed
that of Mozart, but his style was freer, bolder, and the results
more resonant, especially in such passages as the familiar jubilant
fanfare in the Scherzo of the "Eroica" and again in the Scherzo of
the "Pastoral." On the other hand, the decidedly primitive functions
of the trumpets[34] were in no wise ameliorated, an incident that
is largely to be accounted for by the mechanical limitations of the
instrument which still existed at that day. As for the trombones,
to have drawn upon them merely for increase of volume, would have
been contrary to the ethics of Beethoven's artistic creed. The fact
that they did add sonority was therefore but a subsidiary issue, and
in climaxes such as the Finale of the Fifth Symphony, their mission
was primarily that of lending grandeur and richness to the final
scintillating tableau.[35]
[Footnote 33: Ex. 30, 32, 35.]
[Footnote 34: Ex. 30.]
[Footnote 35: Ex. 30.]
In conclusion, the kettle-drums must receive especial mention.
It will be noticed that as yet but passing reference to them has
been made in these pages, for it was left to Beethoven to discover
their genuinely tragic resources. He not only enlarged the scope
of the instruments by having them tuned to intervals other than
the conventional and stereotyped fourth and fifth, but gave
them expressive powers such as had never been attained before.
Consequently there was added to the orchestra a practically new
member, since he caused the tympani to respond to his dictates, as
it were, with warm and throbbing pulse-beats, at times permeating,
dominating, subduing the entire orchestral color-scheme. Striking
illustrations of this latent power are to be found in the third
movement of the C minor Symphony[36] and the Finale of the Pianoforte
Concerto in E flat; likewise in the Finale of the Eighth and the
Scherzo of the Ninth symphonies, in both of which they are tuned in
octaves; and in the introduction to the second act of "Fidelio,"
where they are tuned to the interval of the diminished fifth. Further
specimens of specifically solo writing will be recalled in the Adagio
of the B flat Symphony, the beginning of the Violin Concerto, and the
introduction to the "Mount of Olives."
[Footnote 36: Ex. 29.]
A discussion of Beethoven's titanic achievements, even if confined to
his orchestral writings, is prone to lead the student into so deep
a maze of absorbing illustrations of his genius, that it becomes
necessary to find an arbitrary stopping place. Therefore this review
may be tersely summed up by saying that the culmination of classic
purity, the subordination to human feeling of purely formal structure
and sensuous tone-effect, and a systematic development of descriptive
music, are the essentials of Beethoven's creations. His orchestration
stands as a model for all time. He is the connecting link between the
classicists and the romanticists. And in a word, the consummation of
his artistic striving was freedom and spirituality.
(Summary on page 68.)
CHAPTER VIII.
THE CONTEMPORARIES OF BEETHOVEN.
I.
The career of Beethoven, extending well into the nineteenth century,
overlaps the rise and growth of the Romantic Movement,--a movement
that embodied tendencies with which his later works show sympathetic
accord. The authors of this new departure were instigated by poetic
aspirations closely allied to those of Beethoven; and since his
creative horizon was constantly expanding, the idealistic texture
of his productions and theirs was harmoniously interwoven. But
while the scope of German art was being assimilated into channels
of which the objective was natural emotion so expressed as to be
portrayed in tangible form, Rossini's seductive charm had hypnotized
all Europe, with the result that the progress even of Beethoven
was momentarily hampered and his immediate reputation eclipsed.
Therefore before proceeding to a further analysis of orchestration
as advanced by the exponents of the Romantic Movement with which
all prominent German composers after Beethoven are to be more or
less conspicuously identified, a final bird's-eye view of musical
activity in other countries will properly conclude the history of the
so-called classic era. To do this it will be necessary to take up
again the thread of dramatic development which we have already traced
as far as Grétry, in whom the first period of _opéra comique_ may be
said to have culminated. Moreover for the sake of continuity, this
discussion may well include such of the nineteenth century composers
as were not noticeably affected by the magnetism of the romanticists
or of the sequent "New Movement." And the preferential arena for
the reproduction of both French and Italian works was still the
Parisian stage, in which was vested the dangerous power of passing
conclusive judgment upon the offerings of her votaries. Consequently,
the characteristics of such luminaries as were deemed worthy of her
benisons can be briefly summed up without regard to nationality; and
these meteor-like apparitions captivated in turn the entire musical
world, to the neglect of the worthier creations of Gluck and Mozart.
The lyric _genre_ as bequeathed by Grétry was ardently cultivated by
a series of sturdy exponents including his contemporary of evanescent
fame d'Alayrac, followed by Boieldieu, Isouard, a native of Malta,
the long-lived Auber, Hérold, Halévy, Adam. All but the last of
these were born in the last quarter of the eighteenth century,
being, together with the domiciliated Isouard, typical Frenchmen,
devoted to national tradition, style of writing, and methods of
instrumentation. And conspicuously through the collective efforts
of Boieldieu, Auber and Hérold was the standard of _opéra comique_
elevated to high dignity. This exclusive aggrandizement of the
lyric stage by native composers affords a striking contrast to the
history of opera in serious vein. For in reference to the latter, the
attitude of the public was marked by illogical preferentiation, in
consequence of which their vacillating plaudits were bestowed with
but scant discrimination. True, French composers at first tenaciously
held their own, as exemplified by the sterling achievements of
Méhul (1763) and by the fleeting triumphs of his contemporaries,
Lesueur, Berton, Catel. Nor did subsequently the more important
representatives of the lyric style such as Boieldieu, Auber and
Halévy allow undisputed sway to foreign interlopers in the field of
grand opera. And the so-called "historic school" of grand opera,
first introduced by the Italian, Spontini (1774), and eventually
abused by the German, Meyerbeer (1791), was admirably exploited by
Auber's "La Muette di Portici," which was produced the year after
Beethoven's death. This work directly paved the way for "Guillaume
Tell," the crowning achievement of Rossini (1792), as well as for
Meyerbeer's initiatory embodiment of French romanticism, "Robert le
Diable." Sequent to the baneful revival by Rossini of more or less
retrogressional Italian opera appeared the mellifluous fabrications
of Donizetti (1797) and of Bellini (1802), with which undramatic
productions must be classed also the earlier works of Verdi (1813) in
consequence of their voluptuous melodic exuberance.
In Germany, meanwhile, the standard of opera in lighter vein
was upheld by Konradin Kreutzer (1780), the heir of Hiller and
Dittersdorf. In England, the pianist, Field (1782), was initiating a
new style of writing for the pianoforte that was to serve as a model
for Chopin.
II.
It is proper that the compositions of CHERUBINI (1760-1842)
be treated apart from those of his contemporaries, for they are in
many respects distinct by themselves. The fact that he was born in
Italy bears little relation to the style of his productions, for only
in his earlier works are Italian methods particularly noticeable.
The name of Cherubini has become immortal chiefly on account of his
church music, of which he is the first truly great modern master.
Nor must his permanent influence upon the form of French opera
be underestimated, notwithstanding the fact that his own operas
were only moderately successful. For the Gluck-Piccini controversy
impressed him deeply; moreover, Mozart's operas were at that time
already exciting world-wide admiration. As a result of these powerful
influences, Cherubini was led to combine both the German and the
French styles, as exemplified in "Lodoiska"; and henceforth the drama
of France may be said to have acquired permanent and definite form.
The chief characteristics of his church music consist of a fusion of
the elevated style of the sixteenth century, a severe yet masterly
contrapuntal treatment, and withal a remarkable clearness in form
and details. These models of sacred writing which belong, perhaps,
more particularly to the French school, are convincing proof that
so-called antiquated principles can be assimilated into modern
methods. Lavoix calls attention to the criticism that whereas
Cherubini's operas were not sufficiently dramatic, his church music
was too much so. This may be true; but the purity and nobility of
subject-matter, the warmth and breadth in instrumentation, counteract
any possible theatrical tendencies.
The orchestra is much used in Cherubini's sacred works. The
orchestration is flexible and vivid; each instrument is treated
judiciously, and the tonal color is ever sonorous and varied. Prout
refers to the Requiem in C minor as being a splendid piece of sombre
tone-painting, and masterful in its appropriateness. The opening
chorus is remarkable for its pathos, being scored for divided
violas and 'cellos, double-basses, two bassoons, two horns and
muffled kettle-drums. In the introduction to the "Chant sur la Mort
de Joseph Haydn," an extended passage for four violoncellos _con
sordini_ proves that Rossini was not the first to discover the value
of their independent employment. In the same work, one of Wagner's
procedures in the use of the bass-tuba is anticipated in that the
opheicleide is detached from its usual alliance to the trombones, and
is employed alone as a reduplication of the double-basses. Cherubini
was conservative in the use of the brass, although in isolated cases,
where special effects were needed, larger choirs of loud-voiced
instruments are, of course, to be found. As an example, the mass in
A calls for four horns, three trombones, and an opheicleide. On the
other hand, the instrumentation of Cherubini's operas shows greater
reserve, and in one or two cases, entire acts are effectively scored
without once drawing upon either trumpets or kettle-drums. It might
be added that an interesting example for English horn is to be found
in "Anacréon"; that the instrument was as yet but rarely heard in
France is demonstrated by the fact that Cherubini felt it necessary
to write "clarinet _ad libitum_" under the English horn part.
III.
MÉHUL (1763-1817) ranks among the greatest evolutionists of
French instrumentation. His talents developed at an early age; his
career was one of steady progress, and culminated in "Joseph," one of
the loftiest dramatic works France possesses. Following in Gluck's
footsteps, he emphasized the value of declamation and made much use
of melodrama. The operatic overtures also were carefully developed.
Although his orchestration was somewhat heavy, and embodied the
frequent repetition of certain stereotyped formulas, he proved
himself a worthy successor to Gluck in the successful portrayal of
dramatic personages by means of instrumental expression. Much of
his music is decidedly picturesque even though his instrumentation
is lacking in daintiness. The distinctive features of Méhul's
orchestration are sonority, novel combinations, and at times a
certain melancholy coloring. The earliest use of low string effects
is attributed to him, and especial prominence was given to the viola.
As is well known, his opera "Uthal" is unique in that violins are
absent throughout the entire work. The harp is an important factor in
both "Uthal" and "Joseph." Méhul showed considerable partiality for
the brass, and more than once, four horn parts are to be found in his
scores.
LESUEUR (1763) has been called the predecessor of Berlioz
as an exponent of "program" music. He was fond of grand and majestic
combinations, but was artistically more successful in writing for
the church than for the drama. He was fortunate in having under his
control a large orchestra at the Notre Dame, and his contributions
to French instrumentation in detail are important. He frequently
multiplied the violin parts into four, and even divided the violas.
Again, the violins were at times omitted, although he did not go to
the extent of leaving them out through an entire work as Méhul did in
his opera "Uthal." Lesueur may have indirectly influenced Wagner's
scoring of the tetralogy in that twelve harps, divided into two
sections, are required for a faithful rendition of "Les Bardes," and
in a footnote he specifically exacts a predominance of harp quality
of tone. Like many of his subsequent compatriots, he frequently made
requisition for curious instruments of percussion.
IV.
In turning to the works of BOIELDIEU (1775-1834), we find
therein a refreshing example of naïveté, spontaneous originality,
and flowing melody. Italian tendencies are noticeable, but the style
remains pure and distinctly French. Though "La Dame Blanche" does
not contain the attributes of profound scholarship, it satisfies in
full the requirements of refined and poetic French comedy. Schumann
regarded some of Boieldieu's creations as the representative comic
operas of the world. His orchestra is not large and it is rarely used
in its entire strength. The key-note is dainty scoring; the singing
can always be distinctly heard, and although few novel effects of
instrumentation are to be noted, variety and contrast of tone are
constantly to be met with. The accompaniment is ever appropriate,
and especially the clarinet and horns receive characteristic
treatment. Moderation in the use of the brass was carried to such an
extent that trombones are frequently omitted altogether, and even
in "La Dame Blanche" only one was employed. In one opera not even
trumpets and kettle-drums are to be found.
The founder of the lyric drama in the modern sense was AUBER
(1782-1871). The pillars of modern lyric drama are genuine dramatic
expression, varied resources, and extensive proportions. Add to these
charming melody, sparkling instrumentation and piquant coloring, and
we have the sum total of Auber's creations. He was, perhaps, the most
typically French composer that ever lived, and yet his orchestration
is not that of an innovator. He accepted the already existing French
and Italian characteristics of instrumentation, but adapted them to
the needs of his poetic instincts. The functions of his orchestra
are essentially those of accompaniment, and the dramatic situations
are lightly sketched rather than elaborately portrayed. And this
lightness of touch, together with grace and elegance, is already to
be found in "La Muette de Portici," as well as in the more popular
"Fra Diavolo."
In spite of the fact that Auber's orchestra presents nothing actually
new, the charm of his instrumentation has exerted great influence
upon that art in France. When the full orchestra is employed, the
effect is sonorous without being noisy, ever clear yet scintillating.
For more subdued effects, Auber was especially happy in the choice
of mixed tonal tints, such as the reduplication, by a piccolo flute
in the octave, of a melody given to one of the wood-instruments.
Moreover, he was the first to employ the piccolo in piano passages.
And whether reference be made to his use of soft chords for the
trombones, or to his dainty triangle effects,--these are but a
suggestion of the many characteristic insignia that distinguished his
sterling achievements.
The operas of HÉROLD (1791) contain strong expressive
and dramatic attributes. His form and instrumentation show German
rather than Italian influence, modified withal by unquestionable
French coloring. The impress of "Don Juan" and of "Freischütz" is
especially noticeable in the overture to "Zampa," his representative
work; three principal themes from the opera itself are more or less
scientifically developed, and the manner of writing for certain wind
instruments like the clarinet in some ways resembles that of Weber.
Although Hérold's orchestration does not embody that transparency
and that grace which characterize the scores of Auber, it is more
compact, and his accompaniments conform to the demands of the
dramatic situation. He occupied himself also with chamber music and
concert overtures, which are superior in form to many similar efforts
of prominent contemporary French writers, even though they are
insignificant in comparison with German models.
The works of HALÉVY (1799) present a perplexing composite of
genuine art and sensational trivialities. Frequently carried away
by desire for pomp and effervescent personal glory, he nevertheless
gave the art of dramatic scoring a powerful impetus toward modern
methods. His instrumentation is often like Meyerbeer's, and Rossinian
tendencies are apparent as well. Nevertheless, his pages are imbued
with his own individuality. Each instrument received characteristic
treatment when not used in massed harmonic combinations. The strings
were employed with much skill and variety, as exemplified, for
instance, by phrases for violins alone in four parts, or for solo
'cellos in five parts. The former idea bears the germ of Wagner's
subsequent ethereal string passages, whereas the latter corresponds
to Rossini's familiar 'cello scoring in "Guillaume Tell." The
wood-wind played an important part as dramatic interpreter, with
especial attention to the expressive characteristics of the English
horn and the clarinet. Above all, Halévy was an untiring advocate in
behalf of improving and supplementing both the variety and functions
of the brass, and was strongly in support of the newly invented
instruments of Sax. As components of the orchestra proper, they were
not used aggressively, although, of course, when they appeared as
an independent cohort upon the stage itself, their united efforts
inclined toward the bombastic. Halévy was among the first to employ
a second couplet of valve horns in addition to the customary natural
horns, and the manner of writing for them displays a marked departure
from previous usage. Besides absorbing into the orchestra proper
different varieties of sax-horns and especially the sax-tuba, he
employed at times as many as eight trumpets. A part for a soprano
trombone is likewise to be found in one of his scores. "La Juive"
is the embodiment of Halévy's higher ideals and novel orchestral
combinations, and among other interesting details of instrumentation,
the employment of two English horns, the trombone solo in the fourth
act, and the semi-military band on the stage will readily be recalled.
V.
Brief mention is due to the "historic school" which found its first
exponent in SPONTINI (1774-1851). The tenets of this school
were in sympathetic accord with the general desire for pomp attendant
upon the ascendency of Napoleonic imperialism. And Spontini's
masterpiece "La Vestale" entirely satisfied these demands. For in
spite of many glaring defects, it is a worthy example of superb
dramatic power. In this work, a new style of orchestration was
inaugurated, one that has been more or less imitated by all French
writers since his time. Spontini transplanted into serious opera a
principle with which already Piccini and Paesiello had experimented
in their lighter operas, in that, for the description of certain
picturesque episodes, the orchestra appears as chief exponent, the
voice as secondary.
Entirely new was the amalgamation of the whole orchestra into one
mighty organism by means of doubling and redoubling each part,
similar to the practice of adding the four- and two-foot stops in
organ playing. Each of the three choirs is harmonically complete by
itself; being absorbed into the general Melos, it is, of course,
impossible for the ear to analyze the combined tone-color. Such
massive tonal edifices are the embodiment of unity and sonority, but
there is danger of monotony, and, as Gevaërt remarks, this method of
orchestration was subsequently abused by Rossini. Spontini's style
embodies much that is German, and his mastery of brilliant effects is
unrivalled. And although he frequently lowered the standard of his
works by a craving for ostentation, the details are carefully worked
out and the orchestration is rich and manly.
With the advent of ROSSINI (1792-1868), the triumph of
Italian _aria_ was resumed. His operas are the embodiment of Italian
emotionalism. But although much of his music must be condemned as
entirely irrelevant to the demands of the dramatic situation or of
the sentiment to be expressed, his orchestration was certainly an
advance upon antecedent Italian methods. On the other hand, there
are but few new features in his instrumentation; this consisted of
certain restricted and oft-repeated formulas, of which, however,
Rossini had perfect command. His crowning achievement was, of course,
"Guillaume Tell." Here the orchestration plainly betrays a happy
fusion of Italian and French styles. The string writing is full of
life; due regard is shown to the wind instruments, and effective
solos are assigned more particularly to the English horn and the
French horns. The improvements that Rossini made in horn writing
were probably due to the fact that his father was a horn player.
Parenthetically, the same statement might be made in reference to
Richard Strauss. It is also interesting to note in passing that
Rossini used two batons in conducting,--a short one for _arias_ and a
long one for _ensemble_.
VI.
At this point it is fitting that we examine the dazzling
orchestration of MEYERBEER (1791-1861), for his career is,
of course, inseparably allied with the evolution of French opera. As
the most famous representative of French romantic and historic grand
opera, Meyerbeer would appear, at first sight, to have embraced in
his operas every conceivable meretricious device for the sensational
and the spectacular. He was above all an eclectic, modelling his
works largely after those of Spontini, being likewise strongly
influenced by Weber, combining German harmony, Italian melody,
and French rhythm. His was a marked departure from the school of
Gluck--so much so, that he has been accused of "playing with dynamic
effects" and writing "hollow" music that cannot withstand æsthetic
analysis. In a large measure such censure is merited, but it is
manifestly an error in judgment to declare as one writer does that
his productions are comprised of but "dazzling effects, glaring
contrasts, and clever instrumental devices." True, the contents of
his operas are certainly an alternating mixture of the grandiose
and the paltry, but as for orchestration, none have surpassed him
in judicious distribution of sonorous masses, in forceful dramatic
effects, richness of details, and successful application of the
individual characteristics of each instrument. Again, the consistent
recurrence of a specific tone-color as the annotator to a dramatic
personage contains the germ of the _Leit-motiv_. And for ever varying
resource of instrumentation few can excel him! And no composer before
him was his peer as a dramatic painter.
Meyerbeer of course relied primarily upon the strings as the basis
of his orchestra, but they are frequently replaced by independent
combinations of wind instruments. In this connection, it is worthy
of especial note that complete groups of kindred instruments are
employed alone, and almost invariably in complete four part harmony.
Meyerbeer's scoring for full orchestra was practically identical
with Spontini's; each group is again complete in four part harmony,
doubled and redoubled in the octave. Though his accompaniments are
heavy, it will be found that the voice is usually supported by a solo
instrument. He developed great variety in string writing. The violins
and violoncellos are frequently subdivided into numerous parts. The
characteristics of high violins and again of low double-basses _soli_
are brought into prominence. Passages are to be found in which parts
of the strings are muted while the remainder are simultaneously
employed without mutes. The viola d'amore is carefully treated, as,
for instance, in Raoul's Romance in the first act of "Les Huguenots."
The harp is used extensively, both in arpeggios and in broad chords.
The English horn and bass-clarinet are constantly used as regular
constituents of the secondary group, and the latent dramatic powers
of the clarinet are intensified; again, every one is familiar with
the earliest of bass-clarinet solos in "Les Huguenots." Apart from
more common methods of employing the wood-wind group by itself,
Meyerbeer was fond of peculiar combinations such as piccolo flute
and English horn, or bass-clarinet and trumpet an octave apart.
Further entirely novel combinations are the assignment of a melody
to the English horn and bass-clarinet in unison, or the redoubling
of the violoncellos by a flute two octaves above. Great variety
in mixed tints is to be found. The most common is the combination
in solo passages of violoncello and bassoon; more complex is the
union of violins, _tremolo_, together with three flutes, all in the
high range, while an English horn or a bass-clarinet produces the
melody below. Or two clarinets and two bass-clarinets are united
to violoncellos in three-part writing. One of Meyerbeer's chief
contributions to instrumentation lay in his methods of scoring for
the brass. In "Les Huguenots" a veritable military band is introduced
upon the stage; the band includes both reeds and brass--likewise
piccolo flutes. And the newly invented sax-horns were drawn into
requisition for "Le Prophète." The kettle-drums acquired greater
freedom than even Beethoven had allowed them, and "Robert le Diable"
contains actual solos for the instruments. In different works, as
many as three and four kettle-drums were employed. In conclusion, it
is not necessary to dwell upon the realistic impression provoked by
the sounding of a gong in connection with the Resurrection of the
Nuns in "Robert le Diable"; nor need the reader be reminded of the
deep-toned bell used for the Massacre of St. Bartholomew in "Les
Huguenots." All in all, though Meyerbeer's scoring is frequently
brutal, it is intensely dramatic and original.
VII.
We have now traced the wonderful growth of orchestration through
the entire eighteenth century and well into the nineteenth. And the
contributions thereto by the great Italian and French masters are
by no means to be underestimated even though the German classicists
tower above them. A final summing up of their general methods of
instrumentation will properly conclude this chapter.
The classic symphony realizes its principal effects from the dialogue
of instruments rather than from their collective forces. The primary
object was clearness of polyphonic design, and since clearness of
detail does not admit of great force, the first and second orchestral
groups were rarely united other than in _forte_ passages.
When examining the scores of the classics, it is important to keep
in mind that in their day the numerical distribution of the string
band was limited. Therefore force and volume of tone could only be
obtained by keeping the intermediate and lower parts constantly in
motion. Particularly the violas were inadequately represented, and it
will be found that any important viola melody was almost invariably
doubled by some other instrument.
The classic use of the flute for _tuttis_ was generally like that of
a four-foot organ stop. Many of the earlier functions of the oboe
gradually passed to the more responsive clarinet. But the frequent
employment of divided violas as auxiliary to the wind was due to the
former absence of adequate contralto wind instruments.
The larger symphonic orchestra of Haydn, Mozart and Beethoven added
two trumpets to the third group, acquiring thereby a feminine
metallic diapason capable of masculine energy. In the exposition of
their symphonies, the classicists usually gave the first theme to the
strings, the second to the wood. The brass was reserved for climaxes,
and the trumpets entered last. But the limitation of the "natural"
trumpet was detrimental for employing it with invariable symmetry in
the recurrence of thematic design. In employing the full orchestra,
held chords were assigned to the second group as a support to the
strings, whereas the third group added short rhythmic chords.
Operatic effects are obtained by contrast of collective forces rather
than by detail of polyphony. The earlier Italian composers made
frequent use of loud-voiced instruments. Their successors, however,
learned to rely more and more upon the strings, so that not until the
advent of Spontini and Rossini were the proper functions of the brass
or even of the wood again sufficiently recognized in Italy.
From Philidor to Boieldieu, French orchestration was still somewhat
heavy, though of dramatic effectiveness. The scoring of Méhul and
Lesueur was powerful and dignified, that of Boieldieu, Berton,
Grétry, supple and dramatic. Finally, in the first part of the
nineteenth century French orchestration became still more varied and
rich.
It is now time to turn our attention to the rise of the Romantic
Movement, and with this subject the next chapter properly begins.
(Summary on page 69.)
SUMMARY OF PART II.
CHAPTER V.
BACH'S orchestration was essentially polyphonic. He
contrasted his differentiated groups of instruments _en masse_, and
laid the foundation for effective orchestral solo writing.
HÄNDEL represents solidity and sonority, and obtained the
best results when employing the orchestra for massed effects in
conjunction with the chorus.
Bach's contemporaries in Italy were engaged in composing church music
and in writing operas that should satisfy the existing demands for
vocal virtuosity. With few exceptions, they did little to advance the
standard of instrumentation, although Pergolesi's writing for string
orchestra was progressive.
In Germany, regard for Italian opera was fostered by establishing a
permanent home for it at Hamburg; but the evolution of orchestration
was but little benefited thereby. Em. Bach did good service for the
cause of independent instrumental music. Credit is due to Hasse for
his efforts in behalf of the Dresden orchestra, and Graun added his
mite to the development of symphonic form.
After Lulli, and before the advent of Gluck, Rameau stands as the
exponent of French opera, from which French orchestration was then
inseparable. Rameau's reputation rests upon his harmonic innovations,
the enhanced effectiveness of his chorus, and his improved
orchestration. Impelled by the enthusiasm of the philosopher,
Rousseau, a number of composers paved the way for Grétry by departing
from tradition and inaugurating a lighter style, since known as the
_opéra comique_.
CHAPTER VI.
GLUCK, engrossed in resuscitating and furthering the
principles promulgated by Peri and Lulli, used the orchestra
primarily as a dramatic interpreter, and his scoring is conspicuous
for the use of suitable instrumentation, and for the portrayal of
genuine pathos.
At about the time that Gluck captured the Parisian stage, native
French music received a powerful impulse from Grétry, who established
_opéra comique_ upon a permanent basis. In spite of this achievement,
his contributions to orchestration are not important. Meanwhile,
Italy remained true to her traditions, both as to form and contents
of opera, as well as instrumentation. An exception is to be found in
the scores of Jomelli. An adaptation of the _opéra comique_ in the
garb of the Singspiel soon sprang up in Germany.
The growth of independent orchestral music was aided by such
composers and directors as Sammartini, Gossec, Grétry, Stamitz, and
Cannabich, being, moreover, fostered by such organizations as the
"Concerts des Amateurs," the "Concerts spirituels," the Electoral
band at Mannheim, the Leipzig Gewandhaus, and the Dresden orchestra.
CHAPTER VII.
HAYDN was the third great orchestral innovator in historic
evolution, and from him date the beginnings of modern orchestration,
just as Bach represents organ and Protestant Church music, Händel the
oratorio, and Gluck the drama. Monteverde established the precedent
of a nucleus of strings, Scarlatti adjusted their tonal balance, but
Haydn readjusted the equilibrium of the suppletory segments of the
orchestra as a concrete entity. His symphonies were the outcome of
the earlier _concerto grosso_, and thus, having remained true to the
traditions of his great predecessors, he became in turn the pioneer
for Mozart and Beethoven. In his scoring, the wood-wind acquired
freedom and individuality as solo instruments, and, together with
the brass, were led also to sustain and knit together the harmonic
progressions, rather than merely to support the resonance of the
strings. He emphasized the consistent use of wind instruments in
pairs. Again, by exploring further their caloric capabilities, he
discovered effective means for descriptive music, and his oratorios
bear the seed of programmatic writing.
MOZART explored the resources of the orchestra as opened
up by Gluck and Haydn. He combined and interchanged polyphonic and
monophonic style of writing to a most felicitous degree. He wrote
for the strings in such a manner as to insure absolute independence
and stability. The wood-wind gained in freedom of solo expression,
and acquired that individuality of treatment which was its own by
right. Especially the clarinet owes its absorption into the orchestra
to Mozart, and from him dates the genuine origin of varied and
contrasted tone-coloring.
The universal genius of BEETHOVEN, prompted by the depth of
his nature and the nobility of his purpose, led him to combine the
legacy of his predecessors with a more sensitive regard for inner
details, thematic unity, emotional expression, and greater freedom
and subordination of form, leading to expansion and programmatic
music. Greatest of classic orchestral masters, he brought the
symphonic orchestra to its highest development, discovered the utmost
capabilities of each and every instrument, increased the efficiency
of both strings and wood-wind, and incidentally discerned the genuine
worth of the violoncellos, bassoons, and kettle-drums. The functions
of the horns likewise acquired wider significance, and the trombones
were reserved for the portrayal of noble dignity and ornamentation.
CHAPTER VIII.
During the development of Beethoven's mighty conquests, Paris
continued to attract aspirants to fame in operatic lines, whereas
modern church music found a worthy representative in Cherubini; his
orchestration is sonorous, flexible, varied and vivid. Two native
composers of opera in serious vein, Méhul and Lesueur, contributed
essentially to the development of French instrumentation. That
of Méhul was still somewhat heavy, but embodied sonority, novel
combinations, and at times a certain melancholy coloring. Lesueur was
one of the pioneers in the use of grand and majestic combinations.
The most prominent followers of Grétry in the lyric _genre_ were
Boieldieu, whose instrumentation is conspicuous for its daintiness,
variety and contrast; Auber, master of clear yet effervescent
scoring; Hérold, whose orchestra is compact and well balanced;
finally, Halévy, an exponent of both varied and massed effects.
Italian instrumentation was advanced especially by Spontini and to
a certain extent by Rossini; the former inaugurated the practice of
doubling and redoubling the harmonies in massed combination. French
opera was also greatly influenced by Meyerbeer, who imparted to the
orchestra massed effects, novel and rich detail, characteristic
individuality.
Credit for the development and perfection of symphonic form and
orchestration is due to the great German classicists alone; but the
evolution of the genuinely dramatic resources of the orchestra rests
largely in the hands of the French composers preceding the ascendency
of the Romantic Movement.
PART III.--ROMANTICISM.