Still Mr. Somers, I see, is on the desponding side: and with better
reason than before; since, if the difficulty be half so great as is
pretended, this change of the speaker is little favourable to the
removal of it. However, I do not despair, whether these surmises of
difficulty be real or dissembled, to clear up the whole matter to
both your satisfactions. The stress of it lies here: That, whereas
a mixed and limited government is supposed to have been the ancient
constitution in this country, the appearances, in fact, for a couple
of centuries, have been so repugnant to this notion, that either the
supposition must be given up as too hastily formed, or sufficient
reasons must be assigned for these contradictory appearances. I embrace
the latter part of this alternative without hesitation or reserve; and
pretend to lay before you such unanswerable arguments for the cause
I have undertaken, as, in better hands, might amount to a perfect
vindication of ENGLISH LIBERTY.
I take my rise from the period which my Lord Commissioner has
prescribed to me; that is, from the accession of the TUDOR family.
We have henceforth, indeed, a succession of high despotic princes, who
were politic and daring enough to improve every advantage against the
people’s liberties. And their peculiar characters were well suited to
the places in which we find them. HENRY VII. was wise and provident;
jealous of his authority as well as title; and fruitful in expedients
to secure both. His son and successor, who had a spirit of the largest
size, and, as one says[6], _feared nothing but the falling of the
heavens_, was admirably formed to sustain and establish that power,
which the other had assumed. And after two short reigns, which afforded
the people no opportunity of recovering their lost ground, the crown
settled on the head of a princess, who, with the united qualifications
of her father and grandfather, surpassed them both in the arts of
a winning and gracious popularity. And thus, in the compass of a
century, the prerogative was now wound up to a height, that was very
flattering to the views and inclinations of the STUART family.
It may be further observed, that the condition of the times was such
as wonderfully conspired with the designs and dispositions of these
princes.
A long and bloody war, that had well nigh exhausted the strength and
vitals of this country, was, at length, composed by the fortunate
successes of _Bosworth-field_. All men were desirous to breathe a
little from the rage of civil wars. And the enormous tyranny of the
prince, whose death had made way for the exaltation of the earl of
RICHMOND, was a sort of foil to the new government, and made the
rigours of it appear but moderate when set against the cruelties of the
preceding reign.
The great change that followed, in the deliverance of the nation from
papal tyranny, and the suppression of religious houses, was a new
pretence for the extension of the royal prerogative; and the people
submitted to it with pleasure, as they saw no other way to support and
accomplish that important enterprise.
And, lastly, the regal power, which had gained so immensely by the
rejection of the papal dominion, was carried still higher by the great
work of reformation; which being conducted by a wise and able princess,
was easily improved, on every occasion, to the advantage of the crown.
And thus, whether we consider the characters of the persons, or the
circumstances of the times, every thing concurred to exalt the princes
of the house of TUDOR to a height of power and prerogative, which
had hitherto been unknown in _England_, and became, in the end, so
dangerous to the constitution itself.
But you expect me, I suppose, to point to the very examples of
usurpation, I have in view, and the means by which it took effect in
the hands of these and the succeeding princes.