INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

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DANAUS, according to the received Greek story, was an Egyptian, who

founded a colony in Argos, at some date between the age of the oldest

Argive king Inachus, and the Trojan war. In the reality of this

sea-faring adventurer, modern historians, following the faith of the

ancient Greeks, have generally acquiesced, till, latterly, the Germans,

with that instinctive hostility to external tradition which

characterises them, have boldly ventured to explain both the Egyptian

and his colony away into a symbol, or an inanity. Of our most recent

writers, however, THIRLWALL, after considering all the German

speculations on the subject, is not ashamed to say a word in favour of

the possibility or probability of an Egyptian colony in Argos;[f1]

while CLINTON[f2] (Introd. pp. 6, 7), boldly announces the

principle that "we may acknowledge as real persons all those whom there

is no reason for rejecting. The presumption is in favour of the early

tradition. . . . Cadmus and Danaus appear to be real persons; for it is

conformable to the state of mankind, and perfectly credible that

Phœnician and Egyptian adventurers, in the ages to which these persons

are ascribed, should have found their way to the coasts of Greece."

GROTE, however, seems to have acted most wisely in refusing to decide

whether any particular legend of the earliest times is mythical or

historical, on the ground that, though many of the legends doubtless

contain truth, they contain it only "in a sort of chemical combination

with fiction, which we have no means of decomposing"--(II. p. 50). This

play of Æschylus, therefore, cannot boast of any accessory historical

superadded to the principal poetic interest.

Danaus, the legend tells, though an Egyptian born, was not of Egyptian

descent. The original mother of his race was Io, daughter of Inachus,

king of Argos, and priestess of Hera in that place. How this

much-persecuted maid found her way from the banks of the "Erasinus old"

to the shores of the nurturing Nile, we have seen in the previous piece.

Danaus had a brother called Ægyptus, the father of fifty sons, as

himself was of fifty daughters. These fifty sons Ægyptus sought to

unite in wedlock to the equal-numbered progeny of his brother; but the

chaste maidens, whether because they actually thought it unholy (as it

certainly is, in the general case, unadvisable) for first cousins to

marry first cousins, or {216} because the suit was pressed in a manner

not the most respectful, or from a combination of both motives, refused

to enter into the bond; and, to escape the importunities of their

stronger male suitors, fled, under the guidance of their father, over

the seas to Greece. As kind chance, or, rather, Divine Providence, would

have it, they were wafted to that very part of Greece whence their

famous ancestress Io had originally proceeded, when the god-sent gadfly

drove her, in a career of tempestuous wanderings, through great part of

Europe and Asia, to Egypt. With their landing on this coast the present

opera commences; and the action which it represents is the very simple

one of the reception of the Libyan fugitives, by the Argive monarch

Pelasgus (otherwise called Gelanor), and their participation in the

rights and privileges of Argive citizenship. The transference of their

affections from Nile to Erasinus is solemnly sung in the concluding

chaunt. The Danaides are now Argives.

Considered by itself, the action of this piece is the most meagre that

can be conceived, and, as the poet has handled it, contains little that

can stir the deeper feelings of the heart, or strike the imagination

strongly. That the king of the Argives should feel serious doubts as to

the propriety of receiving such a band of foreigners into his kingdom,

formidable not in their own strength, indeed, but in respect of the

pursuing party, by whom they were claimed, was most natural; equally

natural, however, and, in a poetic point of view, necessary, that his

political fears should finally be outweighed by his benevolent regard

for the rights of unprotected virgins, and his pious fear of the wrath

of Jove, the protector of suppliants. The alternation of mind between

these contending feelings, till a final resolve is taken on the side of

the right, affords no field for the higher faculty of the dramatist to

display itself. As we have it, accordingly, the Suppliants is, perhaps,

the weakest performance of Æschylus. But the fact is, there is the best

reason to believe that the great father of tragedy never meant this

piece to stand alone, but wrote it merely to usher in the main action,

which followed in the other pieces of a trilogy; the names of which

pieces--Ἀιγύπτιοι, and Δαναίδες--are preserved in the list of the

author's pieces still extant. Of this, the whole conclusion of the

present piece, and especially the latter half of the last choral chaunt,

furnishes the most conclusive evidence.

The remainder of the story, which formed the main action of the trilogy,

is well known. Immediately after the reception of the fugitives, by the

Argives, their pursuers arrive, and land on the coast. This arrival is

announced in the last scene of the present piece. On {217} this, Danaus,

unwilling to lead his kind host into a war, pretends to yield to the

suit still as eagerly pressed, and the marriage is agreed on. But a

terrible revenge had been devised. At the very moment that he hands over

his unwilling but obedient daughters to the subjection of their hated

cousins, he gives them secret instructions to furnish themselves each

with a dagger, and, during the watches of the nuptial night, to dip the

steel in the throats of their unsuspecting lords. The bloody deed was

completed. Only one of all the fifty daughters, preferring the fame of

true womanhood to the claims of filial homage, spared her mate.

Hypermnestra saved her husband Lynceus. This conduct, of course, brought

the daughter into collision with her father and her father's family; and

one of those strifes of our mysterious moral nature was educed, which,

as we have seen in the trilogy of the Orestiad, it was one great purpose

of the Æschylean drama to reconcile. If the murder occupied the second

piece, as the progress of the story naturally brings with it, a third

piece, according to the analogy of the Eumenides, would be necessary to

bring about the reconciliation, and effect that purifying of the

passions which Aristotle points out as the great moral result of tragic

composition. That Aphrodite was the great celestial agent employed in

the finale of the Suppliants, as Pallas Athena is in the Furies, has

been well divined; a beautiful fragment in celebration of love, and in

favour of Hypermnestra remains; but to attempt a reconstruction of these

lost pieces at the present day, though an amusement of which the learned

Germans are fond, is foreign to the habits of the British mind. Those

who feel inclined to see what ingenuity may achieve in this region, are

referred to Welcker's Trilogie, and Gruppe's Ariadne.

The moral tone and character of this piece is in the highest degree

pleasing and satisfactory. The Supreme Jove, whose prominent attribute

is power, here receives a glorification as the protector of the

persecuted, and the refuge of the distressed. On the duty of

hospitality, under the sanction of Ζεύς ξένιος and ἱκεσιος, as

practised among the ancient Greeks, I refer the reader with pleasure

to Grote's History of Greece, Vol. II., p. 114.

"The scene," says Potter, "is near the shore, in an open grove, close to

the altar and images of the gods presiding over the sacred games, with a

view of the sea and ships of Egyptus on one side, and of the town of

Argos on the other, with hills, and woods, and vales, a river flowing

between them: all, together with the persons of the drama, forming a

picture that would have well employed the united pencils of Poussin and

Claude."

The Lyrical Dramas of Aeschylus Translated into English Verse · 第 32 / 104 题