INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

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THE right of the avenger of blood, so familiar to us from its prominency

in the Mosaic Law (see Numbers, chap. 35), is a moral phenomenon which

belongs to a savage or semi-civilized state of society in all times and

places; and appears everywhere with the most distinct outline in the

rich records of the early age of Greece, which we possess in the Homeric

poems. No doubt, the most glowing intensity, and the passionate

exaggeration of the feeling, from which this right springs, is found

only among the hot children of the Arabian desert;[f1] and in no

point of his various enactments were the wisdom and the humanity of

their great Jewish lawgiver more conspicuous than in the appointment of

sacerdotal cities of refuge, which set certain intelligible bounds of

space and time to the otherwise interminable prosecution of family

feuds, and the gratification of private revenge. But the great traits of

the system of private revenge for manslaughter, stand out clearly in the

Iliad and Odyssey; and the whole of the ancient heroic mythology of

Greece is full of adventures and strange chances that grew out of this

germ. Out of many, I shall mention only the following instance. In the

twenty-third book of the Iliad (v. 82), when the shade of Patroclus

appears at the head of his sorrowful, sleeping friend, after urging the

necessity of instant funeral, for the peace of his soul, he proceeds to

make a further request, as follows:--

"This request I make, this strict injunction I on thee would lay,

Not apart from thine Achilles, place thy dear Patroclus' bones;

But together as, like brothers, in your father's house we grew,

Then when me, yet young, Menœtius from the Locrian Opus guiding,

To the halls of Peleus brought because that I had slain a man,

Even thy son, Amphidamas, whom unwittingly of life I reft

In a brainish moment, foolishly, when we quarrelled o'er the dice;

Then the horseman, Peleus, kindly took me to his house, and kindly

Reared me with his son, and bade me be thy comrade to the end;

So my bones, when they are gathered, place where thine shall also be,

In the two-eared golden urn which gracious Thetis gave to thee."

In these verses, we see the common practice of the heroic ages in

Greece, with regard to manslaughter. No matter how slight the occasion

might be out of which the lethal quarrel arose; how {96} innocent soever

of all hostile intention the unhappy offender; the only safety to him

from the private revenge of the kinsman of the person unwittingly slain,

was to flee to a country that acknowledged some foreign chief, and find

both a friend and a country in a distant land. All this, too, in an era

of civilization, when courts of law and regular judges (as from various

passages of Homer is apparent) were not altogether unknown; but nature

is stronger than law, and passion slow to yield up its fiery right of

summary revenge, for the cold, calculating retribution of an impartial

judge.

The person on whom the duty of avenging shed blood, according to the

heroic code of morals, fell, was the nearest of kin to the person whose

blood had been shed; and accordingly we find (as stated more at large by

Gesenius and Michaelis[f2]) that in the Hebrew language, the same

word means both an avenger of blood and a kinsman, while in the cognate

Arabic the term for an avenger means also a _survivor_--that is, the

surviving kinsman. In the same way, when Clytemnestra, as we have just

seen in the previous drama, had treacherously murdered her husband

Agamemnon, the code of social morality then existing laid the duty of

avenging this most unnatural deed on the nearest relation of the

murdered chieftain, viz.--his son, Orestes; a sore duty indeed, in this

case, as the principal offender was his own mother: so that in

vindicating one feeling of his filial nature the pious son had to do

violence to another; but a duty it still remained; and there does not

appear the slightest trace that it was considered one whit the less

imperative on account of the peculiar relation that existed here between

the dealer of the vengeful blow and the person on whom it was dealt.

WHOSO SHEDDETH MAN'S BLOOD BY MAN SHALL HIS BLOOD BE SHED was the old

patriarchal law on the subject, proclaimed without limitation and

without exception; and the cry of innocent blood rose to Heaven with

peculiar emphasis when the sufferer was both a father and a king.

"Good, how good, when one who dies unjustly leaves a son behind him

To avenge his death!"--Odyss. iii. 196,

is the wisdom of old Nestor with regard to this subject and this very

case: and the wise goddess Athena, the daughter of the Supreme

Councillor, in whom "all her father lives," stamps her distinct approval

on the deed of Orestes, by which Clytemnestra was murdered, and holds

him up as an illustrious example to Telemachus, by which his own conduct

was to be regulated in {97} reference to the insolent and unjust suitors

who were consuming his father's substance.

"This when thou hast done, and well accomplished, as the need demands,

Then behoves thee in thy mind with counsel rife to ponder well

How the suitors that obscenely riot in thy father's halls

Thou by force or fraud may'st slay: for surely now the years are come,

When too old thou art to trifle like a child with childish things.

Hast not heard what fair opinion the divine Orestes reaped

From the general voice consenting to the deed, then when he slew

The deceitful false Ægisthus, slayer of his famous sire."

Odyssey i. 293.

Public opinion, therefore, to use a modern phrase, not only justified

Orestes in compassing the death of his mother, but imperatively called

on him to do so. Public opinion, however, could not control Nature, nor

save the unfortunate instrument of paternal retribution from that

revulsion of feeling which must necessarily ensue, when the hand of the

son is once red with the blood of her whose milk he had sucked. Orestes

finds himself torn in twain by two contrary instincts, the victim of two

antagonist rights. No sooner are the Furies of the father asleep, than

those of the mother awake; and thus the bloody catastrophe of the

present piece prepares the way for that tragic conflict of opposing

moral claims set forth with such power in the third piece of this

trilogy--the Eumenides.

The action of this play is the simplest possible, and will, for the most

part, explain itself sufficiently as it proceeds. Clytemnestra,

disturbed in conscience, and troubled by evil dreams, sends a chorus of

young women to offer libations at the tomb of Agamemnon, which, in the

present play, may fitly be conceived as occupying the centre of the

stage.[f3] These "libation-bearers" give the name to the piece. In

their pious function, Electra, the daughter of Agamemnon, joins; and as

she is engaged in the solemn rite, her brother Orestes (who had been

living as an exile in Phocis with Strophius, married to Anaxibia, the

sister of Agamemnon) suddenly arrives, and making himself known to his

sister, plans with her the murder of Ægisthus and Clytemnestra--which

is accordingly executed. Scarcely is this done, when the Furies of the

murdered mother appear, and commence that chase of the unhappy son from

land to land, which is ended in the next piece only by the eloquent

intercession of Apollo, and the deliberative wisdom of the blue-eyed

virgin-goddess of the Acropolis.

As a composition, the Choephoræ is decidedly inferior both to {98} the

Agamemnon which precedes, and the Eumenides which follows it; and the

poet, as if sensible of this weakness, following the approved tactics of

rhetoricians and warriors, has dexterously placed it in a position where

its deficiencies are least observed. At the same time, in passing a

critical judgment on this piece we must bear in mind two

things--_first_, that some parts of this play that appear languid,

long-drawn, and ineffective to us who read, may have been overflowing

with the richest emotional power in their living musical exhibition;

and, _secondly_, that many parts, especially of the choral chaunts, have

been so maimed and shattered by time that the modern commentator is

perhaps as much chargeable with the faults of the translation as the

ancient tragedian.

The Lyrical Dramas of Aeschylus Translated into English Verse · 第 16 / 104 题