CHAPTER XI

THE NAWAB

Dacca still wears something of a Mohammedan air, for Akbar’s long

arm reached to Eastern Bengal, and the inheritors of his empire here

built a fort, a palace, and a capital. Passing one day among its

enclosed gardens, mouldering lengths of wall, and dying mosques, I

had begun to imagine myself back in some Turkish town like Ochrida or

Monastir, when I was suddenly recalled to the streams of Brahmaputra

by the appearance of a large wooden cage under a tree in an open

court. It was bigger than the cages in which Louis XI. swung his

political opponents in the castles of Touraine. It would have held a

bull as well as an eagle, and was firmly set upon a base of stone,

daubed with vermillion, as is the Hindu way. Life in a cage has

always seemed to me so curious a choice when this nutshell of a

planet is itself so small, that I stopped to contemplate it, and,

observing my interest, the Brahman who accompanied me began to knock

with a stone upon a large wooden box, which occupied one corner of

the interior. The summons appeared to be recognized, like the call to

a menagerie’s wild beast at feeding time. There was a stir inside,

a lid opened, and presently a human head emerged shaggy as John the

Baptist’s, with black hair.

It was the city anchorite, whose sleep or meditation we had rather

rudely disturbed. But he took it in good part, as one accustomed

to allow for grosser natures, and, raising himself deftly from his

lair, he stood naked before us, contemplating this garish muddle of

a world with shy and melancholy eyes. Human speech was distasteful

to him, but he had come, he said, from a distant province, the name

of which did not concern a mind set upon infinity. All his life now

he meditated, not directly upon God, but upon the remembered words

of his Guru, or spiritual master, which in time might lead him to

the meditation upon God Himself. He was unwilling to say more, and,

being in haste, I gave him six annas (sixpence) as an endowment of

meditation, which appears to me far the most difficult achievement of

the human mind, and he crept back into his box to continue it.

I was in haste, because I had an appointment with the Nawab Salimulla

of Dacca, certainly the most influential personality in the city,

and perhaps in the province. For the population of Eastern Bengal,

though nearly all Bengali, is about three-fifths Mohammedan, and,

owing to his father’s wealth, wisdom, and public munificence, the

Nawab is regarded by the Mohammedans as their natural leader. It

is an instance of mankind’s touching belief in heredity, for the

present Nawab is not specially conspicuous for those three claims to

recognition. His munificence has been largely private, and, added to

certain peculiarities on the part of his guardian, it has so much

reduced his father’s wealth, that he has been compelled to hand over

the remainder to the Government Court of Wards, having publicly

declared himself a “disqualified proprietor,” incapable of managing

his own affairs. This cannot, however, in itself imply any lack of

wisdom, for since that public declaration the Government of India

has reappointed him a member of the Viceroy’s Legislative Council,

as one peculiarly capable of managing the affairs of an Empire. And,

indeed, with regard to the burning question of the Partition, he

has shown wisdom’s reasonable and open mind. When the Partition was

first suggested, he was as much opposed to it as any Bengali could

be, and I was told that, in his simple-hearted way, he described it

as “beastly.” But such prejudice was not proof against reason, and it

began to dissolve under the influence of Lord Curzon’s visit, and the

speeches in which he promised that the Partition “would invest the

Mohammedans of Eastern Bengal with a unity which they had not enjoyed

since the days of the old Mussulman viceroys and kings.”

Shortly after the Partition the Government of India advanced a loan

to relieve the Nawab’s private munificence from bankruptcy—a loan

amounting to about £100,000, at what was, for India, a very low

rate of interest. This benevolent action, combined with certain

privileges granted to Mohammedans, was supposed by many Hindus to

have encouraged the Nawab and his co-religionists in taking a still

more favourable view of the Partition itself.

Not only so, but priestly mullahs went through the country preaching

the revival of Islam, and proclaiming to the villagers that the

British Government was on the Mohammedan side, that the Law Courts

had been specially suspended for three months, and no penalty

would be exacted for violence done to Hindus, or for the loot of

Hindu shops, or the abduction of Hindu widows. A Red Pamphlet was

everywhere circulated, maintaining the same wild doctrines. It was

seen that a large proportion of Government posts were set aside

for Mohammedans, and some were even kept vacant because there was

no Mohammedan qualified to fill them. Sir Bampfylde Fuller said in

jest that of his two wives (meaning the Moslem and Hindu sections of

his province) the Mohammedan was the favourite. The jest was taken

in earnest, and the Mussulmans genuinely believed that the British

authorities were ready to forgive them all excesses.

Some two years after his departure from India Lord Curzon wrote to

the _Times_ that it was “a wicked falsehood” to say that by the

Partition he intended to carve out a Mohammedan State, to drive

a wedge between Mohammedan and Hindu, or to arouse racial feuds.

Certainly no one would willingly accuse another of such desperate

wickedness, but a statesman of better judgment might have foreseen

that, not a racial, but a religious feud would probably be the

result of the measure. What might have been expected followed. In

Comilla, Jamalpur, and a few other places, rather serious riots

occurred. A few lives were lost, temples were desecrated, images

broken, shops plundered, and many Hindu widows carried off. Some of

the towns were deserted, the Hindu population took refuge in any

“pukka” house (_i.e._ house with brick or stone walls), women spent

nights hidden in tanks, the crime known as “group-rape” increased,

and throughout the country districts there reigned a general terror,

which still prevailed at the time of my visit. Thus a new religious

feud was established in Eastern Bengal, and when Mr. Morley said in

the Commons that the disturbance was due to the refusal of Hindus to

sell British goods to Mohammedans, it was a grotesque instance of the

power that officials have of misleading their Chief.

The largest of the Nawab’s palaces, looking over the river, is

built in the French style of Louis XIV., but is not so old, having

been probably constructed by the present Nawab’s rich and prudent

father. Similarly, the large collection of knightly armour in the

entrance hall, recalling the onsets of Cressy and Agincourt, do not

suggest that the present owner’s ancestors were engaged in those

famous battles, as they would in an English millionaire’s house.

As a matter of fact, I believe the present Nawab’s grandfather or

great-grandfather came from peaceful Kashmir and established the

family fortunes originally on carpets. Since his time, while the

family fortunes have developed, the family taste has developed too,

and the enormous vaulted room into which I was shown was stuffed with

the expensive sweepings of European furniture shops. A huge armchair

in cut glass especially fascinated my gaze, and in spite of my haste

I had full time to be fascinated, because the Nawab was an hour and a

half late for his appointment, having been detained at another palace

where a wife dwelt to whom he was much attached—more attached, I was

told, than to any other.

So there was every excuse for his unpunctuality, and he made none,

but swept into the room with a smile of benign complacency. He was a

well-developed man of middle age—something of Falstaff’s prominent

personality, but preserving the childlike air of innocence and

candour which nursemaids call “engaging.” Round his large and serene

face, which smiled almost perpetually, hung a loose black fringe of

beard. He was dressed in little purple slippers, thin pyjamas of

white silk, a vest of exquisitely fine Dacca muslin “sprigged” (as

they say in the china trade) with delicate rosebuds, a copious turban

of the same, and a long purple coat or cloak of flowered brocade,

with a white border embroidered with passion flowers.

“My own design!” he exclaimed with justifiable pride, as soon as the

formal greetings were over, holding up the stuff for my inspection

and slowly turning round that I might enjoy its full effect.

I soon discovered that though his mind was much occupied with

Imperial politics, he retained a human interest in home life and the

domestic arts. Like the elder Dumas, he was particularly proud of his

skill in cooking, and he told me of many wonderful dishes he could

make.

“You should taste my nougat!” he cried, and leaning forward like a

diplomat with a State secret, he added, “Only this morning I composed

a new almond toffee!”

I was not surprised that, with these natural gifts only waiting to be

recognized, he was keenly alive to a lack of sympathy in his family

circle.

“My wife,” (he used the singular, and sighed)—“you have no idea what

difficulty I have in getting my wife to try a new dish. With her it

is always mutton, mutton, mutton! She has been brought up on mutton,

and Indian women have so little enterprise. She will not try my

dishes.”

“Let us go hence, my songs; she will not hear,” I quoted in sympathy,

and he sighed again.

“Our Indian women are very backward,” he went on. “Now, there is my

retired groom, my livery man—what a woman his English wife is! How

finished! What pleasantness! How much nicer a home she makes for him

than I can ever get! I will show you the difference.”

He called an attendant who had been keeping his eye on me from behind

a glass door, and presently the attendant returned with heavy gold

ornaments—bracelets, anklets, and necklaces—thickly sprinkled with

small turquoises and pearls.

“I gave these jewels as presents to my wife,” he said. “They are my

own design too. I bought the pearls cheap when the plague was very

bad here, and people were glad to sell everything.”

I commended this one evidence of ancestral thrift.

“Then I took the pearls and turquoises and gold to Paris,” he went

on, “and drew out a design for the Parisian jewellers to follow. You

see the result. What grace! What finish I You cannot get finish in

the East. It is the same with our women. They are backward; they have

no finish.”

By a mere slip of the tongue I said I greatly admired what I had

seen of Hindu ladies, and added something about seclusion and purdah.

“Hindu ladies!” he cried indignantly. “They don’t understand what

purdah is. They might just as well live shamelessly in public. It

is only Mohammedan ladies who practise strict purdah, and seclude

themselves with absolute delicacy and refinement.”

I assured him I had supposed no less, and his aspect cleared again.

Resuming his lightsome smile, he continued—

“For myself I am singularly happy. I suppose even the Emperor can

hardly be happier than I am?”

He said this in a tentative way, as though appealing to my personal

acquaintanceship with King Edward. But as I could offer no opinion

upon the Emperor’s happiness, he went on—

“Every morning I feel like a bird. I wake after my sweet sleep, when

the birds are waking too. 1 like to hear them sing, because I know

that I am as happy as they can be. I have my troubles of course. I

never can induce the gardeners to water my flowers at the right time.

They will water them in the evening when the cool night is coming. I

tell them they ought to water in the morning, as a protection against

the hot days. They promise to obey, and next evening out they go

again with their water-pots, as their fathers did before them. There

is no science in the East, no progress, no reason.”

For an instant this lamentable truth depressed him, but he revived at

the recollection of his own assured happiness.

“I trust entirely to God,” he said. “I leave everything in His hands,

and all goes well. He has always helped me very much. Hitherto He has

helped me so that I hardly ever have to work. He has never let me

work very much, and I trust everything to His care. I think that is

why I am so happy, and feel like a bird in the morning after my sweet

sleep.”

I suggested that an easy conscience conduces to sleep and happiness,

and he agreed it was so.

He then turned to more general subjects, and, like Lord Curzon, he

much regretted the Bengali tendency to lying. It was corrupting even

the Mohammedans, and nearly all Indian children were brought up

in deception, usually to escape punishment or to give pleasure. I

remarked that even in Europe these motives sometimes lead to deceit,

but he had formed an ideal of English education, such as the Greeks

formed of Persian. English boys, he said, were taught to ride, shoot,

and tell the truth. It was a fine testimony from a man of education

so different from our own.

Of Hindus in general, and of Mohammedans who had lost their faith, he

expressed deep distrust, pointing the moral from the fate of a near

relation, who, through associating with women and Hindus, was now no

better than one of the lost. This grieved me very much, for I had

heard that relation highly spoken of in the town, and he had made me

various offers of kindness. But the Nawab was inflexible in virtue.

“You must fear God,” he said, becoming for a moment almost grave.

“There is no good in praying to God, for He needs nothing that we

could give Him in exchange for His gifts. But we know that He is

pleased with truth, and we must tell it.”

Then we discussed the Partition, and as I rose to go he exclaimed,

“Here in Dacca I have 10,000 men ready to die for me if I raise my

little finger. That is how I keep the peace.”

How far he expected to please God by that statement I do not know.

But probably he was quite sincere, for it is impossible to exhaust or

caricature the illusions of mankind.

One would like to discover the causes of a certain “quality” (as

country people say of gentlefolk) that appears common to nearly all

Mohammedans. I have felt it almost equally in Constantinople and

other parts of Turkey, in Asia Minor and Crete, in Morocco, and

on the West African coast, in Madras, in the North-West Frontier

Province, and even in the rather petted luxury of the Mohammedan

College at Aligarh. In all these places one finds a similar

pleasing gravity of manner, courteous address, and an impression of

straightforward dealing, which, perhaps, would be more trustworthy

if the Sultan were not a Mohammedan. This gentlemanly manner may

exist merely as the heritage of a conquering religion; for in all

these countries, as in Eastern Bengal, the Mohammedans have come and

stayed as conquerors, and it is easy to acquire fine and aristocratic

manners when you carry a sword and the other man does not. But at the

back of external behaviour there is a queer mixture of simplicity and

shrewdness more difficult to account for. It may arise naturally in a

mind reared upon a broad and unquestioned basis of belief, free alike

from the confusion of mythologies and the distracting details of

useful knowledge. There is a well-known letter, written to a friend

of Nineveh Layard by a Turkish Cadi, that exactly expresses the finer

side of Mohammedan ignorance. For that reason I quote it in the note

below,[43] and when to this disregard of unessential phenomena

in earth and sky is added an indifference to the controversies,

bare facts, and mechanical actions upon which most of us spend our

lives, we may look for a certain simplicity tempered by shrewdness.

That even in the Nawab, in spite of his Government loan and boasted

powers of design, cookery, and the control of men, I should still

have been conscious of both those qualities combined, is a remarkable

testimonial to the influence of Islam.

[Illustration: THE TEMPLE OF SIKHS.]

[Illustration: A MOHAMMEDAN MOSQUE.

[_Face p. 200._

]

Owing to these pleasant qualities, so attractive to Englishmen sprung

like myself from the public-school, country-house, and villa classes,

I have almost invariably found English officers and officials on

the side of the Mohammedans where there is any rivalry of race or

religion at all. And in Eastern Bengal this national inclination

is now encouraged by the Government’s open resolve to retain the

Mohammedan support of the Partition by any means in its power. It was

against the Hindus only that all the petty persecution of officialdom

was directed. It was they who were excluded from Government posts;

it was Hindu schools from which Government patronage was withdrawn.

When Mohammedans rioted, the punitive police ransacked Hindu houses,

and companies of little Gurkhas were quartered on Hindu populations.

It was the Hindus who in one place were forbidden to sit on the river

bank. Of course, the plea was that only the Hindus were opposed to

the Government’s policy of dividing them from the rest of their race,

so that they alone needed suppression. And certainly, after what I

had seen in the previous four or five years in Macedonia, Central

Africa, Russia, and the Caucasus, this kind of persecution might well

appear ludicrously small. But it was the beginning of a dangerous

road, to which one could not see the end, and the knowledge that our

own country was taking that road aggravated the sense of wrong.

It was the same with espionage. Personally I enjoyed being followed

by spies wherever I went. I enjoyed it much more than the spies

themselves. It was a pleasure to watch the open-hearted stupidity

which never left me in doubt as to their purpose, or to look them

tranquilly in the face and see their eyes drop in honourable shame.

It was a joyful moment when at Serajganj I turned in wrath upon a man

who had been following me all day long in the melodramatic disguise

of a black shawl and an umbrella, and watched the poor hired worm

grovel away, murmuring tearful appeals about superior orders. In

that case I was angry because I was visiting the schools—the same

over which Sir Bampfylde Fuller resigned—and it seemed to me unfit

that the schoolboys should see our Government’s habit of espionage

thus illustrated before their faces. But at another place where I

arrived in the cold of half-past three in the morning, and found that

the telegram to prepare for my arrival had been detained, there was

no alloy in the pleasure with which I seized upon the spy detailed

to dog me, and compelled him to procure a cart, conduct me to the

house where he knew I ought to have been expected, and knock up the

sleeping servants to receive me.

When I first landed in Bombay, it appeared to me a little undignified

that representatives of the British Government should set police

spies to question a Member of Parliament’s chauffeur every morning

and evening where he was going or had been, and with whom he

had conversed. Of course it made no difference to the Member of

Parliament, any more than the delightful spies in Eastern Bengal made

any difference to me. But what was a joke to us may be anything but

a joke to native Indians who are compelled to live permanently under

a system of official surveillance which reads their private letters,

detains their telegrams, and hires men to watch their actions. Far

worse than the mere annoyance involved is the indignant contempt

which our Government thus stores up against itself. Every now and

then by such means it may discover the trail of some seditious

movement. But the discovery of all the sedition in India would not

be worth the loss of reputation to which we expose ourselves by

resorting to methods that would exclude a man from any club in our

country.

There is something about espionage that stirs indignation more deeply

than anything else in the world. But I do not wish to part from that

land of great rivers with a mere feeling of bitterness. When I recall

the quiet circuit of streams by which I slowly passed from Khulna

to Barisal, and on to Dacca; and from Dacca through Mymensingh and

Jamalpur and Serajganj and Goalundo, where the Ganges and Brahmaputra

are joined, to Faridpur, where trains run back to Calcutta,—I lose

the sense of bitterness, though there was plenty in the country.

I think only of the fertile land basking under an uninterrupted

sky, or of bright crowds of men in yellow, red, and white standing

upon the river bank and shouting their “Bande Mataram” against the

sunrise; or of long torchlight processions that conducted some leader

of the nation home in his carriage through the blue night; or of

little groups of schoolboys who had stayed on the platform till the

cold of morning to cheer a passing train, delighted even to shiver

for their country. “I fear we shall never meet again on life’s rough

sea,” said a student at one place, being naturally proud of such

beautiful English; and, certainly, one cannot hope to visit the

Brahmaputra every week-end. But even from a good month’s distance, as

London is, it seems impossible to believe that one petulant error can

for all time produce division and rancorous hatred in so excellent a

country and among a people so devoted to the same causes of freedom

and nationality that we so much admire.

FOOTNOTES:

[43] “My illustrious Friend, and Joy of my Liver! The thing you ask

of me is both difficult and useless. Although I have passed all my

days in this place, I have neither counted the houses nor inquired

into the number of the inhabitants; and as to what one person loads

on his mules and the other stows away in the bottom of his ship, that

is no business of mine. But, above all, as to the previous history of

this city, God only knows the amount of dirt and confusion that the

infidels may have eaten before the coming of the sword of Islam. It

were unprofitable for us to inquire.

“Oh, my soul! Oh, my lamb! seek not after the things which concern

thee not. Thou camest unto us and we welcomed thee: go in peace.

“Of a truth, thou hast spoken many words; and there is no harm done,

for the speaker is one and the listener is another. After the fashion

of thy people thou hast wandered from one place to another, until

thou art happy and content in none. We (praise be to God) were born

here, and never desire to quit it. Is it possible then that the idea

of a general intercourse between mankind should make any impression

on our understanding? God forbid!

“Listen, O my son! There is no wisdom equal to the belief in God. He

created the world, and shall we liken ourselves unto Him in seeking

to penetrate into the mysteries of His creation? Shall we say, behold

this star spinneth round that star, and this other star with a tail

goes and comes in so many years? Let it go. He from whose hand it

came will guide and direct it.

“But thou wilt say to me, Stand aside, O man, for I am more learned

than thou art, and have seen more things. If thou thinkest thou art

in this respect better than I am, thou art welcome. I praise God that

I seek not that which I require not. Thou art learned in the things I

care not for; and as for that which thou hast seen, I defile it. Will

much knowledge create thee a double belly, or wilt thou seek Paradise

with thine eyes?

“Oh, my friend, if thou wilt be happy, say there is no God but God!

Do not evil and then wilt thou fear neither man nor death; for surely

thine hour will come.

“The meek in spirit,

“IMAUM ALI ZADE.”

Layard’s “Nineveh and Babylon,” p. 663.

The new spirit in India · 第 11 / 18 章