This lamentable and so unexpected a disaster caused them all beleeve the

opinion of Master Stockam, and drave them all to their wits end: it was

twenty or thirty daies ere they could resolve what to doe, {MN-1} but at

last it was concluded, all the petty Plantations should be abandoned, and

drawne onely to make good five or six places, where all their labours now

for the most part must redound to the Lords of those Lands where they were

resident. Now for want of Boats, it was impossible upon such a sudden to

bring also their cattle, and many other things, which with much time,

charge and labour they had then in possession with them; all which for the

most part at their departure was burnt, ruined and destroyed by the

Salvages. {MN-2} Only Master Gookins at Nuports-newes would not obey the

Commanders command in that, though hee had scarce five and thirty of all

sorts with him, yet he thought himselfe sufficient against what could

happen, and so did to his great credit and the content of his Adventurers.

Master Samuel Jorden gathered together but a few of the straglers about

him at Beggers-bush, where he fortified and lived in despight of the

enemy. Nay, Mistresse Proctor, a proper, civill, modest Gentlewoman did

the like, till perforce the English Officers forced her and all them with

her to goe with them, or they would fire her house themselves, as the

Salvages did when they were gone, in whose despight they had kept it, and

what they had a moneth or three weekes after the Massacre; which was to

their hearts a griefe beyond comparison, to lose all they had in that

manner, onely to secure others pleasures. {MN-3} Now here in England it

was thought, all those remainders might presently have beene reduced into

fifties or hundreds in places most convenient with what they had, having

such strong houses as they reported they had, which with small labour

might have beene made invincible Castles against all the Salvages in the

Land, and then presently raised a company, as a running Armie to torment

the Barbarous and secure the rest, and so have had all that Country

betwixt the Rivers of Powhatan and Pamaunke to range and sustaine them;

especially all the territories of Kecourrhtan, Chiskact and Paspahege,

from Ozenies to that branch of Pamaunke, comming from Youghtanund, which

strait of land is not past 4. or 5. miles, to have made a peninsula much

bigger then the Summer Iles, invironed with the broadest parts of those

two maine Rivers, which for plenty of such things as Virginia affords is

not to be exceeded, and were it well manured, more then sufficient for ten

thousand men. This, were it well understood, cannot but be thought better

then to bring five or six hundred to lodge and live on that, which before

would not well receive and maintaine a hundred, planting little or

nothing, but spend that they have upon hopes out of England, one evill

begetting another, till the disease is past cure: Therefore it is

impossible but such courses must produce most fearefull miseries and

extreme extremities; if it prove otherwise, I should be exceeding glad. I

confesse I am somewhat too bold to censure other mens actions being not

present, but they have done as much of me; yea many here in England that

were never there, & also many there that knowes little more then their

Plantations, but as they are informed; and this doth touch the glory of

God, the honour of my Country, and the publike good so much, for which

there hath beene so many faire pretences, that I hope none will be angry

for speaking my opinion, seeing the old Proverbe doth allow losers leave

to speake; and Du Bartas saith,

Even as the wind the angry Ocean moves,

Wave hunteth Wave, and Billow Billow shoves,

So doe all Nations justell each the other, [IV.151.]

And so one people doe pursue another,

And scarce a second hath the first unhoused,

Before a third him thence againe have roused.

_The providence of Captaine Nuse._

Amongst the multitude of these severall Relations, it appeares Captaine

Nuse seeing many of the difficulties to ensue, caused as much Corne to be

planted as he could at Elizabeths city, & though some destroyed that they

had set, fearing it would serve the Salvages for Ambuscadoes, trusting to

releefe by trade, or from England, which hath ever beene one cause of our

miseries, for from England wee have not had much, and for trading, every

one hath not Ships, Shalops, Interpreters, men and provisions to performe

it, and those that have, use them onely for their owne private gaine, not

the publike good, so that our beginning this yeere doth cause many to

distrust the event of the next. Here wee will leave Captaine Nuse for a

while, lamenting the death of Captaine Norton, a valiant industrious

Gentleman, adorned with many good qualities, besides Physicke and

Chirurgery, which for the publike good he freely imparted to all gratis,

but most bountifully to the poore; and let us speake a little of Captaine

Croshaw amongst the midst of those broiles in the River of Patawomeke.

_Captaine Croshaw his voyage to Patawomeke._

Being in a small Barke called the Elizabeth, under the command of Captaine

Spilman, at Cekacawone, a Salvage stole aboord them, and told them of the

Massacre, and that Opechancanough had plotted with his King and Country to

betray them also, which they refused, but them of Wighcocomoco at the

mouth of the river had undertaken it; upon this Spilman went thither, but

the Salvages seeing his men so vigilant and well armed, they suspected

themselves discovered, and to colour their guilt, the better to delude

him, so contented his desire in trade, his Pinnace was neere fraught; but

seeing no more to be had, Croshaw went to Patawomek, where he intended to

stay and trade for himselfe, by reason of the long acquaintance he had

with this King that so earnestly entreated him now to be his friend, his

countenancer, his Captaine and director against the Pazaticans, the

Nacotchtanks, and Moyaons his mortall enemies. Of this oportunity Croshaw

was glad, as well to satisfie his owne desire in some other purpose he

had, as to keepe the King as an opposite to Opechancanough, and adhere him

unto us, or at least make him an instrument against our enemies; so onely

Elis Hill stayed with him, and the Pinnace returned to Elizabeths City;

here shall they rest also a little, till we see how this newes was

entertained in England.

_The arrivall of this newes in England._

It was no small griefe to the Councell and Company, to understand of such

a supposed impossible losse, as that so many should fall by the hands of

men so contemptible; and yet having such warnings, especially by the death

of Nemattanow, whom the Salvages did thinke was shot-free, as he had

perswaded them, having so long escaped so many dangers without any hurt.

But now to leape out of this labyrinth of melancholy, all this did not so

discourage the noble adventurers, nor divers others still to undertake new

severall Plantations, but that divers ships were dispatched away, for

their supplies and assistance thought sufficient. Yet Captaine Smith did

intreat and move them to put in practise his old offer, seeing now it was

time to use both it and him, how slenderly heretofore both had beene

regarded, and because it is not impertinent to the businesse, it is not

much amisse to remember what it was.

A.D. 1622.

The project and offer of Captaine John Smith, to [IV.152.]

the Right Honourable, and Right Worshipfull

Company of Virginia.

_Captaine Smiths offer to the Company._

If you please I may be transported with a hundred Souldiers and thirty

Sailers by the next Michaelmas, with victuall, munition, and such

necessary provision, by Gods assistance, we would endevour to inforce the

Salvages to leave their Country, or bring them in that feare and

subjection that every man should follow their businesse securely, whereas

now halfe their times and labours are spent in watching and warding, onely

to defend, but altogether unable to suppresse the Salvages, because every

man now being for himselfe will be unwilling to be drawne from their

particular labours, to be made as pack-horses for all the rest, without

any certainty of some better reward and preferment then I can understand

any there can or will yet give them.

These I would imploy onely in ranging the Countries, and tormenting the

Salvages, and that they should be as a running Army till this were

effected, and then settle themselves in some such convenient place, that

should ever remaine a garison of that strength, ready upon any occasion

against the Salvages, or any other for the defence of the Countrey, and to

see all the English well armed, and instruct them their use. But I would

have a Barke of one hundred tunnes, and meanes to build sixe or seven

Shalops, to transport them where there should bee occasion.

Towards the charge, because it is for the generall good, and what by the

massacre and other accidents, Virginia is disparaged, and many men and

their purses much discouraged, how ever a great many doe hasten to goe,

thinking to bee next heires to all the former losses, I feare they will

not finde all things as they doe imagine; therefore leaving those gilded

conceits, and dive into the true estate of the Colony; I thinke if his

Majestie were truly informed of their necessitie, and the benefit of this

project, he would be pleased to give the custome of Virginia, and the

Planters also according to their abilities would adde thereto such a

contribution, as would be fit to maintaine this garison till they be able

to subsist, or cause some such other collections to be made, as may put it

with all expedition in practice; otherwise it is much to be doubted, there

will neither come custome, nor any thing from thence to England within

these few yeares.

Now if this should be thought an imploiment more fit for ancient Souldiers

there bred, then such new commers as may goe with me; you may please to

leave that to my discretion, to accept or refuse such voluntaries, that

will hazard their fortunes in the trialls of these events, and discharge

such of my company that had rather labour the ground then subdue their

enemies: what releefe I should have from your Colony I would satisfie and

spare them (when I could) the like courtesie. Notwithstanding these

doubts, I hope to feede them as well as defend them, and yet discover you

more land unknowne then they all yet know, if you will grant me such

priviledges as of necessity must be used.

For against any enemy we must be ready to execute the best can be devised

by your state there, but not that they shall either take away my men, or

any thing else to imploy as they please by vertue of their authority, and

in that I have done somewhat for New-England as well as Virginia, so I

would desire liberty and authority to make the best use I can of my best

experiences, within the limits of those two Patents, and to bring them

both in one Map, and the Countries betwixt them, giving alwaies that

respect to the Governors and government, as an Englishman doth in

Scotland, or a Scotchman in England, or as the regiments in the

Low-countries doe to the Governors of the Townes and Cities where they are

billited, or in Garrison, where though they live with [IV.153.] them, and

are as their servants to defend them, yet not to be disposed on at their

pleasure, but as the Prince and State doth command them, and for my owne

paines in particular I aske not any thing but what I can produce from the

proper labour of the Salvages.

_Their Answer._

I cannot say, it was generally for the Company, for being published in

their Court, the most that heard it liked exceeding well of the motion,

and some would have been very large Adventurers in it, especially Sir John

Brookes and Master David Wyffin, but there were such divisions amongst

them, I could obtaine no answer but this, the charge would be too great;

their stocke was decayed, and they did thinke the Planters should doe that

of themselves if I could finde meanes to effect it; they did thinke I

might have leave of the Company, provided they might have halfe the

pillage, but I thinke there are not many will much strive for that

imploiment, for except it be a little Corne at some time of the yeere is

to be had, I would not give twenty pound for all the pillage is to be got

amongst the Salvages in twenty yeeres: but because they supposed I spake

only for my owne ends, it were good those understand providents for the

Companies good they so much talke of, were sent thither to make triall of

their profound wisdomes and long experiences.

_The manner of the Sallary._

About this time also was propounded a proposition concerning a Sallery of

five and twenty thousand pounds to be raised out of Tobacco, as a yeerely

pension to bee paid to certaine Officers for the erecting a new office,

concerning the sole importation of Tobacco, besides his Majesties custome,

fraught, and all other charges. To nominate the undertakers, favourers and

opposers, with their arguments (pro) and (con) would bee too tedious and

needlesse being so publikely knowne; the which to establish, spent a good

part of that yeere, and the beginning of the next. This made many thinke

wonders of Virginia, to pay such pensions extraordinary to a few here that

were never there, and also in what state and pompe some Chieftaines and

divers of their associates live in Virginia, and yet no money to maintaine

a Garrison, pay poore men their wages, nor yet five and twenty pence to

all the Adventurers here, and very little to the most part of the Planters

there, bred such differences in opinion it was dissolved.

_Captaine Croshaw staies at Patawomek, and his adventures._

Now let us returne to Captaine Croshaw at Patawomek, where he had not

beene long ere Opechancanough sent two baskets of beads to this King, to

kill him and his man, assuring him of the Massacre he had made, and that

before the end of two Moones there should not be an Englishman in all

their Countries: this fearefull message the King told this Captaine, who

replied, he had seene both the cowardise and trechery of Opechancanough

sufficiently tried by Captaine Smith, therefore his threats he feared not,

nor for his favour cared, but would nakedly fight with him or any of his

with their owne swords; if he were slaine, he would leave a letter for his

Country men to know, the fault was his owne, not the Kings; two daies the

King deliberated upon an answer, at last told him the English were his

friends, and the Salvage Emperour Opitchapam now called Toyatan, was his

brother, therefore there should be no bloud shed betwixt them, so hee

returned the Presents, willing the Pamaunkes to come no more in his

Country, lest the English, though against his will, should doe them any

mischiefe.

_The escape of Waters and his Wife._

Not long after, a Boat going abroad to seeke out some releefe amongst the

Plantations, by Nuports-newes met such ill weather, though the men were

saved they lost their boat, which the storme and waves cast upon the shore

of Nandsamund, where Edward Waters one of the three that first stayed in

Summer Iles, and found the great peece of Amber-greece, dwelling in

Virginia at this [IV.154.] Massacre, hee and his wife these Nandsamunds

kept Prisoners till it chanced they found this Boat, at which purchase

they so rejoyced, according to their custome of triumph, with songs,

dances and invocations, they were so busied, that Waters and his wife

found opportunity to get secretly into their Canow, and so crossed the

River to Kecoughtan, which is nine or ten miles, whereat the English no

lesse wondred and rejoyced, then the Salvages were madded with discontent.

Thus you may see how many desperate dangers some men escape, when others

die that have all things at their pleasure.

_The arrivall of Captaine Hamer at Patawomeke._

_Croshaws Fort and plot for trade._ {MN}

All men thinking Captaine Croshaw dead, Captaine Hamer arriving with a

Ship and a Pinnace at Patawomeke, was kindly entertained both by him and

the King; that Don Hamar told the King he came for Corne: the King

replied hee had none, but the Nacotchtanks and their confederats had,

which were enemies both to him and them; if they would fetch it, he would

give them 40. or 50 choise Bow-men to conduct and assist them. Those

Salvages with some of the English they sent, who so well played their

parts, they slew 18. of the Nacotchtanks, some write but 4. and some they

had a long skirmish with them; where the Patawomeks were so eager of

revenge, they drive them not onely out of their towne, but all out of

sight through the woods, thus taking what they liked, and spoiling the

rest, they retired to Patawomek, where they left Captaine Croshaw, with

foure men more, the rest set saile for James towne. {MN} Captaine Croshaw

now with five men and himselfe found night and day so many Alarums, he

retired into such a convenient place, that with the helpe of the Salvages,

hee had quickly fortified himselfe against all those wilde enemies.

Captaine Nuse his Pinnace meeting Hamar by the way understanding all this,

came to see Captaine Croshaw: after their best enterchanges of courtesies,

Croshaw writ to Nuse the estate of the place where he was, but

understanding by them the poore estate of the Colony, offered if they

would send him but a bold Shallop, with men, armes and provision for

trade, the next Harvest he would provide them Corne sufficient, but as yet

it being but the latter end of June, there was little or none in all the

Country.

_Captaine Madyson sent to Patawomek._

This being made knowne to the Governour and the rest, they sent Captaine

Madyson with a ship and pinnace, and Some six and thirtie men: those

Croshaw a good time taught the use of their armes, but receiving a letter

from Boyse his Wife, a prisoner with nineteene more at Pamaunke, to use

meanes to the Governour for their libertie; So hee dealt with this King,

hee got first two of his great men to goe with him to James towne, and

eight daies after to send foure of his counsell to Pamaunke, there to stay

till he sent one of his two to them, to perswade Opachankanough to send

two of his with two of the Patawomekes, to treat about those prisoners,

and the rest should remaine their hostage at Pamaunke; but the Commanders,

at James towne, it seemes, liked not of it, and so sent the Patawomekes

backe againe to their owne Countrie, and Captaine Croshaw to his owne

habitation.

_The industry of Captaine Nuse._

All this time we have forgot Captaine Nuse, where we left him but newly

acquainted with the Massacre, calling all his next adjoyning dispersed

neighbours together, he regarded not the pestring his owne house, nor any

thing to releeve them, and with all speed entrenched himselfe, mounted

three peece of Ordnance, so that within 14. daies, he was strong enough to

defend himselfe from all the Salvages, yet when victuall grew scant, some

that would forrage without order, which he punished, neere occasioned a

mutiny. Notwithstanding, he behaved himselfe so fatherly and kindly to

them all, they built two houses for them, he daily expected from England,

a faire Well of fresh water mantled with bricke, because the River and

Cricks are there brackish or salt; in all which things he plaied the

Sawyer, Carpenter, Dauber, Laborer, or any thing; wherein though his

courage and heart were steeled, he found his body was not made of Iron,

for hee had many sicknesses, and at last a Dropsie, no lesse griefe to

himselfe, then sorrow to his Wife and all under his government. These

crosses [IV.155.] and losses were no small increasers of his malady, nor

the thus abandoning our Plantations, the losse of our Harvest, and also

Tobacco which was as our money; the Vineyard our Vineyetours had brought

to a good forwardnesse, bruised and destroyed with Deere, and all things

ere they came to perfection, with weeds, disorderly persons or wild

beasts; so that as we are I cannot perceive but the next yeere will be

worse, being still tormented with pride and flattery, idlenesse and

covetousnesse, as though they had vowed heere to keepe their Court with

all the pestilent vices in the world for their attendants, inchanted with

a conceited statelinesse, even in the very bottome of miserable

senselesnesse.

_Captaine Powel kills_ 3. _Salvages._

Shortly after, Sir George Yearly and Captaine William Powel, tooke each of

them a company of well disposed Gentlemen and others to seeke their

enemies. Yearley ranging the shore of Weanock, could see nothing but their

old houses which he burnt, and so went home: Powel searching another part,

found them all fled but three he met by chance, whose heads hee cut off,

burnt their houses, and so returned; for the Salvages are so light and

swift, though wee see them (being so loaded with armour) they have much

advantage of us though they be cowards.

_The opinion of Captaine Smith._

I confesse this is true, and it may cause some suppose they are grown

invincible: but will any goe to catch a Hare with a Taber and a Pipe? for

who knowes not though there be monsters both of men and beasts, fish and

fowle, yet the greatest, the strongest, the wildest, cruellest, fiercest

and cunningest, by reason, art and vigilancy, courage and industry hath

beene slaine, subjected or made tame, and those are still but Salvages as

they were, onely growne more bold by our owne simplicities, and still will

be worse and worse till they be tormented with a continuall pursuit, and

not with lying inclosed within Palizados, or affrighting them out of your

sights, thinking they have done well, can but defend themselves: and to

doe this to any purpose, will require both charge, patience and

experience. But to their proceedings.

_Sir George Yearlys journey to Accomack._

_Captaine Nuse his misery._ {MN-1}

_An Alarum. Foure slaine._ {MN-2}

About the latter end of June, Sir George Yearley accompanied with the

Councell, and a number of the greatest Gallants in the Land, stayed three

or foure daies with Captaine Nuse, he making his moane to a chiefe man

amongst them for want of provision for his Company, the great Commander

replied hee should turne them to his greene Corne, which would make them

plumpe and fat: these fields being so neere the Fort, were better regarded

and preserved then the rest, but the great mans command, as we call them,

was quickly obeied, for though it was scarce halfe growne either to the

greatnesse or goodnesse, they devoured it greene though it did them small

good. Sir George with his company went to Accomack to his new Plantation,

where he staied neere six weekes; some Corne he brought home, but as he

adventured for himselfe, he accordingly enjoyed the benefit; some pety

Magazines came this Summer, but either the restraint by Proclamation, or

want of Boats, or both, caused few but the Chieftaines to be little better

by them. {MN-1} So long as Captaine Nuse had any thing we had part; but

now all being spent, and the people forced to live upon Oisters and Crabs,

they became so faint no worke could be done; and where the Law was, no

worke, no meat, now the case is altered, to no meat, no worke; some small

quantity of Milke and Rice the Captaine had of his owne, and that he would

distribute gratis as he saw occasion; I say gratis, for I know no place

else, but it was sold for ready paiment: those eares of Corne that had

escaped till August, though not ripe by reason of the late planting, the

very Dogs did repaire to the Corne fields to seeke them as the men till

they were hanged; and this I protest before God is true that I have

related, not to flatter Nuse, nor condemne any, but all the time I have

lived in Virginia, I have not seene nor heard that any Commander hath

taken such continuall paines for the publike, or done so little good for

himselfe, and his vertuous wife was no lesse charitable and compassionate

according to her power. For my owne part, although I found neither

Mulberies planted, houses built, men nor victuall provided, as the

honourable Adventurers [IV.156.] did promise mee in England; yet at my

owne charge, having made these preparations, and the silke-Wormes ready to

be covered, all was lost, but my poore life and children, by the Massacre,

the which as God in his mercy did preserve, I continually pray we may

spend to his glory. {MN-2} The 9. of September, we had an alarum, and two

men at their labours slaine; the Captaine, though extreme sicke, sallied

forth, but the Salvages lay hid in the Corne fields all night, where they

destroyed all they could, and killed two men more, much mischiefe they did

to Master Edward Hills cattle, yet he alone defended his house though his

men were sicke and could doe nothing, and this was our first assault since

the Massacre.

_The kindnesse of the King of Patawomek._

About this time Captaine Madyson passed by us, having taken Prisoners, the

King of Patawomek, his sonne, and two more, and thus it happened; Madyson

not liking so well to live amongst the Salvages as Croshaw did, built him

a strong house within the Fort, so that they were not so sociable as

before, nor did they much like Poole the Interpreter; many Alarums they

had, but saw no enemies: Madyson before his building went to Moyaoncs,

where hee got provision for a moneth, and was promised much more, so he

returned to Patawomek and built this house, and was well used by the

Salvages. Now by the foure great men the King sent to Pamaunke for the

redemption of the Prisoners, Madyson sent them a letter, but they could

neither deliver it nor see them: so long they stayed that the King grew

doubtfull of their bad usage, that hee swore by the Skyes, if they

returned not well, he would have warres with Opechankanough so long as he

had any thing: at this time two of Madysons men ranne from him, to finde

them he sent Master John Upton and three more with an Indian guide to

Nazatica, where they heard they were. At this place was a King beat out of

his Country by the Necosts, enemies to the Patawomeks; this expulsed King

though he professed much love to the Patawomeks, yet hee loved not the

King because he would not helpe him to revenge his injuries, but to our

Interpreter Poole hee protested great love, promising if any treason were,

he would reveale it; our guide conducted this Bandyto with them up to

Patawomek, and there kept him; our Fugitives we found the Patawomeks had

taken and brought home, and the foure great men returned from Pamaunke;

not long after, this expulsed King desired private conference with Poole,

urging him to sweare by his God never to reveale what hee would tell him,

Poole promised he would not; then quoth this King, those great men that

went to Pamaunke, went not as you suppose they pretended, but to contract

with Opechankanough how to kill you all here, and these are their plots.

_A Salvages policy._

First, they will procure halfe of you to goe a fishing to their furthest

towne, and there set upon them, and cut off the rest; if that faile, they

will faine a place where are many strangers would trade their Furres,

where they will perswade halfe of you to goe trade, and there murder you

and kill them at home; and if this faile also, then they will make Alarums

two nights together, to tire you out with watching, and then set upon you,

yet of all this, said he, there is none acquainted but the King and the

great Conjurer.

_Madyson takes the King and kils_ 30. _or_ 40.

_The King set at liberty._ {MN}

This being made known to the Captain, we all stood more punctually upon

our guard, at which the Salvages wondering, desired to know the cause; we

told them we expected some assault from the Pamaunkes, whereat they seemed

contented, and the next day the King went on hunting with two of our men,

and the other a fishing and abroad as before, till our Shallop returned

from James towne with the two Salvages, sent home with Captaine Croshaw:

by those the Governour sent to Madyson, that this King should send him

twelve of his great men; word of this was sent to the King at another

towne where he was, who not comming presently with the Messenger, Madyson

conceited hee regarded not the message, and intended as he supposed the

same treason. The next morning the King comming home, being sent for, he

came to the Captaine and brought him a dish of their daintiest fruit; then

the Captaine fained his returne to James towne, the King told him he might

if he would, [IV.157.] but desired not to leave him destitute of aid,

having so many enemies about him; the Captaine told him he would leave a

guard, but intreated his answer concerning the twelve great men for the

Governour; the King replied, his enemies lay so about him he could not

spare them, then the Captaine desired his sonne and one other; my sonne,

said the King, is gone abroad about businesse, but the other you desire

you shall have, and that other sits by him, but that man refused to goe,

whereupon Madyson went forth and locked the doore, leaving the King, his

sonne, and foure Salvages, and five English men in the strong house, and

setting upon the towne with the rest of his men, slew thirty or forty men,

women and children; the King demanding the cause, Poole told him the

treason, crying out to intreat the Captaine cease from such cruelty: but

having slaine and made flye all in the towne, hee returned, taxing the

poore King of treason, who denied to the death not to know of any such

matter, but said, This is some plot of them that told it, onely to kill

mee for being your friend. Then Madyson willed him, to command none of

his men should shoot at him as he went aboord, which he presently did, and

it was performed: so Madyson departed, leading the King, his sonne, and

two more to his ship, promising when all his men were shipped, he should

returne at libertie; {MN} notwithstanding he brought them to James towne,

where they lay some daies, and after were sent home by Captaine Hamer,

that tooke Corne for their ransome, and after set saile for New found

Land.

But, alas the cause of this was onely this

They understood, nor knew what was amisse.

A.D. 1622.

_A digression._

Ever since the beginning of these Plantations, it hath beene supposed the

King of Spaine would invade them, or our English Papists indevour to

dissolve them. But neither all the Counsels of Spaine, nor Papists in the

world could have devised a better course to bring them all to ruine, then

thus to abuse their friends, nor could there ever have beene a better

plot, to have overthrowne Opechankanough then Captaine Chroshaws, had it

beene fully managed with expedition. But it seemes God is angry to see

Virginia made a stage where nothing but murder and indiscretion contends

for victory.

_Their proceedings of the other plantations._

300 _surpriseth Nandsamund._ {MN-1}

_Samuell Collyer slaine._ {MN-2}

Amongst the rest of the Plantations all this Summer little was done, but

securing themselves and planting Tobacco, which passes there as current

Silver, and by the oft turning and winding it, some grow rich, but many

poore, notwithstanding ten or twelve ships or more hath arrived there

since the massacre, although it was Christmas ere any returned, and that

returne greatly revived all mens longing expectation here in England: for

they brought newes, that notwithstanding their extreme sicknesse many were

recovered, and finding the Salvages did not much trouble them, except it

were sometimes some disorderly straglers they cut off. To lull them the

better in securitie, they sought no revenge till their Corne was ripe,

{MN-1} then they drew together three hundred of the best Souldiers they

could, that would leave their private businesse, and adventure themselves

amongst the Salvages to surprize their Corne, under the conduct of Sir

George Yearley, being imbarked in convenient shipping, and all things

necessary for the enterprise, they went first to Nandsamund, where the

people set fire on their owne houses, and spoiled what they could, and

then fled with what they could carry; so that the English did make no

slaughter amongst them for revenge. Their Corne fields being newly

gathered, they surprized all they found, burnt the houses remained

unburnt, and so departed. Quartering about Kecoughtan, after the Watch was

set, {MN-2} Samuell Collyer one of the most ancientest Planters, and very

well acquainted with their language and habitation, humors and conditions,

and Governor of a Towne, when the Watch was set going the round,

unfortunately by a Centinell that discharged his peece, was slaine.

_They surprise Pamaunke._

Thence they sailed to Pamaunke, the chiefe seat of Opechankanough,

[IV.158.] the contriver of the massacre: the Salvages seemed exceeding

fearefull, promising to bring them Sara, and the rest of the English yet

living, with all the Armes, and what they had to restore, much desiring

peace, and to give them any satisfaction they could. Many such devices

they fained to procrastinate the time ten or twelve daies, till they had

got away their Corne from all the other places up the River, but that

where the English kept their quarter: at last, when they saw all those

promises were but delusions, they seised on all the Corne there was, set

fire on their houses: and in following the Salvages that fled before them,

some few of those naked Devils had that spirit, they lay in ambuscado, and

as our men marched discharged some shot out of English peeces, and hurt

some of them flying at their pleasures where they listed, burning their

empty houses before them as they went to make themselves sport: so they

escaped, and Sir George returned with Corne, where for our paines we had

three bushels apeece, but we were enjoyned before we had it, to pay ten

shillings the bushell for fraught and other charges. Thus by this meanes

the Salvages are like as they report, to endure no small misery this

Winter, and that some of our men are returned to their former Plantations.

_The opinion of Captaine Smith._

What other passages or impediments hapned in their proceedings, that they

were not fully revenged of the Salvages before they returned, I know not;

nor could ever heare more, but that they supposed they slew two, and how

it was impossible for any men to doe more then they did: yet worthy

Ferdinando Courtus had scarce three hundred Spaniards to conquer the great

Citie of Mexico, where thousands of Salvages dwelled in strong houses: but

because they were a civilized people, had wealth, and those meere

Barbarians as wilde as beasts have nothing; I intreat your patience to

tell you my opinion, which if it be Gods pleasure I shall not live to put

in practice, yet it may be hereafter usefull for some, but howsoever I

hope not hurtfull to any, and this it is.

_How to subject all the Salvages in Virginia._

Had these three hundred men beene at my disposing, I would have sent first

one hundred to Captaine Rawley Chroshaw to Patawomek, with some small

Ordnance for the Fort, the which but with daily exercising them, would

have struck that love and admiration into the Patowomeks, and terror and

amazement into his enemies, which are not farre off, and most seated upon

the other side the River, they would willingly have beene friends, or have

given any composition they could, before they would be tormented with such

a visible feare.

Now though they be generally perfidious, yet necessity constraines those

to a kinde of constancy because of their enemies, and neither my selfe

that first found them, Captaine Argall, Chroshow, nor Hamar, never found

themselves in fifteene yeares trials: nor is it likely now they would have

so hostaged their men, suffer the building of a Fort, and their women and

children amongst them, had they intended any villany; but suppose they

had, who would have desired a better advantage then such an advertisement,

to have prepared the Fort for such an assault, and surely it must be a

poore Fort they could hurt, much more take, if there were but five men in

it durst discharge a peece: Therefore a man not well knowing their

conditions, may be as wel too jealous as too carelesse; Such another Lope

Skonce would I have had at Onawmanient, and one hundred men more to have

made such another at Atquacke upon the River of Toppahanock, which is not

past thirteene miles distant from Onawmanient: each of which twelve men

would keepe, as well as twelve thousand, and spare all the rest to bee

imploied as there should be occasion. And all this with these numbers

might easily have beene done, if not by courtesie, yet by compulsion,

especially at that time of September when all their fruits were ripe,

their beasts fat, and infinite numbers of wilde Fowle began to repaire to

every creeke, that men if they would doe any thing, could not want

victuall. This done, there remained yet one hundred who should have done

the like at Ozinieke, upon the River of Chickahamania, not past six miles

[IV.159.] from the chiefe habitations of Opechankanough. These small Forts

had beene cause sufficient to cause all the Inhabitants of each of those

Rivers to looke to themselves. Then having so many Ships, Barks, and Boats

in Virginia as there was at that present, with what facility might you

have landed two hundred and twentie men, if you had but onely five or six

Boats in one night; forty to range the branch of Mattapanyent, fortie more

that of Youghtanund, and fortie more to keepe their randivous at Pamaunke

it selfe. All which places lie so neere, they might heare from each other

within foure or five houres, and not any of those small parties, if there

were any valour, discretion, or industry in them, but as sufficient as

foure thousand, to force them all to contribution, or take or spoile all

they had. For having thus so many convenient randevous to releeve each

other, though all the whole Countries had beene our enemies, where could

they rest, but in the depth of Winter we might burne all the houses upon

all those Rivers in two or three daies? Then without fires they could not

live, which they could not so hide but wee should finde, and quickly so

tire them with watching and warding, they would be so weary of their

lives, as either fly all their Countries, or give all they had to be

released of such an hourely misery. Now if but a small number of the

Salvages would assist us, as there is no question but divers of them

would; And to suppose they could not be drawne to such faction, were to

beleeve they are more vertuous then many Christians, and the best governed

people in the world. All the Pamaunkes might have beene dispatched as well

in a moneth as a yeare, and then to have dealt with any other enemies at

our pleasure, and yet made all this toile and danger but a recreation.

If you think this strange or impossible, 12 men with my selfe I found

sufficient, to goe where I would adaies, and surprise a house with the

people, if not a whole towne in a night, or incounter all the power they

could make, as a whole Army, as formerly at large hath beene related: And

it seemes by these small parties last amongst them, by Captaine Crashow,

Hamar, and Madyson, they are not growne to that excellency in policy and

courage but they might bee encountred, and their wives and children

apprehended. I know I shall bee taxed for writing so much of my selfe, but

I care not much, because the judiciall know there are few such Souldiers

as are my examples, have writ their owne actions, nor know I who will or

can tell my intents better then my selfe.

Some againe finde as much fault with the Company for medling with so many

Plantations together, because they that have many Irons in the fire some

must burne; but I thinke no if they have men enow know how to worke them,

but howsoever, it were better some burne then have none at all. The King

of Spaine regards but how many powerfull Kingdomes he keepes under his

obedience, and for the Salvage Countries he hath subjected, they are more

then enow for a good Cosmographer to nominate, and is three Mole-hills so

much to us; and so many Empires so little for him? For my owne part, I

cannot chuse but grieve, that the actions of an English-man should be

inferior to any, and that the command of England should not be as great as

any Monarchy that ever was since the world began, I meane not as a Tyrant

to torment all Christendome, but to suppresse her disturbers, and conquer

her enemies.

For the great Romans got into their hand

The whole worlds compasse, both by Sea and Land,

Or any seas, or heaven, or earth extended,

And yet that Nation could not be contented.

A.D. 1622.

MASTER ARGENT'S DELIVERANCE

_The arrivall of Captaine Butler, & his accidents._

Much about this time arrived a small Barke of Barnestable, which had beene

at the Summer Iles, and in her Captaine Nathaniel Butler, who having beene

Governor there three yeares, and his Commission expired, he tooke the

opportunity of this ship to see Virginia: at James Towne he was kindly

entertained by Sir Francis Wyat [IV.160.] the Governor. After he had

rested there foureteene daies, he fell up with his ship to the River of

Chickahamania, where meeting Captaine William Powell, joyning together

such forces as they had to the number of eighty, they set upon the

Chickahamanians, that fearefully fled, suffering the English to spoile all

they had, not daring to resist them. Thus he returned to James towne,

where hee staied a moneth, at Kecoughtan as much more, and so returned for

England.

_A strange deliverance of Master Argent & others._

But riding at Kecoughtan, M. John Argent, sonne to Doctor Argent, a young

Gentleman that went with Captaine Butler from England to this place,

Michael Fuller, William Gany, Cornelius May, and one other going ashore

with some goods late in a faire evening, such a sudden gust did arise,

that drive them thwart the River, in that place at least three or foure

miles in breadth, where the shore was so shallow at a low water, and the

Boat beating upon the Sands, they left her, wading neere halfe a mile, and

oft up to the chin: So well it hapned, Master Argent had put his Bandileir

of powder in his hat, which next God was all their preservations: for it

being February, and the ground so cold, their bodies became so benumbed,

they were not able to strike fire with a steele and a stone hee had in his

pocket; the stone they lost twice, and thus those poore soules groping in

the darke, it was Master Argents chance to finde it, and with a few

withered leaves, reeds, and brush, make a small fire, being upon the

Chisapeaks shore, their mortall enemies, great was their feare to be

discovered. The joyfull morning appearing, they found their Boat and goods

drive ashore, not farre from them, but so split shee was unserviceable:

but so much was the frost, their clothes did freeze upon their backs, for

they durst not make any great fire to dry them, lest thereby the bloudy

Salvages might discry them, so that one of them died the next day, and the

next night digging a grave in the Sands with their hands, buried him. In

this bodily feare they lived and fasted two daies and nights, then two of

them went into the Land to seeke fresh water; the others to the Boat to

get some meale and oyle, Argent and his Comrade found a Canow, in which

they resolved to adventure to their ship, but shee was a drift in the

River before they returned: thus frustrate of all hopes, Captaine Butler

the third night ranging the shore in his Boat to seeke them, discharged

his Muskets, but they supposing it some Salvages had got some English

peeces, they grew more perplexed then ever, so he returned and lost his

labour. The fourth day they unloaded their Boat, and stopping her leakes

with their handkerchiefes, and other rags, two rowing, and two bailing out

the water; but farre they went not ere the water grew upon them so fast,

and they so tired, they thought themselves happy to be on shore againe,

though they perceived the Indians were not farre off by their fires. Thus

at the very period of despaire, Fuller undertooke to sit a stride upon a

little peece of an old Canow; so well it pleased God the wind and tide

served, by padling with his hands and feet in the water, beyond all

expectation God so guided him three or foure houres upon this boord, he

arrived at their ship, where they no lesse amazed then he tired, they

tooke him in. Presently as he had concluded with his Companions, he caused

them discharge a peece of Ordnance if he escaped, which gave no lesse

comfort to Master Argent and the rest, then terror to those Plantations

that heard it, (being late) at such an unexpected alarum but after, with

warme clothes and a little strong water, they had a little recovered him,

such was his courage and care of his distressed friends, he returned that

night againe with Master Felgate to conduct him to them, and so giving

thanks to God for so hopelesse a deliverance, it pleased his Divine power,

both they and their provision came safely aboord, but Fuller they doubt

will never recover his benumbed legs and thighes.

Now before Butlers arrivall in England, many hard speeches were rumored

against him for so leaving his charge, before he received order from the

Company: Divers againe of his Souldiers as highly commended him, for his

good government, art, judgement and industry. [IV.161.] But to make the

misery of Virginia appeare that it might be reformed in time, how all

those Cities, Townes, Corporations, Forts, Vineyards, Nurseries of

Mulberies, Glasse-houses, Iron forges, Guest-houses, Silke-wormes,

Colleges, the Companies great estate, and that plenty some doe speake of

here, are rather things in words and paper then in effect, with divers

reasons of the causes of those defects; if it were false, his blame nor

shame could not be too much: but if there bee such defects in the

government, and distresse in the Colony, it is thought by many it hath

beene too long concealed, and requireth rather reformation then

disputation: but however, it were not amisse to provide for the worst,

for the best will help it selfe. Notwithstanding, it was apprehended so

hardly, and examined with that passion, that the brute thereof was spread

abroad with that expedition, it did more hurt then the massacre; and the

fault of all now by the vulgar rumour, must be attributed to the

unwholesomnesse of the ayre, and barrennesse of the Countrey, as though

all England were naught, because the Fens and Marshes are unhealthy; or

barren, because some will lie under windowes and starve in Cheap-side,

rot in Goales, die in the street, high-waies, or any where, and use a

thousand devices to maintaine themselves in those miseries, rather then

take any paines to live as they may by honest labour, and a great part of

such like are the Planters of Virginia, and partly the occasion of those

defailements.

1623.

_The Earle of Southampton Treasurer._

_How Captaine Spilman was left in the River of Patawomek._

In the latter end of this last yeare, or the beginning of this, Captaine

Henrie Spilman a Gentleman, that hath lived in those Countries thirteene

or foureteene yeares, one of the best Interpreters in the Land, being

furnished with a Barke and six and twentie men, hee was sent to trucke in

the River of Patawomek, where he had lived a long time amongst the

Salvages, whether hee presumed too much upon his acquaintance amongst

them, or they sought to be revenged of any for the slaughter made amongst

them by the English so lately, or hee sought to betray them, or they him,

are all severall relations, but it seemes but imaginary: for then

returned report they left him ashore about Patawomek, but the name of the

place they knew not, with one and twentie men, being but five in the

Barke, the Salvages ere they suspected any thing, boorded them with their

Canowes, and entred so fast, the English were amazed, till a Sailer gave

fire to a peece of Ordnance onely at randome; at the report whereof, the

Salvages leapt overboord, so distracted with feare, they left their

Canowes, and swum a shore; and presently after they heard a great brute

amongst the Salvages a shore, and saw a mans head throwne downe the banke,

whereupon they weighed Anchor and returned home, but how he was surprised

or slaine, is uncertaine.

Thus things proceed and vary not a jot,

Whether we know them, or we know them not.

NECESSARIES FOR VIRGINIA

A.D. 1623.

A particular of such necessaries as either private families, or single

persons, shall have cause to provide to goe to Virginia, whereby

greater numbers may in part conceive the better how to provide for

themselves.

Apparell.

_Apprarell for one man, so after the rate for more._

A Monmouth Cap. 1s. 10d.

3 falling bands. 1s. 3d.

3 shirts. 7s. 6d.

1 Waste-coat. 2s. 2d.

1 suit of Canvase. 7s. 6d.

1 suit of Frize. 10s.

1 suit of Cloth. 15s.

3 paire of Irish stockings. 4s.

4 paire of shoes. 8s. 8d.

1 paire of garters. 10d.

1 dozen of points. 3d.

1 paire of Canvas sheets. 8s. [IV.162.]

7 ells of Canvas to make a bed and

boulster, to be filled in Virginia,

serving for two men. 8s.

5 ells of course Canvas to make a bed

at Sea for two men. 5s.

1 course rug at sea for two men. 6s

__________

4L.

Victuall for a whole yeare for a man, and so after the rate

for more.

8 bushels of meale. 2L.

2 bushels of pease. 6s.

2 bushels of Otemeale. 9s.

1 gallon of Aquavitae. 2s. 6d.

1 gallon of oyle. 3s. 6d.

2 gallons of Vineger. 2s.

__________

3L. 3s.

Armes for a man, but if halfe your men be armed it is well, so all

have swords and peeces.

1 Armor compleat, light. 17s.

1 long peece five foot and a halfe,

neere Musket bore. 1L. 2s.

1 Sword. 5s.

1 Belt. 1s.

1 Bandilier. 1s. 6d.

20 pound of powder. 18s.

60 pound of shot or Lead, Pistoll

and Goose shot. 5s.

____________

3L. 9s. 6d.

Tooles for a family of six persons, and so after the rate

for more.

5 broad howes at 2s. a peece. 10s.

5 narrow howes at 16d. a peece. 6s. 8d.

2 broad axes at 3s. 8d. a peece. 7s. 4d.

5 felling axes at 18d. a peece. 7s. 6d.

2 steele handsawes at 16d. a peece. 2s. 8d.

2 two handsawes at 5s. a peece. 10s.

1 whipsaw, set and filed, with box,

file and wrest. 10s.

2 hammers 12d. a peece. 2s.

3 shovels 18d. a peece. 4s. 6d.

2 spades at 18d. a peece. 3s.

2 Augers at 6d. peece. 1s.

6 Chissels at 6d. a peece. 3s.

2 Percers stocked 4d. a peece. 8d.

3 Gimblets at 2d. a peece. 6d.

2 Hatchets at 21d. a peece. 3s. 6d.

2 frowes to cleave pale 18d. each. 3s.

2 hand Bills 20d. a peece. 3s. 4d.

1 Grindstone. 4s.

Nailes of all sorts to the value of 2L.

2 Pickaxes. 3s.

____________

6L. 2s. 8d.

Houshold implements for a family and six persons, and so for

more or lesse after the rate.

1 Iron pot. 7s.

1 Kettell. 6s.

1 large Frying-pan. 2s. 6d.

1 Gridiron. 1s. 6d.

2 Skellets. 5s.

1 Spit. 2s.

Platters, dishes, spoones of wood. 4s.

__________

1L.8s.

For Sugar, Spice, and Fruit, and at

Sea for six men. 12s. 6d.

So the full charge after this rate for

each person, will amount about

the summe of 1L.10s.

The passage of each man is 6L.

The fraught of these provisions for

a man, will be about halfe a

tun, which is 12L.10s. 10d.

So the whole charge will amount to

about 20L.

Now if the number be great, Nets, Hooks and Lines, but Cheese, Bacon,

Kine and Goats must be added. And this is the usuall proportion the

Virginia Company doe bestow upon their Tenents they send.

A.D. 1623.

A briefe relation written by Captaine Smith to his Majesties

Commissioners for the reformation of Virginia, concerning some

aspersions against it.

Honourable Gentlemen, for so many faire and Navigable Rivers so neere

adjoyning, and piercing thorow so faire a naturall Land, free from any

inundations, or large Fenny unwholsome Marshes, I have not seene, read,

nor heard of: And for the building of Cities, Townes, and Wharfage, if

they will use the meanes, where there is no more ebbe nor floud, Nature

in few places affoords any so convenient, for salt Marshes or [IV. 163.]

Quagmires. In this tract of James Towne River I know very few; some small

Marshes and Swamps there are, but more profitable then hurtfull: and I

thinke there is more low Marsh ground betwixt Eriffe and Chelsey, then

Kecoughton and the Falls, which is about one hundred and eighty miles by

the course of the River.

_The causes of our first miseries._

Being enjoyned by our Commission not to unplant nor wrong the Salvages,

because the channell was so neere the shore, where now is James Towne,

then a thicke grove of trees; wee cut them downe, where the Salvages

pretending as much kindnesse as could bee, they hurt and slew one and

twenty of us in two houres: At this time our diet was for most part water

and bran, and three ounces of little better stuffe in bread for five men

a meale, and thus we lived neere three moneths: our lodgings under boughes

of trees, the Salvages being our enemies, whom we neither knew nor

understood; occasions I thinke sufficient to make men sicke and die.

_But_ 38 _English in all Virginia._

Necessity thus did inforce me with eight or nine, to try conclusions

amongst the Salvages, that we got provision which recovered the rest being

most sicke. Six weeks I was led captive by those Barbarians, though some

of my men were slaine, and the rest fled, yet it pleased God to make their

great Kings daughter the means to returne me safe to James towne, and

releeve our wants, and then our Common-wealth was in all eight and thirty,

the remainder of one hundred and five.

_Proofes of the healthfulnesse of the Countrey._

Being supplied with one hundred and twenty, with twelve men in a boat of

three tuns, I spent foureteene weeks in those large waters; the contents

of the way of my boat protracted by the skale of proportion, was about

three thousand miles, besides the River we dwell upon, where no Christian

knowne ever was, and our diet for the most part what we could finde, yet

but one died.

_How the Salvages became subjected._

The Salvages being acquainted, that by command from England we durst not

hurt them, were much imboldned; that famine and their insolencies did

force me to breake our Commission and instructions, cause Powhatan fly his

Countrey, and take the King of Pamaunke Prisoner; and also to keepe the

King of Paspahegh in shackels, and put his men to double taskes in

chaines, till nine and thirty of their Kings paied us contribution, and

the offending Salvages sent to James towne to punish at our owne

discretions: in the two last yeares I staied there, I had not a man

slaine.

_How we lived of the natural fruit of the Countrey._

All those conclusions being not able to prevent the bad events of pride

and idlenesse, having received another supply of seventie, we were about

two hundred in all, but not twentie work-men: In following the strict

directions from England to doe that was impossible at that time; So it

hapned, that neither wee nor they had any thing to eat, but what the

Countrey afforded naturally; yet of eightie who lived upon Oysters in June

and July, with a pint of corne a week for a man lying under trees, and 120

for the most part living upon Sturgion, which was dried til we pounded it

to powder for meale, yet in ten weeks but seven died.

_Proofe of the Commodities we returned._

It is true, we had of Tooles, Armes, & Munition sufficient, some

Aquavitae, Vineger, Meale, Pease, and Otemeale, but in two yeares and a

halfe not sufficient for six moneths, though by the bils of loading the

proportions sent us, would well have contented us, notwithstanding we sent

home ample proofes of Pitch, Tar, Sope Ashes, Wainskot, Clapboord, Silke

grasse, Iron Ore, some Sturgion and Glasse, Saxefras, Cedar, Cypris, and

blacke Walnut, crowned Powhatan, sought the Monacans Countrey, according

to the instructions sent us, but they caused us neglect more necessary

workes: they had better have given for Pitch and Sope ashes one hundred

pound a tun in Denmarke: Wee also maintained five or six severall

Plantations.

_What we built._

James towne being burnt, wee rebuilt it and three Forts more, besides the

Church and Store-house, we had about fortie or fiftie severall houses to

keepe us warme and dry, invironed with a palizado of foureteene or

fifteene foot, and each as much as three or foure men could carrie. We

digged a faire Well of fresh water in the Fort, where wee had three

Bulwarks, foure and twentie peece of [IV.164.] Ordnance, of Culvering,

Demiculvering, Sacar and Falcon, and most well mounted upon convenient

platformes, planted one hundred acres of Corne. We had but six ships to

transport and supply us, and but two hundred seventy seven men, boies, and

women, by whose labours Virginia being brought to this kinde of

perfection, the most difficulties past, and the foundation thus laid by

this small meanes; yet because we had done no more, they called in our

Commission, tooke a new in their owne names, and appointed us neere as

many offices and Officers as I had Souldiers, that neither knew us nor wee

them, without our consents or knowledge; since there have gone more then

one hundred ships of other proportions, and eight or ten thousand people.

Now if you please to compare what hath beene spent, sent, discovered and

done this fifteene yeares, by that we did in the three first yeares, and

every Governor that hath beene there since, give you but such an account

as this, you may easily finde what hath beene the cause of those disasters

in Virginia.

Then came in Captaine Argall, and Master Sedan, in a ship of Master

Cornelius, to fish for Sturgion, who had such good provision, we

contracted with them for it, whereby we were better furnished then ever.

Not long after came in seven ships, with about three hundred people; but

rather to supplant us then supply us, their Admirall with their authoritie

being cast away in the Bermudas, very angry they were we had made no

better provision for them. Seven or eight weekes we withstood the

inundations of these disorderly humors, till I was neere blowne to death

with Gun-powder, which occasioned me to returne for England.

_How I left the Countrey._

In the yeare 1609 about Michaelmas, I left the Countrey, as is formerly

related, with three ships, seven Boats, Commodities to trade, harvest

newly gathered, eight weeks provision of Corne and Meale, about five

hundred persons, three hundred Muskets, shot, powder, and match, with

armes for more men then we had. The Salvages their language and

habitation, well knowne to two hundred expert Souldiers; Nets for fishing,

tooles of all sorts, apparell to supply their wants: six Mares and a

Horse, five or six hundred Swine, many more Powltry, what was brought or

bred, but victuall there remained.

_My Charge._

_My Reward._ {MN}

Having spent some five yeares, and more then five hundred pounds in

procuring the Letters Patents and setting forward, and neere as much more

about New England, &c. Thus these nineteene yeares I have here and there

not spared any thing according to my abilitie, nor the best advice I

could, to perswade how those strange miracles of misery might have beene

prevented, which lamentable experience plainly taught me of necessity must

insue, but few would beleeve me till now too deerely they have paid for

it. Wherefore hitherto I have rather left all then undertake

impossibilities, or any more such costly taskes at such chargeable rates:

{MN} for in neither of those two Countries have I one foot of Land, nor

the very house I builded, nor the ground I digged with my owne hands, nor

ever any content or satisfaction at all, and though I see ordinarily those

two Countries shared before me by them that neither have them nor knowes

them, but by my descriptions: Yet that doth not so much trouble me, as to

heare and see those contentions and divisions which will hazard if not

ruine the prosperitie of Virginia, if present remedy bee not found, as

they have hindred many hundreds, who would have beene there ere now, and

makes them yet that are willing to stand in a demurre.

For the Books and Maps I have made, I will thanke him that will shew me so

much for so little recompence, and beare with their errors till I have

done better. For the materials in them I cannot deny, but am ready to

affirme them both there and here, upon such grounds as I have propounded,

which is to have but fifteene hundred men to subdue againe the Salvages,

fortifie the Countrey, discover that yet unknowne, and both defend & feed

their Colony, which I most humbly refer to his Majesties most judiciary

judgement, and the most honourable Lords of [IV.165.] his Privy Councell,

you his trusty and well-beloved Commissioners, and the Honourable company

of Planters and well-willers to Virginia, New-England and Sommer-Ilands.

Out of these Observations it pleased his Majesties Commissioners for

the reformation of Virginia, to desire my answer to these seven

Questions.

Quest. 1. What conceive you is the cause the Plantation hath prospered no

better since you left it in so good a forwardnesse?

Answ. Idlenesse and carelesnesse brought all I did in three yeeres in six

moneths to nothing, and of five hundred I left, scarce threescore

remained, and had Sir Thomas Gates not got from the Bermudas, I thinke

they had beene all dead before they could be supplied.

Quest. 2. What conceive you should be the cause, though the Country be

good, there comes nothing but Tobacco?

Answ. The oft altering of Governours it seemes causes every man make use

of his time, and because Corne was stinted at two shillings six pence the

bushell, and Tobacco at three shillings the pound, and they value a mans

labour a yeere worth fifty or threescore pound, but in Corne not worth ten

pound, presuming Tobacco will furnish them with all things; now make a

mans labour in Corne worth threescore pound, and in Tobacco but ten pound

a man, then shall they have Corne sufficient to entertaine all commers,

and keepe their people in health to doe any thing, but till then, there

will be little or nothing to any purpose.

Quest. 3. What conceive you to have beene the cause of the Massacre, and

had the Salvages had the use of any peeces in your time, or when, or by

whom they were taught?

Answ. The cause of the Massacre was the want of marshall discipline, and

because they would have all the English had by destroying those they found

so carelesly secure, that they were not provided to defend themselves

against any enemy, being so dispersed as they were. In my time, though

Captaine Nuport furnished them with swords by truck, and many fugitives

did the like, and some Peeces they got accidentally, yet I got the most

of them againe, and it was death to him that should shew a Salvage the use

of a Peece. Since I understand they became so good shot, they were

imployed for Fowlers and Huntsmen by the English.

Quest. 4. What charge thinke you would have setled the government both for

defence and planting when you left it?

Answ. Twenty thousand pound would have hyred good labourers and

mechanicall men, and have furnished them with cattle and all necessaries,

and 100. of them would have done more then a thousand of those that went,

though the Lord Laware, Sir Ferdinando Waynman, Sir Thomas Gates and Sir

Thomas Dale were perswaded to the contrary, but when they had tried, they

confessed their error.

Quest. 5. What conceive you would be the remedy and the charge?

Answ. The remedy is to send Souldiers and all sorts of labourers and

necessaries for them, that they may be there by next Michaelmas, the which

to doe well will stand you in five thousand pound, but if his Majesty

would please to lend two of his Ships to transport them, lesse would

serve, besides the benefit of his grace to the action would encourage all

men.

Quest. 6. What thinke you are the defects of the government both here and

there?

Answ. The multiplicity of opinions here, and Officers there, makes such

delaies by questions and formalitie, [IV.166.] that as much time is spent

in complement as in action; besides, some are so desirous to imploy their

ships, having six pounds for every Passenger, and three pounds for every

tun of goods, at which rate a thousand ships may now better be procured

then one at the first, when the common stocke defrayed all fraughts,

wages, provisions and Magazines, whereby the Ships are so pestred, as

occasions much sicknesse, diseases and mortality, for though all the

Passengers die they are sure of their fraught; and then all must be

satisfied with Orations, disputations, excuses and hopes. As for the

letters of advice from hence, and their answers thence, they are so well

written, men would beleeve there were no great doubt of the performance,

and that all things were wel, to which error here they have beene ever

much subject; and there not to beleeve, or not to releeve the true and

poore estate of that Colony, whose fruits were commonly spent before they

were ripe, and this losse is nothing to them here, whose great estates are

not sensible of the losse of their adventures, and so they thinke, or will

not take notice; but it is so with all men: but howsoever they thinke or

dispose of all things at their pleasure, I am sure not my selfe onely, but

a thousand others have not onely spent the most of their estates, but the

most part have lost their lives and all, onely but to make way for the

triall of more new conclusions, and he that now will adventure but twelve

pounds ten shillings, shall have better respect and as much favour then he

that sixteene yeere agoe adventured as much, except he have money as the

other hath, but though he have adventured five hundred pound, and spent

there never so much time, if hee have no more and not able to beg in a

family of himselfe, all is lost by order of Court.

But in the beginning it was not so, all went then out of one purse, till

those new devices have consumed both mony and purse; for at first there

were but six Patentees, now more then a thousand, then but thirteene

Counsailors, now not lesse then an hundred; I speake not of all, for there

are some both honourable and honest, but of those Officers, which did they

manage their owne estates no better then the affaires of Virginia, they

would quickly fall to decay so well as it; but this is most evident, few

Officers in England it hath caused to turne Banquerupts, nor for all their

complaints would leave their places, neither yet any of their Officers

there, nor few of the rest but they would be at home, but fewer

Adventurers here will adventure any more till they see the businesse

better established, although there be some so wilfully improvident they

care for nothing but to get thither, and then if their friends be dead, or

want themselves, they die or live but poorely for want of necessaries, and

to thinke the old Planters can releeve them were too much simplicity; for

who here in England is so charitable to feed two or three strangers, have

they never so much; much lesse in Virginia where they want for themselves.

Now the generall complaint saith, that pride, covetousnesse, extortion and

oppression in a few that ingrosses all, then sell all againe to the

comminalty at what rate they please, yea even men, women and children for

who will give most, occasions no small mischiefe amongst the Planters.

As for the Company, or those that doe transport them, provided of

necessaries, God forbid but they should receive their charges againe with

advantage, or that masters there should not have the same privilege over

their servants as here, but to sell him or her for forty, fifty, or

threescore pounds, whom the Company hath sent over for eight or ten pounds

at the most, without regard how they shall be maintained with apparell,

meat, drinke and lodging, is odious, and their fruits sutable, therefore

such merchants it were better they were made such merchandize themselves,

then suffered any longer to use that trade, and those are defects

sufficient to bring a well setled Common-wealth to misery, much more

Virginia.

Quest. 7. How thinke you it may be rectified?

Answ. If his Majestie would please to intitle it to his Crowne, and

yearely that both the Governours here and there may give their accounts to

you, or some that are not ingaged in the businesse, that the common stocke

[IV.167.] bee not spent in maintaining one hundred men for the Governour,

one hundred for two Deputies, fifty for the Treasurer, five and twenty for

the Secretary, and more for the Marshall and other Officers who were never

there nor adventured any thing, but onely preferred by favour to be Lords

over them that broke the ice and beat the path, and must teach them what

to doe, if any thing happen well, it is their glory; if ill, the fault of

the old directors, that in all dangers must endure the worst, yet not five

hundred of them have so much as one of the others; also that there bee

some present course taken to maintaine a Garrison to suppresse the

Salvages, till they be able to subsist, and that his Majesty would please

to remit his custome, or it is to be feared they will lose custome and

all, for this cannot be done by promises, hopes, counsels and

countenances, but with sufficient workmen and meanes to maintaine them,

not such delinquents as here cannot be ruled by all the lawes in England,

yet when the foundation is laid, as I have said, and a common-wealth

established, then such there may better be constrained to labour then

here: but to rectifie a common-wealth with debaushed people is impossible,

and no wise man would throw himselfe into such a society, that intends

honestly, and knowes what he undertakes, for there is no Countrey to

pillage as the Romans found: all you expect from thence must be by labour.

For the government I thinke there is as much adoe about it as the

Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland, men here conceiting Virginia as they

are, erecting as many stately Offices as Officers with their attendants,

as there are labourers in the Countrey, where a Constable were as good as

twenty of their Captaines, and three hundred good Souldiers and labourers

better then all the rest that goe onely to get the fruits of other mens

labours by the title of an office. Thus they spend Michaelmas rent in

Mid-summer Moone, and would gather their Harvest before they have planted

their Corne.

As for the maintenance of the Officers, the first that went never demanded

any, but adventured good summes, and it seemes strange to me, the fruits

of all their labours, besides the expence of an hundred and fifty thousand

pounds, and such multitudes of people, those collaterall Officers could

not maintaine themselves so well as the old did, and having now such

liberty to doe to the Salvages what they will, the others had not. I more

then wonder they have not five hundred Salvages to worke for them towards

their generall maintenance, and as many more to returne some content and

satisfaction to the Adventurers, that for all their care, charge and

diligence, can heare nor see nothing but miserable complaints; therefore

under your correction to rectifie all, is with all expedition to passe the

authority to them who will releeve them, lest all bee consumed ere the

differences be determined. And except his Majestie undertake it, or by

Act of Parliament some small tax may be granted throughout his Dominions,

as a Penny upon every Poll, called a head-penny; two pence upon every

Chimney, or some such collection might be raised, and that would be

sufficient to give a good stocke, and many servants to sufficient men of

any facultie, and transport them freely for paying onely homage to the

Crowne of England, and such duties to the publike good as their estates

increased reason should require. Were this put in practice, how many

people of what quality you please, for all those disasters would yet

gladly goe to spend their lives there, and by this meanes more good might

be done in one yeere, then all those pety particular undertakings will

effect in twenty.

For the Patent the King may, if he please, rather take it from them that

have it, then from us who had it first, pretending to his Majesty what

great matters they would doe, and how little we did, and for any thing I

can conceive, had we remained still as at first, it is not likely we could

have done much worse; but those oft altering of governments are not

without much charge, hazard and losse. If I be too plaine, I humbly crave

your pardon; but you requested me, therefore I doe but my duty. For the

Nobility, who knowes not how freely both in [IV.168.] their Purses and

assistances many of them have beene to advance it, committing the managing

of the businesse to inferiour persons, amongst whom questionlesse also

many have done their utmost best, sincerely and truly according to their

conceit, opinion and understanding; yet grosse errors have beene

committed, but no man lives without his fault; for my owne part, I have

so much adoe to amend my owne, I have no leisure to looke into any mans

particular, but those in generall I conceive to be true. And so I humbly

rest

Yours to command, J. S.

ENQUIRY BY KING JAMES

A.D. 1623.

_The King hath pleased to take into his consideration._

Thus those discords, not being to be compounded among themselves, nor yet

by the extraordinary diligences, care and paines or the noble and right

worthy Commissioners, Sir William Jones, Sir Nicholas Fortescue, Sir

Francis Goston, Sir Richard Sutton, Sir Henry Bourgchier and Sir William

Pit; a Corante was granted against Master Deputy Farrar, and 20. or 30.

others of that party to plead their causes before the right Honourable,

the Lords of his Majesties Privy Councell: now notwithstanding all the

Relations, Examinations, and intercepting of all Letters whatsoever came

from thence, yet it seemes they were so farre unsatisfied and desired

to know the truth, as well for the preservation of the Colony, as to give

content and doe all men right, they sent two Commissioners strictly to

examine the true estate of the Colony. Upon whose returne after mature

deliberation, it pleased his royall Majesty to suppresse the course of the

Court at Deputy Farrars, and that for the present ordering the affaires of

Virginia, untill he should make a more full settlement thereof, the Lord

Viscount Mandevile, Lord President of his Majesties Privie Councell, and

also other Privy Councellors, with many understanding Knights and

Gentlemen, should every Thursday in the afternoone meet at Sir Thomas

Smiths in Philpot lane, where all men whom it should concerne may repaire,

to receive such directions and warrant for their better security, as more

at large you may see in the Proclamation to that effect, under the great

Seale of England, dated the 15. of July, 1624. But as for the relations

last returned, what numbers they are, how many Cities, Corporations,

townes, and houses, cattle and horse they have, what fortifications or

discoveries they have made, or revenge upon the Salvages; who are their

friends or foes, or what commodities they have more then Tobacco, & their

present estate or what is presently to be put in execution, in that the

Commissioners are not yet fully satisfied in the one, nor resolved in the

other, at this present time when this went to the Presse, I must intreat

you pardon me till I be better assured.

Thus far I have travelled in this Wildernesse of Virginia, not being

ignorant for all my paines this discourse will be wrested, tossed and

turned as many waies as there is leaves; that I have writ too much of

some, too little of others, and many such like objections. To such I must

answer, in the Companies name I was requested to doe it, if any have

concealed their approved experiences from my knowledge, they must excuse

me: as for every fatherles or stolne relation, or whole volumes of

sofisticated rehearsals, I leave them to the charge of them that desire

them. I thanke God I never under-tooke any thing yet any could tax me of

carelesnesse or dishonesty, and what is hee to whom I am indebted or

troublesome? Ah! were these my accusers but to change cases and places

with me but 2. yeeres, or till they had done but so much as I, it may be

they would judge more charitably of my imperfections. But here I must

leave all to the triall of time, both my selfe, Virginia's preparations,

proceedings and good events, praying to that great God the protector of

all goodnesse to send them as good successe as the goodnesse of the action

and Country deserveth, and my heart desireth.

FINIS.

A.D. 1623.

THE FIFTH BOOKE. [V.169.]

The Generall Historie

of the Bermudas, now called the Summer Iles,

from their beginning in the yeere of our

Lord 1593. to this present 1624.

with their proceedings,

accidents and present

estate.

_The description of the Iles._

Before we present you the matters of fact, it is fit to offer to your

view the Stage whereon they were acted, for as Geography without History

seemeth a carkasse without motion, so History without Geography, wandreth

as a Vagrant without a certaine habitation. Those Ilands lie in the huge

maine Ocean, and two hundred leagues from any continent, situated in 32.

degrees and 25. minutes, of Northerly latitude, and distant from England

West South-West, about 3300. miles, some twenty miles in length, and not

past two miles and a halfe in breadth, environed with Rocks, which to the

North-ward, West-ward, and South-East, extend further then they have bin

yet well discovered: by reason of those Rocks the Country is naturally

very strong, for there is but two places, & scarce two, unlesse to them

who know them well, where shipping may safely come in, and those now are

exceeding well fortified, but within is roome to entertaine a royall

Fleet: the Rocks in most places appeare at a low water, neither are they

much covered at a high, for it ebbs and flowes not past five foot; the

shore for most part is a Rocke, so hardened with the sunne, wind and sea,

that it is not apt to be worne away with the waves, whose violence is also

broke by the Rocks before they can come to the shore: it is very uneven,

distributed into hills and dales; the mold is of divers colours, neither

clay nor sand, but a meane betweene; the red which resembleth clay is the

worst, the whitest resembling sand and the blackest is good, but the

browne betwixt them both which they call white, because there is mingled

with it a white meale is the best: under the mould two or three foot deep,

and sometimes lesse, is a kinde of white hard substance which they call

the Rocke: the trees usually fasten their roots in it; neither is it

indeed rocke or stone, or so hard, though for most part more harder then

Chalke; nor so white, but pumish-like and spungy, easily receiving and

containing much water. In some places Clay is found under it, it seemes to

be ingendred with raine water, draining through the earth, and drawing

with it of his substance unto a certaine depth where it congeales; the

hardest kinde of it lies under the red ground like quarries, as it were

thicke slates one upon another, through which the water hath his passage,

so that in such places there is scarce found any fresh water, for all or

the most part of the fresh water commeth out of the Sea draining through

the sand, or that substance called the Rocke, leaving the salt behinde, it

becomes fresh: sometimes we digged wells of fresh water which we finde in

most places, and but three or foure paces from the Sea side, some further,

the most part of them would ebbe and flow as the Sea did, and be levell or

little higher then the superficies of the sea, and in some places very

strange, darke and cumbersome Caves.

CLIMATE OF THE ISLANDS

A.D. 1623.

_The clime, temper and fertility._

The aire is most commonly cleere, very temperate, [V.170.] moist, with a

moderate heat, very healthfull and apt for the generation and nourishing

of all things, so as many things transported from hence yeeld a farre

greater increase, and if it be any living thing it becomes fatter and

better; by this meanes the country is so replenished with Hens and

Turkies, within the space of three or foure yeeres, that many of them

being neglected, forsake the houses and become wilde, and so live in

great abundance; the like increase there is in Hogs, tame Conies, and

other Cattle according to their kindes. There seemes to be a continuall

Spring, which is the cause some things come not to that maturity and

perfection as were requisite; and though the trees shed their leaves, yet

they are alwaies full of greene; the Corne is the same they have in

Virginia, and the West-Indies: of this and many other things without

plowing or much labour, they have two Harvests every yeere, for they set

about March, which they gather in July; and againe in August, which they

reape in December; and little slips of Fig-trees and Vines doe usually

beare fruit within the yeere, and sometimes in lesse; but we finde not the

Grapes as yet come to any perfection; the like fertility it hath in

Oranges and Limons, Pomgranates, and other things. Concerning the serenity

and beauty of the skie, it may as truly be said of those Ilands as ever it

was said of the Rhodes, that there is no one day throughout the 12.

moneths, but that in some houre thereof, the sun lookes singularly &

cleere upon them: for the temperature it is beyond all others most

admirable; no cold there is beyond an English Aprill, nor heat much

greater then an ordinary July in France, so that frost and snow is never

seene here, nor stinking and infectious mists very seldome, by reason of

the maine Ocean, there is some wind stirring that cooles the aire: the

winter they have observes the time with ours, but the longest daies and

nights are shorter then ours almost by two houres.

_Trees and Fruits._

_The Prickell Peare._ {MN-1}

_The Poison weed._ {MN-2}

_The red weed._ {MN-3}

We found it at first all overgrowne with weeds, and plants of severall

kinds, as many tall and goodly Cedars, infinite store of Palmetoes,

numbers of Mulberies, wild Olive-trees store, with divers others unknowne

both by name and nature, so that as yet they become lost to many usefull

imployments, which time and industry no doubt will one day discover, and

even already certaine of the most notorious of them have gotten them

appellations from their apparent effects, {MN-1} as the Prickell-peare

which growes like a shrub by the ground, with broad thick leaves, all

over-armed with long and sharpe dangerous thornes, the fruit being in

forme not much unlike a small greene Peare, and on the outside of the

same colour, but within bloud red, and exceeding full of juice; with

graines not much unlike the Pomgranat, and colouring after its nature.

{MN-2} The poysoned weed is much in shape like our English Ivy, but being

but touched, causeth rednesse, itching, and lastly blisters, the which

howsoever after a while passe away of themselves without further harme,

yet because for the time they are somewhat pain-full, it hath got it

selfe an ill name, although questionlesse of no ill nature. {MN-3} Here is

also frequently growing a certaine tall Plant, whose stalke being all over

covered with a red rinde, is thereupon termed the red weed, the root

whereof being soked in any liquor, or but a small quantity of the Juice

drunke alone, procures a very forcible vomit, and yet is generally used by

the people, and found very effectuall against the paines and distempers

of the stomacke.

_The purging Beane._ {MN-1}

_The costive tree._ {MN-2}

_Red Pepper._ {MN-3}

_The Sea Feather._ {MN-4}

_Fruits transported._ {MN-5}

{MN-1} A kinde of Wood-bind there is likewise by the Sea very commonly to

bee found, which runnes upon trees twining it selfe like a Vine: the fruit

somewhat resembles a Beane, but somewhat flatter, the which any way eaten

worketh excellently in the nature of a purge, and though very vehemently,

yet without all perill. {MN-2} Contrary to this, another small tree there

is, which causeth costivenesse; there is also a certaine Plant like a

bramble bush, which beares a long yellow fruit, having the shell very

hard, and within it a hard berry, that beaten and taken inwardly purgeth

gently. {MN-3} There is another fruit much like our Barberies, which being

beaten or brused betweene the teeth, sets all the mouth on an extreme heat

very terrible for the time, to avoid which they are swallowed downe whole,

and found of the same or better operation then [V.171.] the red Pepper,

and thence borroweth the name. {MN-4} In the bottome of the Sea there is

growing upon the Rocks a large kinde of Plant in the forme of a Vine

leafe, but far more spread with veines in colour of a pale red, very

strangely interlaced & woven one into another, which we call the Feather,

but the vertue thereof is altogether unknowne, but only regarded for the

rarity. Now besides these naturall productions, providences & paines

since the Plantation, have offered divers other seeds & plants, which the

soile hath greedily imbraced & cherished, {MN-5} so that at this present

1623. there are great abundance of white, red and yellow coloured

Potatoes, Tobacco, Sugar-canes, Indicos, Parsnips, exceeding large

Radishes, the American bread, the Cassado root, the Indian Pumpian, the

Water-millon, Musk-millon, & the most delicate Pine-apples, Plantans, and

Papawes, also the English Artichoke, Pease, &c. briefly whatsoever else

may be expected for the satisfaction either of curiosity, necessity or

delight.

_Birds._

_Egge-birds._ {MN}

Neither hath the aire for her part been wanting with due supplies of many

sorts of Fowles, as the gray and white Hearne, the gray and greene Plover,

some wilde Ducks and Malards, Coots and Red-shankes, Sea-wigions,

Gray-bitterns, Cormorants, numbers of small Birds like Sparrowes and

Robins, which have lately beene destroyed by the wilde Cats, Wood-pickars,

very many Crowes, which since this Plantation are kild, the rest fled or

seldome scene except in the most uninhabited places, from whence they are

observed to take their flight about sun set, directing their course

towards the North-west, which makes many conjecture there are some more

Ilands not far off that way. Sometimes are also seene Falcons &

Jar-falcons, Ospraies, a Bird like a Hobby, but because they come seldome,

they are held but as passengers; but above all these, most deserving

observation and respect are those two sorts of Birds, the one for the tune

of his voice, the other for the effect, called the Cahow, {MN} and

Egge-bird, which on the first of May, a day constantly observed, fall a

laying infinite store of Eggs neere as big as Hens, upon certaine small

sandie baies especially in Coupers Ile; and although men sit downe amongst

them when hundreds have bin gathered in a morning, yet there it hath

stayed amongst them till they have gathered as many more: they continue

this course till Midsummer, and so tame & feareles, you must thrust them

off from their Eggs with your hand; then they grow so faint with laying,

they suffer them to breed & take infinite numbers of their yong to eat,

which are very excellent meat.

_Cahowes._ {MN-1}

_The Tropicke Bird and the Pemblicos presagements._ {MN-2}

{MN-1} The Cahow is a bird of the night, for all the day she lies hid in

holes in the Rocks, where they and their young are also taken with as much

ease as may be, but in the night if you but whoop and hollow, they will

light upon you, that with your hands you may chuse the fat and leave the

leane; those they have only in winter: their Eggs are as big as hens, but

they are speckled, the other white. Mr. Norwood hath taken twenty dozen of

them in three or foure houres, and since there hath beene such havocke

made of them, they were neere all destroyed, till there was a strict

inhibition for their preservation. {MN-2} The Tropicke bird is white, as

large as a Pullet, with one onely long Feather in her taile, and is

seldome seene far distant from other of the Tropicks: another small Bird

there is, because she cries Pemblyco they call her so, she is seldome

seene in the day but when she sings, as too oft she doth very clamorously;

too true a Prophet she proves of huge winds and boysterous weather: there

were a kinde of small Owles in great abundance, but they are now all

slaine or fled: some tame Ducks, Geese and Pigeons there are, but the two

latter prosper not.

_Of Vermine._

_Note._ {MN}

Concerning vermine and noisome creatures, there are not many, but onely

Rats and Cats, there increased since the Plantation, but how they agree

together you shall heare hereafter. The Musketas and Flies are also too

busie, with a certaine India Bug, called by the Spaniards a Cacarootch,

the which creeping into Chests they eat and defile with their ill-sented

dung: also the little Ants in summer time are so troublesome, they are

forced to dry their figs upon high frames, and anoint their feet with tar,

wherein they sticke, else they would spoile them all ere [V.172.] they

could be dryed: Wormes in the earth also there are, but too many, so that

to keepe them from destroying their Corne and Tobacco, they are forced to

worme them every morning, which is a great labour, else all would be

destroyed. Lizards there were many and very large, but now none, and it is

said they were destroyed by the Cat. {MN} Certaine Spiders also of very

large size are found hanging upon trees, but instead of being any way

dangerous as in other places, they are here of a most pleasing aspect,

all over drest, as it were with Silver, Gold, and Pearle, and their Webs

in the Summer woven from tree to tree, are generally a perfect raw silke,

and that as well in regard of substance as colour, and so strong withall,

that divers Birds bigger than Black-birds, being like Snipes, are often

taken and snared in them as a Net: then what would the Silke-worme doe

were shee there to feede upon the continuall greene Mulbery?

_Fishes._

_The most hurtfull things in those Iles._ {MN}

But above all the rest of the Elements, the Sea is found most abundantly

liberall: hence have they as much excellent Fish, and as much variety as

need be desired. The most of which being unknowne to our Northerne parts,

got there new names, either for their shapes or conditions; as the large

Rocke-fish from his like hew, and haunting amongst the Rocks, the fat

Hog-fish from his swinelike shape and snout: for this is not the old

knowne Hog-fish with brussels on his backe; the delicate Amber-fish from

his taste and smell, Angell-fish, Cony-fish, the small yellow taile from

that naturall painting; the great Growper from his odde and strange

grunting, some of them yet knowne to the Americans, as the Purgoose, the

Cavallo, the Gar-fish, Flying-fish and Morerayes: the rest are common to

other Continents; as the Whale in great numbers, the Sharke, the

Pilot-fish, the Sea-Breame, the Oyster and Lobster, with divers others;

twenty Tortoises have beene taken in a day, and some of them will affoord

halfe a bushell of Egges, and suffice to feed forty men at a meale. And

thus have you briefely epitomized Mother Natures benefits to this little,

yet danty spot of earth, neither were it ingenuity to conceale wherein

shee inclineth to the Stepdame, especially since the particulars are so

few, as rather requisite Antidotes against idlenesse to rouse up industry,

then any great cause of much distaste, much lesse despaire: {MN} and of

those to speake troth, there are onely two: viz. the Winds, and the

Wormes, especially in the Spring and Autumne; and thus conditioned as yet

we will let rest these small Ilands, in the midst of this mightie and

maine Ocean, so invironed on every side, by infinite numbers of

uncertaine scattered Rocks, lying shallowly hid under the surface of the

water, a league, two, three, foure, or five, to Sea, to the which

advantages added by art, as hereafter you shall heare at large, and

finde described in the Map. It may well be concluded to be the most

impregnable place in the world, and although the Amber Greece, Pearles,

nor Tobacco, are of that quantity and certainty to be relied upon to

gaine wealth; yet by practise and experience they finde, by Silke,

Saffron, Indico, Madar, Sugar-canes, Wine, Oile, and such like great

profit may be expected: yet were those hopelesse in regard of their

conveniency to nourish and maintaine themselves, and releeve them shall

visit them with wood, water, and other necessaries, besides what an

eye-sore they are already becommed to them that have them not, and how

deare and pretious to them that have them, I thinke none will deny but

they are well worth the keeping: and so we will proceed to the accidents

that befell the first finders; also the proceedings of the first Planters

and their successors, Master Norrod, Thomas Sparkes, and divers others.

A.D. 1593.

A briefe relation of the shipwracke of

Henry May.

_How it is supposed they were called the Bermudas._

How these Iles came by the name of Bermudas, or the infinite number of

blacke Hogs, or so fearefull to the world, that many called them the Ile

of Devils, that all men did shun as Hell and perdition; I will not

expostulate, nor trouble your patiences with those uncertaine antiquities

further then thus; our men found [V.173.] divers crosses, peeces of

Spanish monies here and there. Two or three wracks also they found, by

certaine inscriptions to bee some Spanish, some Dutch, some French; but

the greatest rumour is, that a Spanish ship called Bermudas was there cast

away, carrying Hogges to the West-Indies that swam a shore, and there

increased: how the Spaniards escaped is uncertaine: but they say, from

that ship those Iles were first called Bermudas, which till then for six

thousand yeares had beene namelesse.

But the first English-man that was ever in them, was one Henry May, a

worthy Mariner that went with Captaine Lancaster to the East-Indies 1591.

and in their returne by the West-Indies, being in some distresse, sent

this Henry May for England by one Mounsier de la Barbotier, to acquaint

the Merchants with their estate. The last of November, saith May, we

departed from Laguna in Hispaniola, and the seventeenth of December

following, we were cast away upon the North-west of the Bermudas; the

Pilots about noone made themselves Southwards of the Iles twelve leagues,

and demanded of the Captaine their Wine of hight as out of all danger,

which they had: but it seemes they were either drunke, or carelesse of

their charge; for through their negligences a number of good men were

cast away. I being but a stranger amongst fiftie and odde French-men, it

pleased God to appoint me to be one of them should be saved. In this

extremity we made a raft, which we towed with our Boat, there were but six

and twentie of us saved; and I seeing scarce roome for the one halfe,

durst not passe in amongst them till the Captaine called me along with

him, leaving the better halfe to the seas mercy: that day we rowed till

within two houres of night ere we could land, being neere dead with

thirst, every man tooke his way to seeke fresh water, at length, by

searching amongst many weeds, we found some raine water, but in the maine

are many faire Baies, where we had enough for digging.

_The building and calking their Barke._

Now it pleased God before our ship split we saved our Carpenters tooles,

some Nailes, Sailes, and Tacklings, wherewith we went roundly to worke,

and built a Barke of eighty tunnes: In stead of Pitch, we made Lime, mixed

with Tortoise oyle, and as the Carpenters calked her, I and another paied

the seames with this plaster, which being in Aprill, became quickly dry,

and as hard as a stone.

_His returne for England._

In Aprill it was so hot, we feared our water would faile, two great Chests

wee made which we calked as our ship; those we stowed on each side our

maine Mast, filled them with water and thirtie live Tortoises: wee found

many Hogges, but so leane wee could not eat them; the tops of the

Palmetaberries was our bread, and the juyce we got out of the trees we cut

downe our drinke, and of the leaves, which are more then an Ell long, we

covered our Cabens, & made our beds, and found many of those provisions as

is related, but little foule weather. The eleventh of May it pleased God

to set us cleere of the Ile, after wee had lived there five moneths: and

the twentieth wee fell with Cape Britton, neere New found Land, where

refreshing our selves with wood and water, and such things as we could get

of the Salvages, it seemed a good Countrey, but we staied not past foure

houres before we set saile for the banke of New found land, where wee met

many ships, but not any would take in a man of us, untill it pleased God

we met a Barke of Fawmothe, which received us for a little time, and with

her we tooke a French ship, wherein I left Captaine de la Barbotier, my

deare friend, and all his Company: and in August arrived at Falmouth in

this honest English Barke, 1594.

Written by me Henry May.

SIR GEORGE SOMERS

AD. 1609.

The 6 first English ship knowne to have beene cast [V.174.]

away upon the Bermudas 1609. From the relation of Mr. Jordan,

Master John Evens, Master Henry Shelly, and divers others.

_A most desperate estate by a storm._ {MN}

You have heard, that when Captaine Smith was Governor of Virginia, there

were nine ships sent with Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Somers, and

Captaine Nuport with five hundred people, to take in the old Commission,

and rectifie a new government: they set saile in May, and in the height of

thirty degrees of Northerly latitude, {MN} they were taken with an extreme

storme, or rather a part of Hericano, upon the five and twentieth of July,

which as they write, did not onely separate them from the Fleet, but with

the violent working of the Seas, their ship became so shaken, torne, and

leake, she received so much water as covered two tire of Hogs-heads above

the ballace, that they stood up to the middles, with Buckets, Baricos, and

Kettles, to baile out the water. Thus bailing and pumping three daies and

three nights without intermission, and yet the water seemed rather to

increase then diminish, in so much that being all utterly spent with

labour, were even resolved without any hope to shut up the hatches, and

commit themselves to the mercy of the Sea, which is said to be mercilesse,

or rather to the mercy of Almighty God, whose mercy farre exceeds all his

workes; seeing no sense or hope in mans apprehension, but presently to

sinke: some having some good and comfortable waters, fetched them and

dranke one to another, as taking their last leaves untill a more happy,

and a more joyfull meeting in a more blessed world, when it pleased God

out of his most gracious and mercifull providence, so to direct and guide

their ship for her most advantage.

_The care and judgements of Sir George Somers._

_An evident token of Gods mercy._ {MN}

That Sir George Somers all this time sitting upon the poupe, scarce taking

leisure to eat nor sleepe, coving the ship to keepe her as upright as he

could, otherwaies she must long ere that needs have foundered, most

wishedly and happily descried land; whereupon he most comfortably

incouraged them to follow their worke, many of them being fast asleepe:

this unlocked for welcome newes, as if it had bin a voice from heaven,

hurrieth them all above hatches, to looke for that they durst scarce

beleeve, so that improvidently forsaking that taske which imported no

lesse then their lives, they gave so dangerous advantage to their greedy

enemy the salt water, which still entred at the large breaches of their

poore wooden castle, as that in gaping after life, they had well-nigh

swallowed their death. Surely it is impossible any should now be urged to

doe his best, and although they knew it, that place all men did so shun,

yet they spread all the saile they could to attaine them: {MN} for not

long it was before they strucke upon a rocke, till a surge of the sea cast

her from thence, and so from one to another, till most luckily at last so

upright betwixt two, as if she had beene in the stocks, till this they

expected but every blow a death: But now behold, suddenly the wind gives

place to a calme, and the billowes, which each by overtaking her, would

in an instant have shivered her in peeces, become peaceable and still, so

that with all conveniency and ease, they unshipped all their goods,

victuall, and persons into their Boats, and with extreme joy, even almost

to amazednesse, arrived in safetie, though more then a league from the

shore, without the losse of a man; yet were they in all one hundred and

fiftie: yet their deliverance was not more strange in falling so happily

upon the land, as their feeding and preservation was beyond their hopes;

for you have heard, it hath beene to the Spaniards more fearefull then an

Utopian Purgatory, and to all Sea-men no lesse terrible then an inchanted

den of Furies and Devils, the most dangerous, unfortunate, and forlorne

place in the world, and they found it the richest, healthfullest and

pleasantest they ever saw, as is formerly said.

_Sir George Somers his first ranging the land._

Being thus safe on shore, they disposed themselves to [V.175.] search the

Iles for food and water; others to get a shore what they could from the

ship; not long Sir George wandred but found such a fishing, that in halfe

an houre with a hooke and line, he tooke so many as sufficed the whole

company, in some places they were so thicke in the Coves, and so great,

they durst not goe in lest they should bite them, and these rocke fish are

so great two will load a man, and fatter nor better fish cannot be. Mr.

Shelly found a Bay neere a quarter of a mile over, so full of Mullets, as

none of them before had ever seene or heard of the like: the next day

seeking to kill them with fis-gigs, they strucke so many the water in many

places was red with bloud, yet caught not one, but with a net they caught

so many as they could draw a shore, with infinite number of Pilchards and

divers other sorts; great craw-fishes in a night by making a fire they

have taken in great quantity. Sir George had twice his hooke and line

broke out of his hand, but the third time he made it so strong he caught

the same fish, which had pulled him into the Sea had not his men got hold

of him, whereby he had his three hookes againe were found in her belly.

At their first hunting for hogs they found such abundance, they killed 32

and this hunting & fishing was appointed to Captaine Robert Walsingham,

and Mr. Henry Shelly for the company in general: they report they killed

at least 500. besides Pigs, and many that were killed by divers others;

for the birds in their seasons, the facility to make their cabens of

Palmeta leaves, caused many of them utterly forget or desire ever to

returne from thence, they lived in such plenty, peace and ease.

_What meanes they made to send to Virginia._

But let us remember how the Knights began to resolve in those desperat

affaires: many projects they had, but at last it was concluded, to decke

their long boat with their ship hatches; which done, with all expedition

they sent Master Raven, a very sufficient Mariner, with eight more in her

to Virginia, to have shipping from thence to fetch them away; three weekes

or a moneth they expected her returne, but to this day she was never more

heard of; all this time was spent in searching the Iles: now although God

still fed them with this abundance of plenty, yet such was the malice of

envy or ambition, for all this good service done by Sommers, such a great

difference fell amongst their Commanders, that they lived asunder in this

distresse, rather as meere strangers then distressed friends: but

necessity so commanded, patience had the victory.

_A mariage and two children borne._