Don Feliciano Marquez"_The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume 50 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

[Below follows the scale of the plan, which is 500 varas to 9 1/2

cm. The size of the original MS. map is 110 × 54 cm.]

[49] For the "Demonstration" here cited, see VOL. XLVIII, in which it

is the final document. In the library of Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago,

is a MS. book containing copies of letters by Viana written in 1767;

the first of these (dated January 5) is addressed to the Marqués

de Esquilace, and mentions the despatch to him and to the king,

in the previous year, of copies both of the "Demonstration" and of

the present statement of "Financial affairs of the islands." He also

relates how he has been actuated in his official duties by his zeal

for the royal service, and has always upheld the rights of the crown;

and in consequence he has been the mark for the hatred and enmity of

all those who live by plundering the royal treasury, and who desire

a fiscal who will allow them to do so without any opposition. The

above-mentioned documents have, he says, "raised a furious tempest,

the anger of those who fear the loss of their own profits, on which

loss depends the rightful increase of his Majesty's interests, and

the saving of iniquitous expenditures." Of the religious orders in

the islands, he says: "They have great power, and much wealth which is

acquired through what they unjustly collect from the royal exchequer

and the Indians. No one dares to incur the hostility of the religious,

for all fear the direful results of their power; and under pretext of a

false piety, painted with the bright colors of the true, they have been

wont to obtain whatever they have claimed. For this reason they have,

ever since the conquest of the islands, burdened the royal exchequer

with the increasing and numerous expenses occasioned in behalf of the

said religious orders, instead of securing economies for it." He claims

"the glory of being the first one who, by dint of close application,

has discovered the 'philosopher's stone' for the enrichment of these

islands and the royal exchequer."

Viana also relates in this letter the enmity of Francisco Salgado

against him, because he has, by insisting on the rights of the crown,

secured sentences against Salgado in two lawsuits--one denying

his claim for 36,000 pesos in the iron-mine contract, and the other

compelling him to pay into the royal treasury the sum of 28,000 pesos,

due from him as farmer of the wine monopoly--notwithstanding this man's

wealth and his persistent efforts to corrupt the royal officials. "This

is a very unusual thing in Manila, where rich persons, like Salgado,

know the method of making their iniquitous dealings secure, by dint of

presents and bribes, which are frequent. It is by this means that the

said Salgado succeeded in gaining the good will of the present governor

of these islands [i.e., Raón], by offering him 20,000 pesos in cash (as

is well known and notorious) in order that the wine monopoly might be

awarded to him at its sale, for the sum of 24,000 pesos in each year. I

opposed this, proving by documents that the said monopoly produced

more than 54,000 pesos, after deducting all expenses; and that the

poverty and the urgent necessities of the royal treasury protested

against the sacrifice of the 30,000 pesos of which the exchequer

would be deprived every year." He says that the governor tried to

secure the award at that low rate to Salgado; but Viana appealed to

the royal Audiencia, in which the case was pending when he wrote,

and Raón and Salgado were both afraid of losing the great profits

which otherwise they would have gained. He implores the minister "to

exert his influence to check the rapidity with which these islands

are hastening to their utter ruin." Further reports and letters by

Viana in regard to the Salgado affair are found in this book (Cartas y

consultas), at fol. 6-11, 15-23, 30-37; the wine monopoly was finally

sold for 40,000 pesos a year, thanks to Viana's persistent efforts.

[50] Spanish, baylio, meaning a knight commander of the Order of

Malta--i.e., the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem. The following

word is spelled "Frey" because it denotes a member of a military

order. (Velázquez.)

[51] Expediente: this word has numerous meanings in Spanish, some of

which are difficult to define in English. In this case it apparently

means "the collection of all the papers belonging to a subject or

business;" it may also denote "a summary or abstract, a legal process,

official acts, or judicial inquiry." Another meaning is, "any subject,

claim, importunity, or analogous matter submitted to investigation,

and depending upon a decision or warrant." (Dominguez.)

The law here referred to (Felipe IV, June 18, 1658) provides that the

religious who are charged with the instruction of the Indians shall

receive "a stipend of 50,000 maravedis in each year for each doctrina

of 400 tribute-payers, which rule shall be inviolably observed."

[52] Spanish, vajo de Campana, literally, "under the bell," i.e. of

the church. In an opinion rendered on April 17, 1765 (Respuestas,

fol. 121, 122), Viana recommends that the Audiencia issue strict

orders to die corregidor of Tondo to proceed to the reduction of

the Indians dispersed through his province into villages--providing

them with suitable dwelling-places from the lands belonging to the

respective villages, or from the vacant crown lands. He enumerates

the advantages (the religious ones being most important of all)

which will follow to the Indians as well as to the government from

this change; and asks that the religious ministers be charged not

to interfere with the secular authorities in carrying out this plan,

but rather use their influence to persuade the Indians to submit to it

quietly. This plan is but the beginning of his scheme to bring about,

as fast as it can be secured, the reduction of all the natives in

all the provinces to obedience to Spanish dominion.

On fol. 132v, 133 are opinions regarding applications which were made

soon afterward by certain persons or communities to be exempted from

the enforced reduction to village life; Viana refuses to entertain

these, insisting that all the natives must be brought "under the

church bell," in order that they may be instructed in religion,

that their souls may be saved. (Cf. fol. 146, 147, 156, 162, 185.)

He also urged (fol. 139), on May 9, 1765, that all unsettled Indians

in the province of Cagayan should be returned to their respective

villages.

[53] See the tariff established by Archbishop Camacho (VOL. XLII,

pp. 58-64.)

[54] Viana had said, in an official opinion rendered on January 14,

1765: "Notwithstanding these arguments [among which Viana mentions

the frauds committed in the sale of these boletas], the royal junta

of the exchequer would not have decided upon the application of

the galleon's lading to the benefit of the royal treasury if the

necessity had not been most urgent, and this measure indispensable;

and the distribution would have continued, in accordance with the favor

bestowed by our kings and sovereigns to the commerce here--which has no

right of justice to the boletas, nor is his Majesty under obligation

to distribute them, since they have been assigned [to the citizens]

by his royal clemency as a mere favor and benefit, and as alms. No

one ought to be surprised that this favor, this benefit, and this

alms should be suspended when there are no funds, and no means for

paying it, and when it is applied in order to meet the unavoidable

expenditures of the royal treasury, and to the payments which in

justice must be made to the troops and other people employed in the

royal service and the defense of these dominions. For it would not be

just that for the sake of distributing the boletas, to which there is

no obligation in justice, there should be failure in paying the claims

which by every rule of law are due, and to meet the expenses which

are unavoidable for the conservation of these islands." (Respuestas,

fol. 73.) It is evident from this that the above measure was put into

force temporarily, at least, in 1764, as a necessary expedient in

the distressed condition of the islands after the English evacuation;

and that Viana now recommends it as a permanent regulation.

[55] There is an interesting statement in Viana's Respuestas,

fol. 151-155, regarding the iron mine of Santa Ynes and its early

history. One Francisco Salgado claimed to have discovered it, and tried

to operate it for some time; but he finally abandoned the work, and it

(or rather the right to work it) was sold, some years afterward, by

the government to the highest bidder. Viana says of this mine: "It is

called a mine, but more properly is a quarry of rocks containing iron,

with which rocks the mountains of Santa Ynes abound; and in order

to obtain them no vein is followed, nor is there need for tunnels,

as there is in the mines." Salgado sold considerable iron from Santa

Ynes, including 2,000 picos of it to the royal storehouses at four

pesos a pico, instead of the current rate of ten pesos; this low

price was claimed by the royal fiscal as the right of the crown, in

the term of Ezpeleta as governor. In 1765, Salgado was claiming from

the government 36,000 pesos, to reimburse him for the losses he had

met in operating Santa Ynes; but Viana sturdily opposed this, saying

that the mine naturally belonged to the crown, and that Salgado had

forfeited any rights which he might have had therein, and did not

make any claims to the mine at the time when it was placed in the

hands of Francisco Casañas and Juan Solano, as he should have done

in order to render them valid at the present time; moreover, he had

made various misrepresentations of the matter at different times,

and ought to be punished for falsehood.

In fol. 158, 159, Viana states that (in 1765) Casañas is dead, and

Solano pays to the royal treasury five hundred pesos a year. Viana is

anxious to prevent the abandonment of the mines (which he fears in

view of the losses and injuries caused by the late war), since they

contain enough iron to supply all India, and ought to be operated

for the benefit of the royal treasury, thus saving the great expense

which it incurs in buying iron from China, and preventing the drain

of so much money from the islands. He therefore proposes that some

two hundred Chinese be placed at work in the mines to operate and

develop them, and build the necessary furnaces and other appliances;

this will also reduce the population of the Parian, and will cost

nothing to the treasury save the rations for the Sangleys, who should

be compelled to cultivate the lands near the mines and raise most

of what is needed for their support and that of their families (for

the married ones should be selected for this colony). They should be

placed under a manager of skill and energy, with twenty-five or thirty

soldiers at his disposal. From this enterprise, "numberless advantages

would ensue for the king and for the public. The consumption of iron

in the islands amounts to from 80,000 to 100,000 pesos' worth annually;

and even the most ordinary sort, that from China, costs seven to eight

pesos a pico for bars, and twelve to thirteen when wrought into nails,

balls, etc." By the above plan the cost of producing the iron would

be reduced to about three pesos a pico. All the Sangley ironworkers

should therefore be seized, and transported to the mines.

[56] "In the eastern part of the Philippines, cock-fights must have

been unknown in Pigafetta's time; he saw the first gamecocks in

Paláuan." (See Pigafetta's mention of these fights, in VOL. XXXIII,

p. 211.) "In the 'Ordinances of good government' of Hurtado Corcuera,

in the middle of the seventeenth century, gamecocks were not

mentioned. In 1779 they first added to the revenue from taxation; and

in 1781 the government farmed the right to collect entrance-money in

the cockpits (galleras, from gallo, "cock"), for $14,798 a year. In

1863 the revenue from these places made an item in the budget of

$106,000." A special ordinance regarding cock-fights was dated at

Madrid, March 21, 1861; among its provisions is permission for this

sport to be held on Sundays and feast-days, from the conclusion of high

mass until sunset. "The craving to gain money without work they can

with great difficulty withstand, and many are, through the passion

for gambling, drawn into borrowing money at usury, embezzlement,

and theft, and even highway robbery; the bands of robbers on both sea

and land consist, for the greater part, of ruined gamesters." (Jagor,

Reisen, p. 22.)

[57] Spanish, vecinos, which is probably a clerical error for tiempos,

as indicated by the context. The implication in "forty-eight" is,

apparently, that the cock-fight would be a regular holiday amusement.

[58] This recommendation by Viana was carried out later by Governor

Basco (see pp. 53-55. ante).

[59] In some of Viana's official opinions (Respuestas, fol. 114v-117,

128-132), he gives advice regarding the farming-out of the wine

monopoly. He protests (March 27, 1765) against the action of the

board in charge of this matter, who proposed to give this privilege

to Andres del Barrio (the only bidder at the auction), for 16,000

pesos a year for five years. He states that it had at the previous

sale brought 26,000 pesos, when the amount consumed was the same as

at present; and the farmer's returns from this monopoly ought to be

even more now, since the regular soldiery now number 2,000, against

less than 1,500 at the last sale, and some years hardly 1,000, while

the net profit of this trade, if it be carried on with energy and

business ability, ought to average over 30,000 pesos a year. Viana

also protests against granting the monopoly on buyo to Pedro Tagle

(also the only bidder) for 10,000 pesos, when the board had decided

to offer it for 12,000 in order to dispose of it more easily, while

the royal officials had valued it at 14,000. The board made reply to

these objections, with arguments which Viana characterizes as weak,

and proceeds to demolish with his usual energy. He complains that

they acted without even notifying him to attend their proceedings,

when they ought to be aware that he, as fiscal, is a member of the

board. They have cited the prices first paid for the wine monopoly

(10,000 and 15,000 pesos respectively; cf. VOL. XLVII, pp. 118, 119),

without considering that those were for the term of three years only,

while the present term is five years; and the prices paid before

the English war were, at the last sale, 26,000 pesos, and at each of

the two preceding ones 20,500. He states that the Spaniards of the

city are poor, and consume little wine from the monopoly shops; but

this is not the case with the soldiers, nor with the natives, who now

are receiving higher wages than before the war, and are comparatively

rich through it since they are selling all kinds of supplies at higher

prices than ever before. Viana says that Francisco Salgado, the last

holder of this monopoly, began it without any means of his own (having

lost all he had in working an iron mine); but at the end of the five

years he had gained from the monopoly 200,000 pesos. He estimates that

the expenses of administering the business are 40,000 pesos annually,

and adding to this 26,000 for the government dues, and 40,000 for the

contractor's gains, the total amount of the business is 106,000 pesos

a year. If the Acapulco galleon and its successful voyages could be

depended upon more certainly, the Spaniards would have more money to

spend, and the wine monopoly would be even more profitable. Viana makes

an interesting comparison between the administration of monopolies

in the islands and that in Spain, where the circumstances are so

different that, as he says, the laws of Castilla on this point are

"absolutely impracticable" in the Philippines; moreover, in Spain

the monopoly must be considered in connection with the impost of

alcabala, "which is not collected on anything in these islands." He

urges that the board at least restrict the term of the monopoly of

wine to four years, if they sell it at the rate of 16,000 pesos;

and that for six years the rate be made 20,000. Also, that if the

buyo monopoly be sold for 10,000 the term be made four years, and

the rate be 9,000 [sic] for six years. If they will not do this,

these monopolies should be administered by the government directly,

and not farmed out at all. (From an entry dated May 10 (fol. 141v),

it appears that the wine monopoly was purchased by Theodora Fagoaga.)

Apropos of his statement regarding the alcabala, cf. what he says on

fol. 134, regarding a request made by the alcalde-mayor appointed for

the province of Pangasinan, who asked a reduction of alcabala and bonds

[fianzas] (presumably required for his faithful administration of that

office). Viana advises against such reduction, saying of the alcabala,

"There is the same reason for paying the same amount as in the past,

because the commerce is the same; and the said impost is not so

much for alcabala as for the privilege of trading allowed to the

alcaldes-mayor, relieving them from the oath which they formerly took."

[60] Probably the worst of these abuses were checked by the formation

of a naval bureau by the decree of 1800 (see "Events in Filipinas,"

ante, last paragraph).

[61] This letter, as appears from the royal decree above cited, was

dated July 15, 1764, and was written by the officials of the vacant

see of Manila--in answer to a despatch from the king (November 2,

1762) to the late Archbishop Rojo, in which "he was thanked for the

visitation which he practiced in his diocese, and charged that the

Christian doctrine must be taught to the Indians in Castilian;" and

the cabildo answered that the numerous laws on that point were always

disobeyed by the curas from the orders, for reasons similar to those

here charged by Viana (cf. the memorial by Anda, ante, sec. 12). See

Pardo de Tavera's Memoria de Anda y Salazar, pp. 87, 88.

[62] This document is obtained from Viana's letter-book, Cartas y

consultas, fol. 39v-46, being the last letter therein. This fact,

coupled with his statement in the last sentence (which indicates

that his position under the unscrupulous Raón had by that time become

untenable), suggests the probability that he returned to Spain in the

summer of 1767. Certain references to Anda indicate that Viana did not,

when writing this letter, expect to return so soon to Spain; but the

necessity of that step doubtless became evident soon afterward. Anda

embarked for Spain on January 10, 1767.

[63] Referring to those of Corcuera and Arandía, which are presented

in this volume, post.

[64] This reform was accomplished under Basco, in 1784-85; sec p. 50,

ante.

[65] Or Camarines, both names being used for the diocese. But one

would expect the mention in the text to be Cebú instead, alluding to

the temporary government of Ezpeleta; the mention of Nueva Cáceres

may be a lapsus calami.

[66] This document immediately precedes the present letter; the

"Demonstration" is at the end of VOL. XLVIII.

[67] In 1765, certain trees which had been planted by the

Indians on the highway of Mayhaligue were torn up by order of the

procurator-general of the college of San Ignacio, Manila. Complaint

was made of this, and the matter investigated; it appeared that the

Indians had planted the trees by order of the alcalde-in-ordinary,

but the Jesuit claimed that he did not know this. Viana's official

opinion in the case (see his Respuestas, fol. 62v-63), dated December

23, gives the argument on both sides at some length, and concludes

(in a somewhat sarcastic tone) by deciding that the Jesuits doubtless

were not aware that the trees had been planted by official order,

but nevertheless had no right to tear them up; and recommends that

they be compelled to restore the trees to the highway, at the expense

of him who first destroyed them.

[68] To the text of this document we add most of the annotations

thereon made by Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera, as found in his publication

of this document (Memoria de Anda y Salazar, Manila, 1899); these are

especially interesting, as coming from the pen of a native Filipino

who is a scholar, a liberal, and an enlightened patriot. These

notes--either translated in full, or condensed into a summary,

citing his exact language whenever possible--are credited to him,

stating the note-number and page where they are found.

[69] From the date of the foundation of the College of Santo Tomás,

there was strife between it and the Jesuit college of San José. In

1648, the Dominicans triumphed for the time being, and the Jesuits

were forbidden by the royal Audiencia to grant degrees in their

university. That decision was reversed in Spain by a royal decree

of March 12, 1653. San José was closed when the Jesuits were

expelled. (Pardo de Tavera, pp. 43, 44, note 1.)

[70] In note 2 (pp. 44-47), Pardo de Tavera gives a sketch of the

history of the "secular university" of Manila. The royal decree

founding it (dated May 16, 1714) states as its purpose, "that persons

born there may have the comfort of being enabled to fit themselves for

obtaining the prebends;" accordingly, three chairs were established

at Manila, for instruction in canon and civil law and Roman law. The

first incumbents (appointed in 1715) were Julian de Velasco, Francisco

Fernandez Thoribio, and Manuel de Osio y Ocampo. The institution was

opened on June 9, 1718, and included also the chairs of medicine and

mathematics, professors for these being appointed by the governor--who,

finding that this enterprise was opposed by the religious orders,

especially by the Dominicans and Jesuits, ordered that a building for

its use should be erected near his palace; but lack of funds stopped

this work in 1721. When the chairs became vacant in 1726, a competitive

examination was held to fill them, at which only five men with the

degree of bachelor of law were present. The lectures were but thinly

attended, five or six students only being the usual audience; the royal

decree suggested that these be reënforced by students from San José and

Santo Tomás, but these colleges discouraged such attendance, and it

availed naught. In 1726, the Jesuit Murillo Velarde was appointed to

the chair of canon law, and then the Jesuits offered San José college

to the new professors (at first, the lectures in the royal foundation

had been given in a private house, because the archbishop declined

to let them be given in the archiepiscopal seminary); this aroused

the jealousy of the Dominicans. Finally a compromise was made between

them, by agreeing that in each of the two universities there should

be a chair of canon law in charge of a religious, and one of civil

law in charge of a layman. The king, learning of this controversy and

the ineffectiveness of his foundation, decreed (July 26, 1730) that

it should be closed, thus saving to the treasury the annual cost of

2,000 pesos. Pardo de Tavera remarks that the name of "university,"

given to it in Manila, does not appear in the royal decree of 1714,

which simply established the three chairs mentioned. See also the

account of "the college seminary of San Phelipe," in VOL. XLV of this

series, pp. 187-207, and some allusions to it in VOL. XLIV, pp. 145,

178; Velasco and Toribio were imprisoned by Bustamante at one time

(VOL. XLIV, pp. 152, 155, 159.)

In reality, we must go back to the royal foundation in 1702, which was

encroached on by Cardinal Tournon and the abbot Sidoti (1704-07); see

San Antonio's full account of this in VOL. XXVIII, pp. 117-122. Pardo

de Tavera gives an outline of this account in his note 3 (pp. 48-50),

and adds: "The power of the friars caused the organization of the

seminary to be delayed until, toward the end of the past century,

thanks to Señor Sancho de Santa Justa y Rufina, the seminary of

San Carlos was created; it was installed in the former house of the

expelled members of the Society of Jesus."

[71] "The religious orders in Filipinas have always been accused

of opposing culture and the diffusion of human learning among the

Filipinos, having assumed, according to their traditional policy, the

role of monopolisers of public instruction, in order thus to present

themselves as its defenders and partisans, proclaiming themselves

the civilizers of the people, and the source and origin of their

intellectual progress. In reality, having in their hands the public

instruction they so conducted themselves that, as Don Simon says,

they organized an instruction of mere ceremony, intended to maintain

the Filipinos in a calculated ignorance, and keep them imbued with

principles which tended to subject their conscience and reason to

the absorptive power of the monastic supremacy." (Pardo de Tavera,

p. 50, note 4.)

[72] It is to be remembered that Anda wrote this memorial at Madrid,

where he was occupying a seat in the Council of Castilla.

[73] "The idea of secularizing the university of Manila, suggested

by Anda y Salazar, was contemplated a century later by Señor Moret,

minister for the colonies [de Ultramar], and decreed by the regent of

the kingdom on November 6, 1870. The college of San Juan de Letran

was also secularized by the same decree; but in Filipinas orders of

that sort were not executed. For the friars upset the whole matter,

threatening the ruin of the colony if the decree were carried out,

raising protests and petitions--in short, causing the bishops and the

authorities to range themselves on their side, in order to present to

the government at Madrid the question from the point of view which

suited the interests of the Dominican order. The execution of the

regent's decree was suspended, writings were sent to Madrid in favor

of the friars, and, as always, they gained their point, and continued

to be owners and masters of the university and of the college of San

Juan de Letran." (Pardo de Tavera, note 6, pp. 50, 51.)

[74] "The friars have always been considered as poor and needy by the

government of España, and in that notion--without stopping to consider

that their ownership of land was continually extending further in

Filipinas, and that through various schemes they had created for

themselves a secure income in the country--the Spanish monarchs by

various provisions (most of them despatched at the instigation of

the friars) have ordained that their needs be supplied with wine,

oil, various contributions, and cash donations, under the most flimsy

pretexts." (Pardo de Tavera, note 7, p. 51.)

[75] "At the pleasure of the king, on account of the lack of clerics

at the beginning."

[76] "In effect, it can be said the friars trained clerics in order

afterward to employ the latter in their own service; for under the

name of coadjutors each cura kept in his convent one or two clerics,

according to the necessities of the parish, who served him as if

they were slaves, and who suffered every sort of humiliation and

annoyance. It was not only in those times [of Anda] that the situation

of the Filipino cleric was so melancholy and abject; but, in the

midst of the increasing prosperity of the friars and their curates,

with equal pace increased also the wretchedness of their coadjutors

and the intolerable misery of their existence. In order to justify

their conduct toward the Filipino clerics, the friars resorted to the

pretext of their unfitness; but not only is this argument calumnious,

but, even if it were accepted as sound, it does not justify the bad

treatment which they give the cleric, and would demonstrate, besides,

that the education which he receives from the friars is incomplete and

defective." (He cites Archbishop Santa Justa as rebuking the regulars

for thus calumniating the clerics, saying, among other things, "Is it

not notorious to every one of us here that the spiritual administration

all devolves upon the coadjutor cleric, the father minister reserving

to himself only the charge of collecting in his own house, without

leaving it, the parochial dues. How can they deny this, when it is

so public? If the clerics are incapable, how can the ministers in

conscience allow and entrust to them the spiritual administration of

their villages? If that be not so, how dare they discredit the clerics

with the strange, not to say unjust, censure of their being unfit and

incompetent?") "In these later times, the friars, since they could

no longer rail against the clerics in that fashion--for they do not,

at least so much now, insist on their old accusation of unfitness,

because the Filipino clerics have proved that they include men of as

great learning and virtue as the friars, and even more--resorted to

a political reason, making the Spanish government believe that the

Filipino clerics were every one filibusters. This weapon was of good

results for the cause of the friars, but fatal for the Filipino clergy,

who found themselves horribly trampled upon in 1870, on occasion of

the famous rebellion of the Cavite Arsenal; for three of their most

distinguished and revered members, Fathers Burgos, Zamora, and Gomez,

were executed under the calumnious accusation of being leaders of

the rebellion, and a great number of other distinguished Filipino

priests were sent to the military posts or into exile. Public opinion

flung back upon the friars the terrible responsibility of sentences so

iniquitous; but since then the new and safe weapon of 'filibusterism'

has been used more and more against the Filipino clerics." (Pardo de

Tavera, note 8, pp. 52, 53.)

[77] "The contribution of wine and oil had been granted (as is stated

in ley 7, tit. iii, book i of the Recopilación de Indias) to certain

poor monasteries, so that they could illuminate the blessed sacrament

and celebrate the holy sacrifice of the mass. It was likewise ordained

that such contribution should be furnished in the articles themselves,

both oil and wine, and not in money or bullion. This contribution

was to be given to the conventual religious and not to the ministers

of doctrinas, that is, to the curas (ley 9). The escort of soldiers

which was furnished to the missionaries was granted to them by a

royal decree of July 23, 1744, the text of which I have not been able

to find. According to Diaz Arenas (Memorias históricas), the royal

decree of May 13, 1579, granted to each cura in a doctrina the sum

of 50,000 maravedís, and half as much to the sacristans. Afterward,

by a royal decree of October 31, 1596, the said stipend of missionary

religious was fixed at $100 and 100 fanegas of palay. On March 4,

1696, August 14, 1700, January 19, 1704, and July 14, 1713, the

king had ordered the viceroys of his colonial possessions to send

him a report in regard to the religious who were really in need of

the contribution of wine, wax, and oil, in order that he might cease

giving aid to those who had no need of it, 'or that the half or the

third part might be deducted from their allowance, in proportion to the

poverty of each one.' This is seen in the royal decree of September 22,

1720, in which the king insists that this information should be sent to

him; but he could not obtain it, in spite of repeated orders." [Other

attempts were made to secure such information, through the century,

but without success.] (Pardo de Tavera, note 9, pp. 54-56.)

[78] "The book of laws;" there is also an allusion to the

generally adopted legal code or collection of laws, known as Corpus

juris--literally, "body of law." The main reference in Anda's phrase

is to the Recopilación de Indias, which provides for the collection

of tithes in the Spanish colonies.

[79] "It is an exceedingly bad example."

[80] Pardo de Tavera cites (note 11, pp. 56-58) a royal decree dated

April 27, 1704, charging the governor (then Zabalburu) and Audiencia to

restrain the friars from levying unjust exactions on the Indians. This

decree was occasioned by the complaints on this score made (in 1702)

by Archbishop Camacho; in it are enumerated the following acts of

such injustice: "Besides the stipends which are paid to them from

the royal treasury, they oblige every Indian in their districts to

render them service in all their domestic necessities, and to furnish

them with four fowls every day in each mission, and with fish, fuel,

and everything else that the land (and even the water) produces. At

the same time they collect from the Indians excessive fees, without

observing the tariffs; for from an Indian whose property is worth four

hundred pesos (which is the value usually of that belonging to the

wealthier natives) they exact for a burial one hundred or two hundred,

besides what they afterward receive for the funeral honors [i.e.,

ceremonies for the welfare of departed souls]; and twelve pesos for

the offering for [wearing] the cope [del habito de la religión], or,

if the natives are very poor, six or eight pesos, the religious making

it necessary to the burial that he shall wear the cope; and when they

lack means to pay for these, they serve the religious like slaves until

they have earned what they need to pay these impositions. As for the

marriages, the religious receive thirteen pesos for what they call

the altar fee, and thirteen reals for the cross, and eight for the

offering for the mass, and four for the veiling; even when they are

very poor, the religious exact from them at least six or eight pesos

as a requisite [for the marriage]. The Indians are, for a long time,

living in illicit intercourse, because they have not the means to pay

[these exactions]. In the baptisms they have introduced another tax

after the offering; the rich Indian must pay up to twelve pesos for

the silver cross, and the poor one pays, as such, for the wooden

cross. Besides this, they also receive three reals every year from

each Indian for the feast of the patron saint of the village, honors

for the dead, and wax for the monument; and, added to this, one or

two reals when they confess the Indians at the Lenten season--without

giving any care or attention to their instruction, or to the greater

service of the churches in their charge. They are deficient in almost

all which belongs to their obligations as missionary curas, excepting

the religious of the Order of Preachers and those of the Society,

who treat the natives more kindly and instruct them better." Cf. the

"tariff of fees" drawn up by Camacho (VOL. XLII, pp. 56-64).

[81] "The friars, in studying the Filipino languages, continually

compared them with the Latin and the Castilian, to the grammar and

genius of which they molded, whenever they could, those of the new

language which they were learning. As a result, the grammars of the

Filipino languages which they soon made created an artificial language,

very different from that actually spoken by the islanders. Educated

Filipinos distinguish perfectly this conventional language of the

friars; and the latter in their turn make the charge, when they

have noticed one of these observers, that the Indians when talking

among themselves employ a different language from that which they

use in conversations with the cura. The reverend father Fray Ramón

Martinez Vigil (now bishop of Oviedo) has not failed to notice

this difference; but in undertaking to explain it he falls into

an error that is excusable if one considers his religious calling,

which cannot admit that when there is a blunder the mistake is on

the priest's side. Speaking, then, as a priest, and doubly superior

to the Indian by being a Spaniard besides, he confidently says: 'All

who have observed their familiar conversations (of the Indians) are

agreed in affirming that they entirely lay aside the rules of grammar,

in order to make their conversation more rapid and short--speaking

among themselves a Tagálog quite different from what they use when

they address the Spanish priest or any other European who understands

their language.' (Revista de Filipinas, t. ii, 1877, p. 35.) Every

one who understands Tagálog has endured mortal torments thousands of

times while hearing from the pulpit the sermons which a great number

of religious utter in that conventional language. At present, however,

the sermons that are preached are, as a rule, written in the old style,

for the occasion, and then revised and corrected by coadjutors, or

by citizens versed [in the native language], who shape and polish

the discourse properly." (Pardo de Tavera, note 12, pp. 58, 59.)

[82] An interesting sketch of the controversy in Filipinas over

the episcopal visitation of the regular curas is given by Pardo de

Tavera in his note 13, pp. 59-68. The strife began even with the first

bishop, Domingo de Salazar, and continued for some three centuries;

for as late as 1865 the archbishop of Manila and two of his suffragan

bishops joined in sending to the Spanish government complaints against

the friars of substantially the same tenor as those made earlier

by Salazar, Camacho, and Santa Justa. Papal and royal decrees were

issued at intervals, insisting on the right of episcopal visitation;

but in most cases these were practically nullified by the influence

or opposition of the friars, and the inadequate supply of secular

priests. The friars several times threatened to abandon their curacies

(and actually did so, on some occasions); and they claimed exemption

from visitation on various grounds--claiming a privilege granted to

them by Pope Pius V (which, however, was afterward annulled by Clement

XI), the right to obey only the superiors of their respective orders,

and the lack of any obligation on them to serve the curacies, which

they claimed to be only a work of supererogation.

[83] "Apart from the religious fiestas and the surplice-fees, Filipinas

pays to monasticism another tribute of incalculable amount for straps,

rosaries, scapulars, girdles, and other objects rivaling one another

in similarly miraculous qualities--which are issued for cash, and

at a fixed price, which yields no less than a thousand per cent on

the capital invested." Instances of this are given; "a worn pair

of trousers, which the students from whom it is asked give gratis,

is transformed into hundreds of scapulars, and each scapular costs

two and one-half reals fuertes, or perhaps thirty-one hundredths of

a peso." "Thousands, even hundreds of thousands, of hard dollars are

paid as a tax by Filipinas on this account to the monastic coffers;

and if Jesus Christ drove out the traders from the temple, in the

country of miracles those persons are chastised who refuse to obtain

the goods from the temple." (Marcelo H. del Pilar, cited by Pardo de

Tavera in note 14, pp. 68, 69.)

[84] Pardo de Tavera here cites in full (note 16, pp. 69-76) a letter

from Governor Corcuera to the king complaining of the conduct of the

friars. (This letter appears in VOL. XXVI of our series, pp. 116-125.)

[85] "Some have believed that Anda y Salazar, whom they consider

resentful against the religious orders in Filipinas, accumulated

against them, in this memorial, accusations which he alone maintained;

but in the preceding notes we have demonstrated that the charges which

that upright magistrate made against them were not unfounded, nor much

less were they recent. In regard to the commerce to which, according

to him, the religious devoted themselves, it was a certain fact,

scandalous and of long standing--with the aggravating circumstance

that they continued to trade in opposition to the commands of the

sovereign." A decree dated February 2, 1730 is here cited which shows

this plainly, accusing both seculars and religious of trafficking

openly and scandalously, and using their sacred character as a cloak

for this and for extensive smuggling; and ordering the archbishop

and bishops, and the provincials of the orders, to restrain and

punish those of their subjects who thus offend, and the president and

Audiencia to proceed against the ecclesiastical authorities if the

latter fail to do their duty. (Pardo de Tavera, note 17, pp. 76-78.)

[86] "The economic ideas of Señor Anda were as erroneous as were those

among the generality of the Spaniards in that period. The commerce of

exportation was for them a wrong and a heinous act, with which they

reproached him who did it; nor would they admit that he who sells his

products has a right to carry them where he can obtain the highest

price." (Pardo de Tavera, note 18, p. 78.)

[87] "It is now the general opinion that the religious orders cannot

prove their right of ownership of all the income-producing properties

which they hold in both town and country. It cannot be doubted that

under the regime of government established by the United States this

important question of ownership will be cleared up." The writer here

relates the controversy of Auditor Sierra with the religious orders

over this question in the time of Archbishop Camacho; finally the

governor intervened with his authority, terminating the dispute by

declaring that the new visitor, Auditor Ozaeta, would accept as valid

the titles to property presented by the friars. (Pardo de Tavera,

note 19, pp. 78-80.)

[88] "It is true that the Chinese could not have received

worse treatment; they have always been laden with accusations

of all kinds. As for their being of no benefit to the country,

this assertion is entirely contrary to the facts. The Chinese have

committed abuses, it is true; but it is only right to acknowledge

that they are industrious, patient, respectful, and sober; and that

with such traits they must necessarily be useful to the country in

which they are." (Pardo de Tavera, note 20, p. 80.)

The feeling against the Chinese in Manila after the English invasion

was very bitter, as has been already noticed; it is reflected in

Viana's official opinions, as is evident in the following (Respuestas,

fol. 127v): "It is a matter of public notoriety that nearly all the

Sangleys of the Parián have been traitors to God and to the king, by

having offered public sacrifices to their idols, aided the English

enemies, and acted basely against the entire Spanish nation. Any

representations made by the said Sangleys ought therefore to be

regarded with suspicion, and more especially when they are not traders;

for such persons cannot carry back to China the profits of the trade,

but only the fears arising from their crime." The Chinese in question

had left the Parián in the late war, and gone to their own country;

and now had returned to Manila, desiring to remain there on their

former footing. Viana advises that a rigorous investigation of their

previous status, actions, and character be made by the government,

and any of them found to have acted treasonably toward the Spaniards

be punished with the utmost severity; while those who had not been

traitors, but had left the Parián on account of their trading or other

like reasons, ought to be fined at least fifty pesos each for having

done so without permission. Again (fol. 134v) he says of a certain

widow (Gabriela Josepha by name), whose dwelling had been seized

on account of her supposed disloyalty, that "as she is a Sangley

mestiza, there is strong reason to suspect that she is the widow

of some traitor." After the English left Manila, the Sangleys there

(in number 400 to 500) were compelled to labor on the ditch and other

defenses of the city, as a punishment for their previous revolt. In

April, 1765, they offered to the government 12,000 pesos, as "a free

donation, in view of the exhausted condition of the royal treasury;"

and 8,000 pesos more to the Audiencia, in order that they might

be relieved from the aforesaid labor, which sum was surrendered by

the auditors to the royal exchequer. Viana recommended (Respuestas,

fol. 125v, 126) that these donations be accepted, and the Sangleys

relieved from the ditch-digging for such time as the 8,000 pesos would

last; he estimated that the work might be completed with this sum,

since the government could order that from the provinces all the

criminals in the jails, and the "vagabonds and mischievous persons

who abound in the villages," should be sent in to Manila to work

on the ditch--thus subserving at once the ends of justice, economy,

and military defense. Viana in this paper sarcastically refers to the

part taken by the Chinese in aiding the English against the Spaniards

during the late war, when, he says, thousands of Sangleys performed

all sorts of labors for the English, besides contributing money to

aid them; he therefore considers it but just that they should now

labor in the royal service, since it is quite enough favor to them

that their lives have been spared by the Spaniards.--Eds.

[89] "In this, as in other points in the memorial, Anda is not the only

one who points out the abuses committed by the missionaries." (Here Le

Gentil is cited; see our VOL. XXVIII, pp. 210, 218, where he speaks

of the absolute power of the religious.) "The friars explained their

attitude against the Spaniards by saying that those who went to the

provinces served only to instruct the Indians in vices; but it is

certain that, granted the sort of life led by the curas, and their

absolute independence, the presence of a Spaniard in the town must

have been vexatious to them. Besides, the latter could not tolerate

their abuses without protesting against them; and his attitude would

have served as an example and stimulus for the Indians to escape from

the insupportable domination and tyranny of the fathers.

"At the end of this present century an intelligent and respectable

Dominican friar says, in an official memorial, referring to the

Spaniards of the provinces in Filipinas: 'If they remain many years

they live altogether like the Indians--dragging along a miserable and

wretched life, a disgrace to the Spanish name in these islands--and

become utterly slothful and vicious, deserving I know not whether

pity or execration. For, since they come from España without education

or ability to undertake even a simple commission--and it is a wonder

if in their own country they ever knew how to plow or make a pair of

shoes--here they are of no use whatever. And, as here all the Spaniards

bear the title of Don, and are addressed as Señor, they are prone to

desire to appear as such, establishing themselves with a white suit

[Americana], which costs them half a peso, and giving themselves airs

as gentlemen, and persons of distinction. There are very few of them

who make some little fortune--a situation which, however little it

can be bettered, is never to be envied--and almost all of them lead

a life that is melancholy and wretched enough, having become idlers,

and scandalizing the Indians of the villages wherever they go, being

a disgrace to the Spanish name in these islands.' Such is the opinion

regarding the Spaniards residing in the provinces, expressed by the

reverend father Fray José María Ruiz, in his Memoria prepared for

the Exposition of Filipinas at Madrid in 1887, pp. 284, 285. In a

decree dated August 4, 1765, the king, angered by the conduct of the

friars who oppose the residence of the Spaniards in the provinces,

issues strict orders that no hindrance shall be placed in the way of

such residence." (Pardo de Tavera, note 21, pp. 80-82.)

[90] On July 9, 1765, Viana demanded from the Audiencia (Respuestas,

fol. 167v, 168) that the Sangley traders of the Parián and the

alcaicería be expelled from the islands and their goods confiscated,

as a punishment for their late treason, and also because they have

been getting control of the retail trade of Manila, and thus injuring

the Spanish shopkeepers. He also renews his proposal that the married

Chinese of the Parián be sent to Santa Ynes, as a sort of penal colony

to work in the mines and cultivate the ground adjoining.

[91] "Father Fray Gaspar de San Agustin judged the Chinese with the

same prejudice as he did the Indians; yet he was less hard and unjust

than he was against the latter, about whom he wrote so much evil that

afterward it was not possible to find any more failings or offenses

to hurl against them." (Pardo de Tavera, note 23, p. 83.)

[92] In the text, yermo ("desert"), a conjectural reading by Pardo

de Tavera.

[93] "There were in Manila some Chinese Dominican friars, who had

come from the missions which the Order of Preachers maintained in

the neighboring empire." (Pardo de Tavera, note 24, p. 83.)

[94] See instructions for the new Audiencia, VOL. V, pp. 298-300.

[95] In the year 1583 some revolts by the Indians occurred, caused

by the bad treatment they received from the encomenderos; some of

these fancied that the Indians of their encomiendas were to serve

them as slaves, and spared neither the lives nor the property of the

natives in making themselves rich. The government intended to make

some reforms, but delayed so long that the natives, having no other

means of protecting themselves, thought they must revolt against the

encomenderos. In 1584 the new Audiencia arrived at Manila, presided

over by Santiago de Vera; "the state of things in which he found

the country, the injustices which were committed on every side,

the violent means to which the oppressed found themselves obliged

to resort for self-defense, impressed him deeply--above all, when in

1585 rebellion was declared by the Pampango and Tagal Indians. That

prudent magistrate comprehended that the first thing which he must

do in order to rule with justice was to understand the usages and

customs of the country which he was commissioned to rule; and it was

then that, knowing the remarkable abilities of the virtuous Fray Juan

de Plasencia, Dr. Vera wrote to him, asking that he would inform him

in regard to the social and political organization of the Tagals. As

for the abuses of the encomenderos, undoubtedly they were magnified

and exaggerated by the friars, whose interest it was to disparage

the former, in order that they themselves might be absolute masters

of the country in place of the encomenderos." Pardo de Tavera cites

in full a letter from the king to Archbishop Salazar, dated March 27,

1583, in which the grievances of the Indians are enumerated. "We are

informed that in that province [of Filipinas] the Indian natives are

seen to be dying, on account of the bad treatment inflicted on them by

their encomenderos; and that the number of the said Indians has been so

diminished that in some places more than a third of them are dead. This

is because the taxes are levied on them for the full amount, two-thirds

more than what they are under obligation to pay, and they are treated

worse than slaves, and as such many are sold by some encomenderos to

others; and some are flogged to death; and there are women who die or

break down under their heavy burdens. Others, and their children, are

compelled to serve on their lands, and sleep in the fields; and there

they bring forth and nurse infants, and they die, bitten by poisonous

insects; and many hang themselves, and are left to die, without food;

and others eat poisonous herbs. And there are mothers who kill their

own children when they are born, saying that they do so to free them

from the sufferings which they are enduring. And the said Indians have

conceived a very bitter hatred to the name of Christian, and regard

the Spaniards as deceivers, and pay no attention to what is taught

to them; accordingly, whatever they do is through force. And these

injuries are greater for the Indians who belong to our royal crown,

as being under [official] administration." The king, in view of all

this, renews his instructions to the viceroys and governors to enforce

the laws in behalf of the Indians, and urges the bishop and other

ecclesiastics to use their influence for this same purpose. (Pardo

de Tavera, note 25, pp. 83-86.) See also Salazar's letter to the king

(VOL. V, pp. 210-247).

[96] "That the Chinese should be more successful than the Spaniard

in Filipinas is easily explained. In Anda's time, the Spaniard who

went to the provinces to devote himself to trade was a poor man who

had no official situation, and for that reason an unlucky fellow who

could not depend on support and influence in a country where favor was

the law; while the Chinaman, with his presents, trinkets, and bribes,

secured everything." (Pardo de Tavera, note 26, p. 86.)

[97] "From the earliest days of the conquest of Filipinas, the

monarchs displayed decided earnestness that the knowledge of the

Castilian language should be diffused among their peoples; while the

friars opposed to this a resistance as tenacious as it was hostile,

not only to the interests of the civilization of these regions, but

to the sovereignty of España." (Here is cited a royal decree, dated

August 4, 1765, as an example of many, strictly commanding that the

natives be taught the Castilian language, and that no hindrance be

placed in the way of the Spaniards freely traveling and trading in the

provinces.) "A few years ago Señor Escosura, royal commissary--whose

complaisance toward the friars, so well known, gives more force to

the censures which he directs against them--said, in speaking of the

education of the Filipinos: 'That education, in the first place, if

we except the city of Manila and its environs, is entirely reduced to

instruction in the Christian doctrine, in Tagal or in the dialects of

the respective provinces--and for the same reason, is in exclusive

charge of the parish priests, either seculars or regulars (who are

most in number and influence); and these pastors, to whom this country

owes most important services, and whose usefulness and necessity I

avow and proclaim, suffer, nevertheless, from some prejudice.... They

assert that to teach the Indians Castilian would be to furnish them

the means--which at present they lack, on account of the diversity

of their dialects--to revolt against the Spanish authority; that from

the moment when they can readily understand the laws and measures of

the government they will discuss these and comment upon them, from

the standpoint of their local interests, and therefore in opposition

to those of the metropolis; that to give these natives an idea of

their own rights is to inoculate them with the spirit of rebellion;

and that, the foundation of race superiority, which now aggrandizes the

Europeans, being thus destroyed, it would be impossible to govern these

provinces without material force, as now.' And, in order to promote the

teaching of Castilian in the second half of the nineteenth century,

Señor Escosura said that 'it would be expedient to address urgent

requests to the archbishops and bishops, impressing upon them the

necessity of their obliging the parish priests to fulfil the commands

that are given on this point in the laws of the Indias,' because in

three centuries of Spanish domination the laws and frequent decrees

thereon had never been obeyed." (Pardo de Tavera, note 28, pp. 87-90.)

[98] In the decree cited in the preceding note occurs the following

statement: "If the Indians had been taught the said [Castilian]

language, the calamities and vexations would not have occurred

which were experienced by the Spaniards, of both sexes, who in their

flight after the loss of this fortress attempted to find asylum in

the mountains and the villages nearest to them."

[99] Pardo de Tavera cites (note 29, pp. 90, 91) several statements

by Rodriguez Ovalle (whose MS. account of the siege of Manila has

been used by Marqués de Ayerbe in his Sitio y conquista de Manila)

to show that a few of the religious tried to incite the Indians in

the provinces to rise against the Spaniards, and some others became

bandits; and that Rojo was jealous of Anda's position and authority.

[100] "Law 81, tit. xiv, book i of the Recopilación de Indias,

issued in 1594, provides that 'the religious may not be served by the

Indians; but, in very necessary things, they may receive such service

by paying them for it.' The construction of the village churches has

been accomplished by obliging the Indians to work gratis, to furnish

the materials gratis, and to do everything gratis; the same procedure

also served for building the convent or house of the cura." See note

80, ante, p. 146; also the report made by Auditor Gueruela on his

visit to Camarines in 1702, in VOL. XLII, pp. 304-308.

[101] "The complaints against the sort of abuses which are mentioned

in this section of Anda's Memorial are precisely those which the

Filipino people formulated; it was those abuses which drove the

Filipinos to form the Katipunan, to rise in armed revolt, and to

struggle against the Spanish government, in order to gain escape from

friar dominion. Recent occurrences, and the publicity regarding the

promoters of the Filipino insurrection, render it unnecessary for us

to comment further on the words of Anda." (Pardo de Tavera, note 31,

pp. 91, 92.)

[102] Sínodo: here a synonym of estipendio (stipend), being the name

of the stipend allowed to priests in America and the Philippines.

[103] "I do not recognize the word parilusclas, in the memorial;

perhaps it is an error of the copyist. The fact is that the sick

are conveyed in a hammock, a litter, or a sedan-chair to the door

of the convent, where the cura comes down to confess them, give the

viaticum, or apply the holy oils, as the case demands." (Pardo de

Tavera, note 32, p. 92.)

[104] "That his name shall be blotted from the Book of Life"--a

statement made in the sensational sermon of the Jesuit Puch in 1764

(see pp. 24-26, ante). Pardo de Tavera says (note 33, p. 92) that

this occurred in Lima; he cites also a letter by Corcuera in 1636

(see our VOL. XXVI, pp. 60-72) to show that the political use of the

pulpit by the friars was a practice of long standing.

[105] See account of the Santa Ynes mine in note 55, ante, p. 107.

[106] See the first document of this volume, "Events in Filipinas,"

for mention of this and other reforms made later by the Spanish

government, which are recommended by Anda in this memorial.

[107] "As fractional currency was always exceedingly scarce in

Filipinas, recourse was had, in order to remove the difficulty, to

the proceeding of cutting into bits the pesos and half-pesos. It

was undoubtedly for this reason that to the coins thus made were

applied the Tagal names of kahati (kalahati, "the half") for two

reals, that is, the half of a half-peso; and sikapat (si-kaapat,

"the fourth part") for one real, or the quarter of a half-peso; and

so on--and, for the same reason, this was called in Castilian moneda

cortada ["cut money"]. These fragments of coin bore a stamp which

indicated their value, and which was placed on them in Manila; but,

as the stamp did not indicate the exact size of the piece of coin,

the various hands through which it passed diminished the amount of

metal as much as they could, thus reducing it to its least possible

size. Governor La Torre published an edict on April 25, 1764,

in which, with the object of mitigating the bad results of this,

since 'not only the Sangleys, but the Indians and mestizos, are

unwilling to accept the cut money, on account of its debasement,'

he made the decision (certainly a contraproducente [i.e., a measure

producing effects contrary to what were intended]), to compel 'all

the cut money to pass current for its value according to the stamp

on it.' This remedy was evidently profitable for those who debased

the money, because it was compulsory to take the money by its stamp,

its debasement being treated with indifference. The term 'milled

money' was applied to coin of proper standard and manufacture,

full and exact weight, with milled edges; the Chinese exported it,

plainly because it alone could be accepted in the regions to which

they carried it, but this did not occur with the cut money, which

could only be accepted as bullion outside of Filipinas. Then, as now,

was verified the natural phenomenon of the expulsion of good money from

a country by that which is debased, because no one outside desires it,

as it is not current by law." (Pardo de Tavera, note 39, pp. 101, 102.)

[108] "Whoever reads these last words of the auditor Anda will not fail

to make the melancholy reflection that at the end of the nineteenth

century when the Spanish domination in the Filipinas islands was

definitely overthrown, the last governor-general could have written

the same sad complaint, could have addressed to the [Spanish] nation

the same catalogue of abuses and disorders, which, by perpetuating

themselves and increasing, effected the result which exactly suited

[such causes], the loss of Filipinas!" (Pardo de Tavera, note 40,

p. 102.)

[109] Pardo de Tavera states (p. 6) that Arriaga (misprinted Arriola)

was the king's secretary of state.

[110] Del-Pan considers the ordinances of Corcuera and Cruzat much

superior to those of Raón. (See his introduction, p. 20.) These

ordinances (only 1-38) are synopsized very briefly by Montero y Vidal,

Historia general, i, pp. 380-385.

As here presented, the ordinances are translated partly in full and

partly in synopsis, the latter indicated by brackets.

[111] The leaders indicate that the text is illegible or lacking,

because of the poor condition of the MS. (See Del-Pan, p. 117, note).

[112] Crawfurd calls attention (Dict. Indian Islands, p. 345) to

the resemblance between the Philippine barangay and "our Anglo-Saxon

tithings and hundreds."

On the civic administration of Philippine communities, see appendix

in Jagor's Reisen, pp. 298-302.

[113] The Tagálog equivalent of polla, a chicken or young hen.

[114] Filipinos who serve as domestic servants.

[115] Noceda and Sanlucar's Tagálog Vocabulario defines casonó as

"a servant or companion who lives at home;" but it does not contain

the word bilitao. This apparently is compounded from bili, "to buy,

or sell," and tauo or tao, "man."

[116] At this point the ordinances proper of Corcuera, revised by

Cruzat, end. The revision was signed by Cruzat at Manila, October 1,

1696; and he orders alcaldes, chief justices, corregidors, and war

captains, to obey strictly all of the regulations contained in it,

under penalty of the punishments and fines mentioned therein. A copy

of the ordinances is to be sent to each official, and a certified

copy in triplicate to the supreme Council of the Indies. The following

ordinances (39-61) are in the form of decrees of the Manila government

or of royal decrees, and contain many orders quite foreign to the

mission of provincial chiefs, and, consequently, out of place in

the ordinances. The last one is of the time of Raón (1766), who in

1768 revised the ordinances of Arandía. (See Del-Pan's introduction,

p. 22, and p. 153 of the ordinances of Corcuera and Cruzat.)

[117] Noceda's (also Santos's) Tagálog Vocabulario gives compra

(Spanish, meaning "purchase") as the equivalent of the native word

bandala, meaning a compulsory purchase by the government of rice or

other products from the natives, who evidently adopted the Spanish

word directly. (See Vol. XLVII, p. 119.)

[118] These ordinances are published also in Autos acordados

(Manila, 1861), i, pp. 29-71; and in Rodriguez San Pedro's Colección

legislativa, i, p. 245.

[119] When the ordinances were printed in 1801, the superiors of three

of the religious orders immediately petitioned for the revocation of

ordinances 16, 18, and 46, because they contained ideas injurious to

the ecclesiastical estate. (Del-Pan, in his introduction, p. 7.)

[120] This decree was registered in the accountancy-mayor of the royal

tribunal and Audiencia of accounts in Manila, September 16, 1801;

in the accountancy of the royal treasury of Manila, September 18; and

in the secretary's office of the royal Audiencia, September 23. Since

only a simple copy of the ordinances existed in the secretary's office,

the secretary asked the governor to order the castellan of Cavite to

send an attested copy in case he possessed one. The governor issued

such an order September 7, which was complied with on the twelfth,

the receipt of which is noted by the secretary on November 5.

[121] The ordinances of Governor Pedro Manuel de Arandía were

formulated in 1758, but no copy of them is known to exist. The

ordinances of Raón were formulated for the purpose of revising them,

and had it not been for the castellan of Cavite, it is to be feared

that no authorized copy of them would be in existence. (Del-Pan,

in his introduction to the ordinances, p. 7.)

[122] A considerable number of these requests for such exemption are

discussed in Viana's Respuestas; sometimes this privilege was granted,

and sometimes it was refused.

In March, 1765, the natives of Tayabas petitioned for exemption

for that year from the annual bandala of oil levied on them. Viana

recommends (Respuestas, fol. III v) that this be granted, but that

the amount due from Tayabas be levied on other provinces in proportion

to their production of oil.

[123] Ordinance no. 51, it is to be noted, is only against brandy

made from sugarcane; and the use of and traffic in other brandy was

allowed and even stimulated. (Del-Pan, in his introduction, p. 17.)

[124] This is the "Zamboanga donation," made by the Indians for the

maintenance of the fort there (see VOL. XLVII, pp. 119, 120). In 1765,

the regular situado for Zamboanga was 15,975 pesos (Viana, Respuestas,

fol. 111).

[125] "By royal order of September 21, 1797, issued in virtue of

an expediente which, in the preceding year, gave full information

in regard to the tenor of article 53 of the 'Ordinances of good

government,' his Majesty decreed that 'the privilege of the Indians

to enjoy freely the use of the lands, waters, and pastures which they

need for their tillage and stock-raising, ought to be understood to

be limited to the lands (joining and close to their villages) which

are or may be assigned to them, the rest of the land remaining subject

to the rules that have been established for the sale and adjustment of

the crown lands. And in order to avoid the abuses which are committed,

under the pretext of the Indians' privileges, in the leasing of the

lands within the boundary of the villages, this will not be tolerated

hereafter; but the lands assigned to the villages must be cultivated

invariably by the Indians in their own villages.'" (Montero y Vidal,

Hist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 353, 354.)

[126] In April, 1765, the royal engineer Gomez asked that the churches

of San Anton, Dilao, San Lazaro, and the Parián be demolished,

as dangerous to the safety of the city in case they should fall

into the possession of enemies; also the houses of bamboo and nipa,

"which have extended up to the esplanades of Puerta Real and the

Parián." Viana seconds this (Respuestas, fol. 119-121), and adds to

the list the churches of Malate, La Hermita, San Miguel and others;

he cites from Recop. de Indias the law forbidding any edifice within

three hundred paces of the walls. He also advocates the removal of the

aforesaid houses, and the formation of new villages, with a careful and

regular arrangement of streets and houses, the inhabitants being placed

therein according to their occupations--each guild [gremio] being

aligned to a certain street; this would also enable the authorities to

drive out all miscreants, collect the tributes to better advantage,

and preserve order and justice. On March 22, 1765, Viana recommended

to the Audiencia (Respuestas, fol. 106v, 107) that the open country

from Bagumbayan to La Hermita be cleared of everything thereon, no

matter how light or combustible it might be, within the space of one

month; and that the natives in the village of Santiago be transferred

to La Hermita, or to any other of the neighboring communities, and

dwelling-places be assigned to them from the communal lands of those

villages, in recompense for the homes taken from them in Santiago.

[127] In 1838, the Spanish government considered seriously the

formulation of some new ordinances of good government for the

Philippines, the commission for the same being given to Señor Otin y

Duazo, a member of the royal Audiencia. The motives for this are thus

given in the memorial of the above, as follows: "The attention of your

Excellency has been justly called to the confusion and irregularity

with which the alcaldes-mayor proceed in their government of these

provinces, for the want of a uniform and general statute to serve as

a standard in the performance of their duties; since the ordinances

promulgated in 1768 have become entirely extinct through the abuses

and vicious practices introduced by greed, caprice, or the indolence

of the subordinates entrusted with their observance, and through

the reforms rendered necessary by lapse of time and experience." It

is not known that Otin y Duazo ever drew up any ordinances. Seven

years later, another lawyer, Señor Umeres, drew up a new project

for ordinances of good government, in 252 articles. These ordinances

contain many good matters, but cannot properly be called ordinances

of good government. They contain matter on the following: general

instructions to the provincial chiefs, similar to that circulated in

Spain by Francisco Javier de Burgos in 1634, entitled Instruccion

á los Subdelegados de Fomento, containing general principles and a

true plan of administration; a letter from the vice-patron to the

diocesan prelates and to the superiors of the orders, concerning the

relations of the parish priests with the administration; regulations

of the native municipality, detailing the form of the elections and

the duties of pedáneos, lieutenants, cabezas de barangay, and other

purely local agents; regulations concerning the order and security

in the villages, comprising restrictive clauses regarding gambling

and vagrancy; regulations on the city policy; regulations concerning

the polos, personal services, and other duties imposed by the local

administration; and regulations concerning primary instruction,

agriculture, stockraising, internal trade (treating of weights

and measures, transportation, etc.). (See Del-Pan's introduction,

pp. 35-37.)

[128] These conferences of the clergy originally were held monthly,

for consultation on difficult cases of conscience and the like,

the investigation of crimes, etc.; they lasted from the ninth to

the thirteenth century. They were revived by St. Charles Borromeo,

but on a more modern plan, for the discussion of questions in morals,

ritual, etc., with the object of providing that the clergy should have

the knowledge necessary for their duties. These conferences prevailed

in the Catholic countries until the end of the eighteenth century,

when they fell into disuse; but they have been once more revived

in many countries, and are regularly held in all the dioceses of

England. The rubrics are directions to be followed in mass and other

sacred rites. (Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary.)

[129] Vicar forane: "either a dignitary or, at least, if possible,

a parish priest, who is appointed by the bishop to exercise a limited

jurisdiction in a particular town or district of his diocese; an

appeal lies from his decision to the bishop, who can also remove him

at pleasure." (Addis and Arnold, p. 841.)

[130] These instructions come at the end of a pastoral letter, headed

thus: "We, Don Basilio Sancho de Santa Justa y Rufina, by the grace

of God and of the holy Apostolic See metropolitan archbishop of these

Filipinas Islands; councilor and preacher to his Majesty; and deputy

vicar-general of the royal forces by land and sea in these Eastern

regions, etc." (They are obtained from Ferrando's Hist. PP. dominicos,

v, pp. 59-60.)

[131] "All the disputes between España and Roma regarding

the nature, extent, and limits of the civil and ecclesiastical

jurisdictions--commonly known by the name of the regalias of the

crown--are reflected in the continual conflicts with the nuncio, the

inquisitor, and the confessor; and from them arose the pase regio

and the disamortization [of corporation lands], in order to make

themselves manifest in the expediente for the beatification of the

venerable Palafox, and to endeavor to find a definitive solution in

the expulsion of the Jesuits. Carlos I and Felipe II of Castilla alike

considered themselves set apart by God to defend eternally the true

faith, with the mission of guarding and protecting the Church; and,

like the ancient Roman emperors, in temporal affairs they acknowledged

no superiority or limitations on the earth. The king was regarded as

a living law, a permanent tribunal, the supreme master and legitimate

lord of all his vassals; in one word, the crown was looked upon as the

defender of the Church. The conflict of the Middle Ages ended, España

aspired to a double social ideal, unity of power and religious unity;

and this thought produced concentration, and the desire to separate

what was spiritual and concerned with dogma from what was temporal

and belonging to the government of peoples. Two distinct ideas strove

together in the field of doctrine; one, supported by the submissions in

former days of the Eastern Empire, claimed to subject temporal monarchs

to the supreme political direction of the head of the Catholic Church;

and the other, derived from primitive traditions, claimed that the

Catholic sovereigns ought to exercise, equally with the pontiffs,

the external government of the Church, as its natural protectors. A

persistent and obstinate strife arose between the two ideas, and after

several centuries the controversy was settled, by limiting the rights

of the Holy See to that which concerned dogmas and the spiritual power,

and leaving to the royal authority all that referred to discipline

and the exercise of government, in whatever relates to the security

of the State and the welfare of the people. It is this which with

some unfitness has been called regalías; and at bottom it has been

nothing more than the recovery of the proper character of the civil

power, and the demarcation of the attributes of the power of the

Church and the State. This demarcation, the strife over which lasted

for entire centuries, was recognized in España by the concordat of

1753, in which is declared the right of [ecclesiastical] patronage

of the kings of España; and to it the exequatur, disamortization,

and the reform of both the regular and secular clergy, served them

as a complement." (Danvila, Reinado de Carlos III, ii, pp. 270, 271.)

The pase regio (Latin, exequatur) above mentioned refers to the

prerogative assumed by the Spanish kings of the right to "pass"

or confirm papal edicts or briefs, or those issued by other foreign

ecclesiastics, or by the superiors of religious orders, before these

could be valid in the Spanish dominions; several instances of this have

already been mentioned in documents of this series. "Disamortization"

(a word which, as the standard English lexicons contain no single

word which expresses exactly the idea conveyed in the Spanish

desamortización, we are obliged to coin for this purpose, simply

transferring it, in English form, from the Spanish) means the act of

setting free any lands which had been conveyed, in mortmain, to the

corporations (mainly religious), that is, enabling other persons to

acquire such lands. The exequatur is called by Danvila (ii, p. 281)

"the most transcendent of the regalías of the crown."

[132] It may be noted that all these high ecclesiastics signed the

reports of the Council justifying the expulsion of the Jesuits,

and that the archbishop of Manila (Santa Justa) is cited in various

documents as having counseled the king to banish that order from

his dominions.

[133] "It is known that the Society of Jesus was, more than a

religious association, in reality a great mercantile company,

from a very short time after its institution until its extinction

by Clement XIV. Its vast commercial transactions in Europe, America,

and Oceania furnished to it immense wealth; and, infatuated with their

power and the dominion which they exercised over the minds of their

ardent followers; having gained possession as they had done of the

confessional and directing the consciences of kings and magnates;

and strengthened by the affection (which they exploited with great

ability) of women--upon whom they always have exercised, as they still

do, a magnetic influence--the Jesuits considered themselves absolute

masters of the world; and they devoted themselves to intervention in

political affairs, managing with cautious skill political dealings in

almost all countries, according to the degree in which these concerned

their particular purposes. Their insolent and illegal acts, their

despotism, their ambition, the iron yoke with which they oppressed

both kings and peoples; their disputes with the other religious

associations, who could not look with pleasure on the predominance

and wealth of the new society which so audaciously gathered in the

harvest from the fertile vineyard of the Lord; their dangerous maxims

in regard to regicide, their demoralizing system of doctrine, their

satanic pride and insatiable greed, their hypocrisy and corruption:

all these raised against them a unanimous protest. Mistrust of them

awoke in kings and peoples; men of sincere purpose and true Christian

morals were alarmed; and on every side arose enemies of their order,

and irrefutable proofs of their abominable aberrations were brought

forward." (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 142-146.)

[134] See detailed account of the so-called "family compact" and

the secret agreement which accompanied it, in Danvila, op. cit., ii,

pp. 101-167. At the end he says: "The celebrated 'family compact' was

never an affaire de coeur, but an alliance offensive and defensive in

order to check the progress of the British arms in Europa and America,

and to dispute with England the maritime supremacy of which she had

possessed herself.... The 'family compact,' and the secret agreement

which completed it, were from the beginning an alliance offensive

and defensive of España and France against Great Britain."

[135] Montero y Vidal makes numerous citations (Hist. de Filipinas, ii,

pp. 142, 143, 147-159) from letters written to Pope Innocent X in 1647

and 1649 by the noted bishop of La Puebla, Juan de Palafox y Mendoza,

showing how great wealth and power the Jesuits had attained in Nueva

España, their hatred toward him and their conspiracies and even open

attacks against him for doing his official duty, and their lawless,

scandalous, immoral, and irreligious acts, as he has seen them.

[136] In November, 1779, letters were received by the Spanish

government from their ambassador at Rome, asking that, in view of the

poverty and suffering endured by the ex-Jesuits there, their pensions

might be increased. Inquiries were made as to their numbers, with

the following results; "On April 1, 1767, there existed in España

1,660 priests, 102 scholastics, and 965 coadjutors, making a total

of 2,727. From the seven provinces of the Indias there arrived at

the port of Santa María 1,396 priests, 327 scholastics, and 544

coadjutors, making a total of 2,267. The pensions of both classes

amounted to 7,264,650 reals. On April 1, 1779, there existed in

Italia 1,274 priests and scholastics, and 664 coadjutors belonging

to the four provinces of España [i.e., those of the Jesuit order in

that country, being designated as Toledo, Castilla, Andalucía, and

Aragón], and, confined in them, sixteen priests and five coadjutors,

the life-pensions of all these amounting to 2,852,600 reals; and

from the seven provinces of Indias there were 1,197 priests and 279

coadjutors, the yearly sum of whose pensions was 2,255,750 reals,

including those assigned to the Jesuits confined in España. Thus

the difference between 1767 and 1779 was that of 2,151,300 reals,

on account of the flight to foreign lands or the [ecclesiastical]

suspension of 242 priests, 4 scholastics, and 145 coadjutors, and the

death of 1,038 priests and 516 coadjutors. The twelve colleges and the

procuradoría of the provinces of Méjico and of Filipinas, and of the

college of Navarra, yielded 3,665,133 reals, 15 maravedís, leaving a

surplus of 1,111,408 reals. The expenses for pensions, maintenance in

España, clothing, and others which had arisen with the ex-Jesuits from

the Indias, up to the end of June, 1779, reached the sum of 45,321,439

reals, 20 maravedís; and adding to this 3,086,767 reals, 14 maravedís,

the value of a certain contribution given by order of his Majesty to

the royal hospital of this court, and the payment of debts contracted

by some colleges in the Indias, the total is 48,408,207 reals. The

temporalities of the Indias were therefore indebted to those of España

in 7,077,836 reals, 16 2-3 maravedís." In view of these statistics, the

Council did not feel able to increase the amount of the pensions, but

agreed to send to the Spanish ambassador at Rome the sum of 1,500,000

reals, to be distributed among the ex-Jesuits in such manner as would

best relieve their poverty. (Danvila, op. cit., iii, pp. 614, 615.)

(The above passage is carefully copied from Danvila, but there

are some discrepancies in the figures given; these cannot be

verified, of course, without reference to the original document in

the Simancas archives cited by the author. These discrepancies are

in all probability due to careless proof-reading, some instances of

which we have seen in Danvila's admirable work.)

"Some of the expelled [Jesuits] did not content themselves with

removing [from Corsica] to the States of the Church and the Italian

cities, but ventured to make their appearance in Barcelona and Gerona;

and when the Council committee had notice of this fact they assembled,

and decided that the observance of the pragmatic sanction [for the

expulsion] ought to be decreed, imposing the penalty of death on the

secular lay-brothers, and perpetual confinement on those ordained in

sacris." (Danvila, op. cit., iii, pp. 114, 115, 117.) The "suspension"

referred to above evidently applies to certain persons who returned

to secular life and occupations, some coadjutors even marrying wives.

[137] It has been seen (note 135, ante) that the Jesuits were bitter

enemies of the visitor Palafox; and the proposal to canonize him,

which was made by Carlos III to the pope in 1760, aroused the strong

opposition of that order. His letters to the pope in 1647 and 1649

had led to papal decrees enforcing the episcopal authority against

the encroachments of the Jesuits, which, after attempting to oppose

them, the latter were finally compelled to obey. It was not until 1694

that the ecclesiastical authorities began to examine the writings of

Palafox; and it appears that his letter of 1649 was prohibited in the

Index expurgatorius in 1707 and 1747, and that by an edict of the

Inquisition of May 13, 1759 certain letters attributed to him were

seized and publicly burned by the hangman--not because there was in

them anything deserving theological censure, but on merely technical

charges of having been published without the necessary "red tape"

prescribed in such cases, and "in order to renew controversies already

finished, with the sole object of calumniating and discrediting among

the faithful the order of the Society of Jesus, against the intention

and good fame of that prelate to whom they were attributed." The

Spanish rulers Felipe V and Fernando VI, and later Carlos III, had

all at various times made efforts to have Palafox's writings examined

by the Roman Congregation of Rites; for they regarded him as one of

the defenders of the royal right of patronage in America. This was

finally accomplished, the Congregation declaring unanimously that

they found therein nothing contrary to the faith or to good morals,

or to sound doctrine; and that the process for his beatification might

now be undertaken. The Pope approved this finding, on December 9,

1760, and on February 5 following the supreme Inquisition of Spain

published a decree annulling the above-mentioned prohibitions of his

writings. It was thereupon made known to the Spanish ministers that

in the Council of the Indias no document remained which favored the

cause of Palafox; the records had been cut out and carried away. This

mutilation was ascribed to the Jesuits. The beatification of Palafox

was approved by the Congregation of Rites, and the pope confirmed this

on September 6, 1766; but its execution forthwith encountered delays,

showing that his enemies in Rome were the same whom he had pointed

out in his letter of 1649. (Danvila, op. cit., ii, pp. 255-270.)

[138] This decree, "if we view the occasion of its publication, and

the terms in which it is expressed, accepted in the name of the court

of Roma the war to which all the Catholic nations were provoking it;

and accepted that war without sufficient power to defend itself. The

attitude of France, España, Portugal, Naples, and Parma, and later

of Vienna, was the result of a new policy which strove to limit the

power of the pontificate and to take away its temporal power; and

the latter ought not to have begun hostilities without weighing well

the consequences, and, above all, without estimating the forces on

which it might depend for the combat. The monitory decree of Parma,

as the brief of January 30 is called, in which his Holiness protested

against all the measures which the Catholic courts were putting into

execution, was the origin and cause of the expulsion of the Jesuits

by the duchies of Parma and Plasencia; of the prohibition of the

circulation in the Catholic states of the bull In coena Domini and of

obedience to it; of the reëstablishment in those states of the pase

regio, which had been suspended in España since 1763; of barring from

circulation the monitory decree, because it was considered hostile

to the regalías of the crown and to the rights of the sovereigns;

of the publication by order of the Council, and at the cost of the

Spanish government, of the 'Imperial judgment,' in which the rights

of the Holy See were limited exclusively to the faith, to matters of

dogma, and to purely spiritual matters; of the reprisals with which

the pope was threatened if he did not revoke the monitory decree;

of the occupation of Benevento and Pontecorbo (which was an actual

outbreak of hostilities), and the attempt to do the same with Castro

and Ronciglione; of a mutual understanding between all the courts

hostile to the Holy See; and of the establishment of a general

agreement that the extinction of the Society of Jesus would be an

indispensable condition for the continuance of correspondence with

the court of Roma. The monitory decree of January 30 will signify,

in the view of history, the termination of the secular dispute which

Roma kept up during two centuries; the triumph of a new policy; and

the menace against the temporal power of the popes, which constituted

the essential part of the controversy. With the monitory decree,

Roma was conquered, and the revolution made rapid advance." (Danvila,

op. cit., iii, pp. 228-230.)

[139] Danvila's researches in the archives of Simancas brought to light

the opinions of the Spanish prelates on the expulsion of the Jesuits

from that country; out of sixty, forty-six approved the suppression of

the Jesuit order, eight were opposed to it, and six excused themselves

from expressing their opinions. (Danvila, op. cit., iii, pp. 428, 429.)

[140] Among the charges made in this paper is the following: "From

Filipinas comes evidence of not only their predictions against the

government, but the illicit communication of their provincial with

the English commander during the occupation of Manila."

[141] A note by Crétineau-Joly (p. 237) declares that Alva, when on

his death-bed, confessed to Felipe Bertram, bishop of Salamanca, the

general of the Inquisition, that he "was one of the authors of the

uprising of 1766, having incited it in hatred to the Jesuits, and in

order to cause it to be imputed to them. He also avowed that he had

composed a great part of the supposed letter by the general of the

Jesuits against the king of Spain." A Protestant writer is cited as

saying that Alva made this same declaration to Carlos III, in writing.

[142] Spanish, capas y sombreros; an edict had been issued forbidding

these to be worn by the inhabitants of Madrid.

[143] Alluding to accusations against the personal character of Isabel

Farnese, Carlos's mother and wife of Felipe V.

[144] "Don Joseph Raon was one of the most shrewd of the governors

of Manila in enriching himself without causing any one to complain;

but he did nothing whatever for the service of the king. In 1768,

Manila was at the same point where the English left it in 1763,

without cannon or gunpowder, the troops ill-fed and ill-paid." (Le

Gentil, Voyage, ii, p. 167.) It will be remembered that the French

scientist was in Manila at the same time when Raón was.

[145] In Política de España en Filipinas, 1894, pp. 175, 176, Retana

describes a collection of documents which he had recently acquired,

relating to the expulsion of the Jesuits from the islands. Among

these were the official expedientes, and a series which contained the

inventories of all the property which the Jesuits possessed. The list

of the papers and letters found in the college of San Ignacio formed

a folio volume of more than 600 pages. (There was also a list of

all the books which the Jesuits kept for sale. Among these were more

than 200 copies of Noceda's Diccionario, the first edition, of which

copies are now considered exceedingly rare. "In this inventory appear

books of which I believe not a single copy is now in existence.") The

collection thus acquired by Retana contained original letters from Anda

and Santa Justa to Conde de Aranda, and others by the Jesuit Clain,

Camacho, Raón, Anda, Basco, and other noted persons. At the time,

according to Montero y Vidal (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 222) this

collection, which contained more than 20,000 folios, was deposited

in the Colegio de Agustinos at Valladolid.

[146] It is interesting to compare with this episode that of the

banishment of the French Jesuits in Louisiana (1763), as related by

Father François P. Watrin; see Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents,

lxx (Cleveland, 1900), pp. 211-301. Some of those exiles took refuge

in the Spanish-American colonies; others proceeded to France, but

found that their order was being driven out of that country.

[147] Le Gentil states (Voyage, ii, p. 167) that Cosio was banished

to Africa.

[148] Doubtless referring to appraisals and inventories made afterward

by Anda, who caused this to be done with great exactness.

[149] Buzeta and Bravo say (Diccionario, ii, p. 250) of the great

college of San Ignacio: "It is said that the building of this church

of the Society, its great convent, and the college of San Jose (which

it has close by) cost 150,000 pesos;" also that it occupied 34,000

square varas of space (or more than six acres).

[150] At a fiesta held in the Jesuit church at Manila, in 1623 the

statues of canonized Jesuits were placed at the altar. "Their garments

were richly embroidered with gold and silver thread in intricate

designs, and were all covered with jewels--diamonds, pearls, rubies,

emeralds, seed-pearls, and other precious stones--arranged in such a

manner that their luster and varied colors gave them a most pleasing

and beautiful appearance. On the image of St. Xavier were faithfully

counted more than 15,000 precious stones and pearls, among them more

than a thousand diamonds. On that of St. Ignatius there were more than

20,000 jewels, and of these over 800 were diamonds." (Murillo Velarde,

Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 41b, 42.)

[151] A royal decree printed at Lima in 1777 orders the presidents

and auditors of the audiencias in those regions and Filipinas, and

archbishops and bishops in all the Spanish dominions beyond the seas,

to exercise great care and vigilance that no person shall talk, write,

or argue about the extinction of the Society of Jesus, or the causes

which led to it.

[152] There is a play on words here, salud meaning both "greeting"

and "salvation."

[153] Contemporaneous documents preserved with this decree by Santa

Justa show that the imprints to which he refers were as follows

(their titles being here translated):

1. "Instruction to the princes regarding the policy of the Jesuit

fathers, illustrated with extensive notes, and translated from the

Italian into Portuguese, and now into Castilian, with a supplement

on the orthodox belief of the Jesuits. With permission of the

authorities. At Madrid, in the printing-office of Pantaleon Azuar,

Arenal street, the house of his Excellency the Duke de Arcos. In the

year one thousand, seven hundred, and sixty-eight. This will be found

in the bookstore of Joseph Botanero on the said street of Arenal,

corner of Zarsa street."

2. "Reflections on the memorial presented to his Holiness Clement

XIII by the general of the Jesuits, in which are related various

deeds of the superiors and missionaries of that order in all parts of

the world, intended to frustrate the measures of the popes against

their proceedings and doctrines, but which demonstrate the absolute

incorrigibleness of that body. Translated from the Italian. Madrid;

by Joachim de Ibarra. In the year one thousand, seven hundred,

and sixty-eight. This will be found in Francisco Fernandez street,

in front of the steps of San Phelipe el Real."

3. "Continuation of the portraiture of the Jesuits, drawn to the life

by the most learned and illustrious Catholics, etc. Third edition,

with permission of the authorities. At Madrid, in the shop of the

widow of Ericeo Sanchez. In the year one thousand, seven hundred,

and sixty-eight."

4. "Portraiture of the Jesuits, drawn to the life by the most learned

and most illustrious Catholics: authorized judgment formed of the

Jesuits, with authentic and undeniable testimonies by the greatest

and most distinguished men of both Church and State, from the year

1540, in which their order was founded, until 1650. Translated from

the Portuguese into Castilian, in order to banish the obstinate

prejudices and voluntary blindness of many unwary and deluded persons

who close their eyes against the beauteous splendor of the truth. Third

edition. With permission of the authorities, at Madrid. At the shop of

the widow of Elicio Sanchez. In the year one thousand, seven hundred,

and sixty-eight."

[154] It seems that Auditor Basaraz prohibited the circulation of

these books, in which he was supported by Raón; consequently the books

that had been seized were held back, notwithstanding Santa Justa's

protest, and the matter was not settled in court, as it should have

been. (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas, ii, pp. 196, 224.)

[155] Referring to the Order of St. Francis, since many of its members

were martyred in the Japanese persecutions. (About the time of the

expulsion of the Jesuits, their enemies declared that, while martyrs

abounded in the other religious orders, the Jesuits escaped that fate

among the heathen.) In the other missions, the allusion is to the

noted controversy over the Chinese rites, in which the Jesuits were

accused of undue laxity and connivance with heathen customs; the same

accusation was also made against them in some of the American missions.

[156] Marginal note: "Father Aloysius Knapp was born at Rheinfelden,

canton of Aargau, in Switzerland, in 1720; entered the Society (in

the province of Upper Germany) in 1740, and professed in Mexico in

1749. Thence he went to the Philippines; after exile therefrom he

returned to his native land, where he died in 1775."

[157] See account of this council on pp. 41, 42, ante. At that time

the governor was Anda, and the archbishop was Santa Justa.

[158] Archbishop Santa Justa's scheme of doing away with all popular

church devotions (under the plea presented in this letter) had,

singularly, its exact counterpart in several European countries,

where, in almost the very same year, that identical movement was

inaugurated in many places throughout all the dominions of Joseph II

of Austria--in Austria itself, the Low Countries, Tuscany, Naples,

etc. The mass of existing documents clearly show that the courts of

Vienna, Paris, Madrid, and Lisbon were openly enlisted with the powers

of irreligion to undo all Christian belief even among the poor people

at large. Another point to be considered in connection with this is

the social ferment and disquiet of that period.--Rev. T. C. Middleton,

O.S.A.

[159] Latin, conciliabulum (cf. Spanish conciliabulo); see VOL. XLII,

p. 109, note 36.

[160] Latin, clerici (Spanish, clerigos); it always means secular

priests, in contradistinction to the "regulars," or "religious,"

of the monastic orders. The same distinction is found in the use

of presbyter and sacerdos (Spanish, presbítero and sacerdote), the

former meaning a secular priest, the latter a regular priest.

[161] As here used, institutis means literally "their proceedings," or

"devices," or "schemes;" and comprecationes, "their prayer-meetings,"

and the like--which have been rendered by the words which seem to

convey the meaning intended. The friars (the "Padres," as the Indians

called them) established many sorts of sodalities, brotherhoods,

fraternities, etc., to keep their natives straight; they also

furnished all sorts of attractions in the church--music, chants,

prayers, etc.--to keep them engaged during divine service. In this way

the padres kept the natives fairly Christian.--Rev. T. C. Middleton,

O. S. A.

[162] "Come, let us adore the King, for whom all things live; come,

let us exult," etc. The invitatory is the opening part of Matins,

which is here parodied à la Voltaire.--Rev. T. C. Middleton, O. S. A.

[163] These were Ildefonso Garcia de la Concepción and Joaquín Traggia.

End of Project Gutenberg's The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume L, by Various

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume 50 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century · 第 108 / 108 题