The events which I have here described will perhaps one day be regarded
as the transition into a new era. But specially here, in the Old World,
with its many unsettled accounts, we cannot rely upon bright pictures
of the future. We are convinced of nothing beyond the range of our own
knowledge and experience.
I have thought so myself, and therefore I have endeavoured to keep to
facts which no one can deny.
It is a fact that WARS CONTINUALLY DIMINISH in proportion as peoples
are brought nearer to one another by trade and commerce. The old
warlike condition has ceased. Formerly not a year passed without war in
Europe--in the Middle Ages hardly a week. After 1815 an international
peace reigned over most of the European States for forty years. In the
Scandinavian peninsula that peace is continuing still. Before that
time, at least until 1721, Sweden was almost continually involved in
war. We reckon two hundred and sixty years of war to the Kalmar Union,
and the proneness to invade and defend the countries on the other side
the Baltic.
The old CAUSES OF WAR ARE BEING REMOVED. Certainly new ones arise as a
result of selfish patriotism, breaking out in new acts of violence. But
these outbreaks of barbarism become continually more rare. Unhappily,
they are so much the more horrible when they do occur, but yet much
More transitory. This is applicable to all the great wars in the last
half of the present century. No thirty years' war is known now.
In consequence of the shorter flow of blood the wounds get time to
heal, and the divided interests are allowed to grow together again.
The levers of civilization are again in motion; commerce spreads over
land and sea by steam, electricity, and other motive powers. The
victories of Alexander and Napoleon are cast into the shade by the
triumphal procession of the tiny postage stamp around the world. Trade
and industry, art and science, efforts in the direction of universal
morality and enlightenment, all branch out and weave around the
nations a boundless web of common interests, which, though at certain
intervals violently torn asunder by brute force, grows together again
with increased strength and in broader compass; until one day, under
the majesty of law, it will form an irresistible civilizing power.
This is what in REALITY IS TAKING PLACE. Men do not in general see it;
and this, because they busy themselves so much with warlike notions,
and trouble themselves so little about events of the character that I
have dwelt upon in the foregoing pages.
* * * * *
The friends of peace ought to stimulate one another, especially when
there is gloom over the great world, and no one knows whence the
approaching calamity may spring. Once it was warded off from our land
by a wise measure of one of our kings. I refer to Oscar I., when he
saved us from being embroiled in the chances of war, by drawing up a
DECLARATION OF NEUTRALITY in 1854, which was approved by the united
powers, and earned for him the homage and gratitude of the Swedish
Riksdag, in an address which lauded him as one of the wisest and
noblest of kings.[38]
But there is little security that the same expedient will always lead
to a like successful result, if people wait till war is at the door
before setting to work.
In time of peace, and during the specially good relations which obtain
between the two English-speaking nations, as well as between France
and America, our fellow-workers on both sides the Atlantic are making
use of the favourable opportunity for trying to get this good relation
established by law.
It may well be asked why we, who are friendly with the whole world,
should not be able to do the same, not only with respect to Siam, but
also first and foremost with our near neighbours.
It was this thought which led to the Arbitration resolution in 1890, in
the Storting and in the Riksdag.
At the first meeting of the Left (Liberals) of the Storting, Feb. 4th,
the subject was discussed and gained unanimous adhesion. Whereupon
followed the resolution in the Storting on the 21st, which was adopted
by a large majority, March 5th, after the Minister of State (Stang) had
delivered a long speech against the resolution in vain.
After this successful result, a similar resolution for Sweden was
brought into the First Chamber by F.T. Borg, and in the Second by J.
Andersson. The reports of the committees upon it ran diversely. The
committee of the First Chamber opposed, and that of the Second Chamber
approved, the resolution. On May 12th the question was thrown out in
both Chambers.[39]
Mr. Borg spoke with dignity for his resolution in a long speech. This
was answered by the chairman of the committee, with a reminder of the
perverse condition of the world and of the human race. The resolution
contained a "meaningless expression of opinion." It was a real danger
for small nations to go to sleep, hoping and believing in a lasting
peace. It was now just as in the olden times: those who loved peace
and would preserve it "must prepare for war." The speaker had, as
chairman of the committee, expressed sympathy with the resolution, but
he added, "one does not get far with paper and words; and, according to
my opinion, the honourable mover of the resolution will certainly show
more love for peace if he, next year, on coming back with this peace
business, will set about it with a proposition for some ironclads and
artillery regiments or such like things, of more effectual service than
the platonic love which he has expressed; and I venture to predict that
both the committee and the Chamber will support him more powerfully
than to-day."
After another distinguished genius had expressed himself in the same
well-known fashion, wherein proofs were conspicuous by their absence,
and the narrow circle of thought was filled with scorn and slighting
talk about "pious notions," etc., the High Chamber threw out the bill
by fifty-six votes against four.
In the Second Chamber the debate was opened by the Foreign Minister
with a speech which clearly enough justifies the "MEMORIAL
DIPLOMATIQUE" where it points to the necessity of the study of the
arbitration-system having a high place amongst the requirements made of
those who enter the path of diplomacy;--a thing that they have actually
begun seriously to set before themselves in England.
In full accord with the evidence brought forward above, the judicial
professor of the Chamber declared in short that the Chamber would
disgrace itself by adopting the resolution before it.
After the mover of the resolution and some who shared his views had
expressed their hope that the Chamber would not fall back from the
position it took in 1874 upon this question, a speaker rose who
requires to be met, Herr A. Hedin.
He began with the assertion that if a refusal of the report of the
committee would show that the Chamber had now changed its opinion,
they had before them sufficient reason for this. He wondered that a
resolution of such a nature as this had been brought forward, so soon
after the unpleasant experience which the country and people of Sweden
lately had in a so-called decision by arbitration. "The Chamber will
please to remember," continued the speaker, "that the king, with no
authority from the Riksdag, agreed with Spain to appeal to arbitration
upon the difficulties that had arisen on the right understanding of
the prolonged commercial treaty with Spain. Also the Chamber will
please to remember that this arbitration tribunal neither acted upon
the plan settled in the agreement, nor did it act in harmony with
the instructions of the treaty; and what was worse, the so-called,
or supposed, sentence which this one-man arbitration tribunal passed
did not concern the matter, which according to the agreement was to
have been settled by arbitration, but quite another, which could not
reasonably be subjected to arbitration--though the matter was, so far
as we were legally concerned, made to appear as though Sweden had
received an injustice in the principal matter which should have been
tried by arbitration, but which was not--a circumstance which, with the
Spanish authorities, has greatly weakened the position in law due to
Swedish citizens, whose rights have been violated in so unprecedented a
manner by the mode of procedure in consequence of which arbitration was
appealed to."
All this had truth in it. But does that prove anything against the
usefulness of arbitration clauses in treaties of commerce?
The agreement referred to between the united kingdoms and Spain,
January 8th, 1887, establishes:--
"A question which affects customs or the carrying out of commercial
treaties, or relates to results of some special violation of the
same, shall, when all attempts to come to an amicable agreement and
all friendly discussions have proved fruitless, be referred to an
arbitration tribunal, whose decision shall be binding on both parties."
According to this it may be plainly seen, that the well-known
Swedo-Spanish SPIRIT-DISPUTE, to which Mr. Hedin alluded, ought to have
been solved in its entirety by arbitration. The Spanish Government,
however, maintained that this affected Spanish internal concerns,
since in fact the forced sale of Karlstamms-Volagets brandy stores
in Spain took place as a result of a new spirit law, to which the
arbitration clause in this case could not be applied.
This starting-point for the judgment of the whole dispute was accepted
by the Swedish Government; which also agreed to let an arbitrator
settle whether the question of the spirit tax was independent of
the treaty or not. Both Governments agreed to choose the Portuguese
ex-Foreign Minister, Count de Casal Riberio, as arbitrator, and he
expressed himself in favour of the Spanish construction. And with this
the whole matter was settled.
No one can seriously think that the method of procedure on the Swedish
side, which led to so distressing a violation of justice as that
referred to by Herr Hedin, could prove anything against the principle
of arbitration. On the other hand, it appears to betray the character
of the statesmanship of our then Foreign Minister; which indeed earned
for him a diamond-set snuffbox from the Emperor William II., but
otherwise, the blame only of sensible people.
Herr Hedin, who has a weakness for strong expressions, had the
opportunity of using some such in their right place. Unhappily, this
cannot be said with truth of the closing words of his speech, where he
remarks that the expressions of the Foreign Minister are so decisive
against the bill that they deal the report of the committee of the
Second Chamber a right deadly blow.
The committee had proposed that the king, with the authority which §
11 in the form of government accords him, should seek to bring about
such agreements with foreign powers, that future possible differences
between the powers named and Sweden should be settled by arbitration.
The deadly blow must be the remark of the Foreign Minister that
questions affecting the _existence and independence of nations_ must be
excepted from decisions by arbitration.
This principle is known to be universally accepted, and in no way
stands in antagonism to the report of the committee, which of course
left the hands of the king as free as possible to promote the idea of
arbitration according to circumstances.
However, the report of the committee was thrown out by eighty-eight
votes against eighty-three.
Herr Hedin got his way. He has always been the consistent opposer of
the active friends of peace; and this time he has besides won the
gratitude even of our Government organ, _Nya Dagligt Allehanda_, which
calls his speech glittering; meaning that upon this resolution "there
was no need to waste many words," and continues thus:--
"The resolution is worthy of notice, because it shows the return of
the Chamber to a sounder perception of this question. It seems at last
to recognise the extravagance of the expectation certain fanatics
entertain of bringing about a lasting peace by so apparently simple
a means as a tribunal of arbitration. We have indeed, as Herr Hedin
reminded us, now had experience ourselves of how unsatisfactory
this can be; and it certainly appears that they must be lacking in
common sense who would question the justice of the Foreign Minister's
reminder, that arbitration cannot be appealed to when a nation's
political freedom or independence is touched by the issue."
I may here beg leave to calm the ruffled feelings of the honourable
Government organ by bringing to remembrance the lesson, otherwise
applicable also, which our dismembered sister-land on the other side
of the Sound offers us.
At the London Conference in 1864, the representative of England, Lord
Russell, referred to the decision arrived at by the Paris Congress
in 1856, that States which had any serious dispute should appeal to
the mediation of a friendly power before taking to arms. In harmony
with this the British plenipotentiary proposed that the question,
whether the boundary line should be drawn between the lines of
Aabenraa-Toender, on the one side, or Dannewerke-Sli on the other,
should be decided by arbitration. Prussia and Austria consented to
accept the mediation of a neutral power; but Denmark replied to the
proposition with a distinct refusal. In the same way Denmark refused
the proposal made first by Prussia, and later by France, that a means
of deciding the boundary should be sought in a plebiscite of the people
in Sleswick.
_Denmark trusted too much upon might and too little upon right.
Otherwise Sleswick had still been Danish._
If the axiom be correct, that disputes which affect the existence
and independence of nations ought not to be submitted for solution
to arbitration, it is of so much the greater moment to try to get
international complications settled in this way, because they may swell
up into questions of the kind first named; since in any case this means
could be adopted as a last resource in time of need. History knows
of no example of the destruction of a free nation by the impartial
judgment of arbitration.
* * * * *
Now it may well appear honourable on the part of the free nations of
the Scandinavian peninsula that they should openly show to the whole
world that they are prepared (in full harmony with King Oscar II.'s
pacific expressions in the speech from the throne to the Riksdag
and the Storting in 1890), for their own part, in all international
circumstances to substitute justice for brute force, and this without
compromising and meaningless limitations. In the Swedish arbitration
resolution, as well as in the Norse, lies the road certainly to
efficiently carrying out the neutral policy so strongly emphasized in
the speech from the throne. Besides the public gain, which a favourable
result in both Chambers would have been, a unanimous co-operation in
this cause would in a great degree have facilitated the solving of the
important QUESTION OF THE UNION (UNIONELLE TVISTEMAAL).
The last named consideration will indeed claim more attention as the
consequences of the divergent decisions of the Storting and the Riksdag
develop themselves. That these consequences will be scattering, rather
than uniting, the friends of peace in both lands must keep in view;
and must look out, in time, for means to soothe them, as long as they
continue.
* * * * *
That which lies nearest my heart has been to help, with cheering
words, to strengthen the faith of my fellow-workers. If these words
have succeeded also, here and there, in scattering doubts, so much the
better. Little-faith is faint-hearted. Without confidence in a cause,
there is no action. Ignorance may be enlightened, superstition wiped
out; intolerance may become tolerant, and hate be changed into love;
ideas may be quickened, intelligence widened, and men's hearts may be
ennobled; but from _pessimism_ which can see nothing but gloomy visions
nothing is to be expected. This offspring of materialism is one of
the most powerful opponents which the cause of international law and
justice has to encounter. It is only self-deception to conceal the fact
that it still reigns in our Christian community.
These gloomy-sighted people refer us to history, which on every page
tells of crime and blood, sorrow and tears. We answer by pointing to
the development of civilization, and show how all things slowly grow
and ripen, whether in human life or in the world of nature.
Human perfection does not provide for an individual being a law-abiding
member of a human community, and exclude a community from being a
law-abiding member of an alliance of States. The abolition of war
therefore in no way pre-supposes universal righteousness, but only a
certain degree of moral cultivation.
But that this perfection is not attained to cannot be any rational
objection _against_ striving after the perfect. Discontent with
imperfection ought much rather to goad us on to work for what is better.
Now, war is not something imperfect only: it is a summing up of all
human depravity--a condition which we might expect all enlightened men
and women would turn against with combined energies. That this does not
take place is an evidence that the enlightenment is not so great among
so-called cultivated people.
The dazzling external show of war conceals from many its inner reality.
This applies not only to the horrors of the battle-field and their
ghastly accompaniments. Fancy's wildest pictures of the infernal abyss
are nothing to the descriptions eye-witnesses give of this veritable
hell. Tolstoï's pen and Veretschagin's pencil give us an idea of
it.[40] From this misery spring untold sufferings for thousands upon
thousands of innocent victims; and, besides, it remains to be a flowing
source of fresh calamities.
The ARMED PEACE is a similar calamity, which threatens European
civilization with complete overthrow. We have got so far in the general
race in the science of armaments that the yearly outlay in Europe
for military purposes, including the interest of national debts,
is reckoned as about twelve milliards of kroner,[41] 650 millions
sterling, which of course must imply a corresponding limitation of
productive labour.
In time of peace the European armies are reckoned at four millions
of men. In time of war this can grow to nineteen millions; and in a
few years when, as intended, the new conscription law comes into full
effect, to something like thirty millions.[42]
War, the personification of all human depravity, desolates the
progressive work of culture, and the armed peace which ruins the
nations prepares new wars and augments the misery. Ignorance, war, and
poverty follow one another in an unvarying circle.
By the side of this wild race for armaments goes on a terrible struggle
for existence, and discontent reigns in all lands. This condition
of things, which fills the world with unrest and fear, must in the
near future have an end. It will either come in the form of a social
revolution, which will embrace the whole of our continent, or it may
come by the introduction of an established condition of international
law.
It is the last named outcome that active friends of peace labour for.
They strive to enlighten the nations as to the means of removing and
preventing these calamities; and they hope that the so-called educated
classes will cease to be inactive spectators of these efforts. While
they do not feel called upon to oppose the nonsense of folly, they
listen respectfully to objections dictated by a sincere patriotism. In
that feeling we ought all to be able to join. It depends upon the way
in which this is expressed whether we can work together or must go on
separate lines.
Commonly, we commend an action as virtuous when it does not oppose our
interests, but brand it as blameworthy when it in some way threatens
our position.
Thus we read, with glad appreciation, the deeds of our own warriors;
but our admiration is changed into resentment when the exploits are
achieved against ourselves by the heroes of other nations. When one
says in Sweden, "I am not a Russian, indeed"; they say in Russia, "You
behave yourself like a Swede." It needs an independent third party to
give an impartial judgment. Right must be right.
If our so-called enemy is _really_ in the right, he does not become
wrong _because_ he is called our enemy; and if we conquer and kill
him, we only thereby increase a hundredfold our terrible guilt. It is
in the long run a loss to both sides. Here, at any rate at least, a
_compromise_ is needed, for it is seldom the fault of _one_ when two
quarrel.
But the endeavour to get a permanent arbitration tribunal established
cannot, in any way, be reasonably opposed to efforts for the welfare
of one's own country. The very consciousness of the existence of such
a tribunal would little by little, as a matter of course, bring about
the reign of law. It would indeed be a marvellous perversion of ideas
which esteemed it dishonourable to feel bound, in case of disputes
with other countries, to appeal to law and justice; inasmuch as this
very unwillingness to seek the path of justice must excite a serious
suspicion as to the cause you maintain.
To lay hold on the sword under the influence of passion is like taking
a knife when intoxicated; and it is a crying absurdity to expect
people, who soberly know what they are doing, to go to homicide with
a light heart. That is to say, that a good man in severe conflict
as to his duty, may possibly be forced to do a bad action to escape
participation in a still worse. If he forbears to kill his brother,
this last will murder his father. When warriors are led out to battle,
the brilliant uniform ought to be laid aside, and the troops clad in
sombre mourning, which would better accord with the naked reality.
When they have slain many and come back in triumph, decorated with
honourable Cain-badges, they are wont in their homes to point with
pride to their brothers who lie silent in their blood. They earn a
character for having done something great; they are received with
exultation and honourable distinctions, and praised as gods in popular
story. But the whole spirit and conception is false IF Christ's
teaching of love is true; and we should long since have grown out of
this heathenish religion if there had not been incorporated with it
so much patriotism, both true and false--the false wrapped in those
high sounding words and phrases of self-love and vanity which still
exercise so great a power over the easily excited spirit of the nations.
But if we set our thoughts free, confined as they are by warm devotion
to our hereditary soil, and now and then venture to look out over the
wide world, we shall see points of contact in the progressive effort
of humanity; and it is our highest honour to be able to take an active
part in this. Barriers are crumbling away one after the other. They do
not go down with violence; they vanish as new ideas smooth the way for
a higher conception of human dignity. Inquiry dissipates prejudice, and
continually shows us new phases of the inner cohesion of the life of
nations.
The inhabitants of Europe, says DRAPER, show a constantly increasing
disposition towards the complete levelling of their mutual
dissimilarities. Climatic and meteorological differences are more and
more dissolved by artificial means and new inventions; and thence
arises a similarity, not only in habits of life, but in physical
conformation. Such inventions soften the influences to which men are
subjected, and bring them nearer to an average type. With this greater
affinity one to the other in bodily form, follows also a greater
similarity in feeling, habit and thought.
Day by day, too, the economic fellowship of Europe increases.
Communications by ship, railroad, post and telegraph are developed; by
means of State loans, share and exchange connections, interests are
knit together. Therefore we see the Bourse, the barometer of economic
life, fluctuate when serious rumours of war are afloat; an evidence
that common economic interests and war are at variance one with the
other.
I shall not venture further, but simply indicate in closing that even
the differences in language will certainly go on being gradually
adjusted.
It is a remarkable fact, says the above-named investigator, that in
nearly all Indo-Germanic races, family appellatives, father, mother,
sister, brother, daughter, are the same. A similar agreement may be
observed in the names of a great number of everyday things, such as
house, door, way; but one finds that whilst these observations hold
good in respect to the designation of objects of a peaceful character,
many of the words which have a military signification are different in
the different languages.
Here lies, perhaps, the germ of a future progressive growth which will
rise higher heavenward than the tower of Babel.
I believe, for my part, that the English language, both on the ground
of its cosmopolitan character and of its great expansion, is already
on the path of transition into a universal common language. According
to Mulhall, it has spread since 1801, 310 per cent., whilst German has
increased 70, and French 36 per cent. A hundred years ago, Gladstone
says, the English tongue was spoken by fifteen millions; it is now
spoken by 150 millions; and according to the computation of Barham
Zincke, in another hundred it will be spoken by at least 1,000 millions.
The computation is probably correct; and then not only in America,
but in every part of our globe, the remembrance will be treasured of
the little flock of Puritans who, ere they landed from their frail
_Mayflower_ upon the desolate rocks of a strange coast, drew up in that
undeveloped language the great social law for their future, which
begins with the words, "In the name of God be it enacted."
Mankind will hold them in remembrance for their faith in a high ideal,
these persecuted, weary, sick, and hungry men. For it was that faith
which upheld them under continued trials and sufferings, and brought
them a victory guiltless of blood, but fraught with blessing to coming
generations.
Even if many of us do not believe in the way those Christian heroes
believed, yet we may in this materialistic age have strong confidence
in the power of good, and so pronounced, that we shall gain something
for our cause.
In the life of Society, however, as in external nature with all its
teeming variety, we observe a subserviency to law, which may be taken
as the surest pledge of the final triumph of the cause of peace.
For my part, I see herein the Divine government of the world.
And therefore my love for this idea can never be extinguished.