"With England at the head, and with Holland, Belgium, Switzerland
and Denmark as members, there might be formed a confederation, 'THE
NEUTRAL LEAGUE,' for the purpose of attacking any of the other powers
who should begin a war, and of helping the attacked. The States named
have a united strength of 460,000 men, and can place on a war footing
1,200,000. To these may be added the fleets of England, Holland
and Denmark, which together form the strongest naval power in the
world."[28]
Suppose that a complication takes place between two great powers on the
continent of Europe--Germany, France, Austria, or Russia--there can be
no doubt that if the "League" united its strength with the threatened
power, that power would become thereby so superior to its opponent that
victory would be certain.
For this reason a peaceable interference on the part of the League
before the war broke out, would make the most warlike amongst the
powers consider.
But the fact that no State could stir up a war without meeting a
crushing superior force would lead to a constant and lasting state of
peace, and disarmament.
De Molinari thinks his plan would be advanced by forming an association
in the countries named, which should work for an agreement between them
in the above-named direction.
The proposition will never of itself lead to any practical result. But
it is at least useful in having pointed out the growing interest which
neutral powers have in maintaining peace unmolested. This interest
shows itself already in general politics in the zealous pains with
which, on the outbreak of war, all powers not implicated unite to
"localize" war, that is, to limit it to as few partisans, and to as,
small an area, as possible. The peace interests of neutral States
become year by year more powerful factors in politics.
Here we must bear in mind that more States are continually passing over
into the condition of unconsciously forming "a neutral league." They
are approaching the goal which they have long been striving after by
arms and by diplomacy. "They are," to quote Bismarck, "satisfied and
do not strive for more." Such States are Germany and Italy, which have
achieved their unity, and Hungary, which has gained its freedom.
Nevertheless all great causes of war are not thereby eradicated from
Europe.
In the forenamed article by the Russian jurist, Kamarowski, light is
thrown upon this circumstance with scientific clearness.
He says respecting Germany, that this country has essentially realized
its national unity, and thereby reached a justifiable object; but
at the same time has been guilty of two serious violations of the
principles of international right.
"It carried on the war against France with an inflexible and altogether
unnecessary severity, and it tore from that State Elsass-Lothringen."
The attempt is certainly made to justify this by the fact that both
these provinces formerly belonged to Germany, and that it was an
absolute necessity for Germany to acquire a military guarantee against
a fresh attack on the part of France.
Kamarowski shows both these grounds to be untenable. If nations
should continually look back to the past, and strive to renew the old
conditions, they never could found a more durable or righteous state of
things in the present.
What ought to be decisive is, that in these unhappy provinces the
sympathy of the great part of the population is completely on the side
of France.
The possession of Strasburg and Metz has not only failed to give
Germany the anticipated security; it has, on the other hand, compelled
the Germans to live since 1871 in perpetual unrest; to keep on foot
an immense army, and to expend their last resources in building
fortresses. Besides, this possession cripples German activity in
both internal and external political questions. The situation of
France is equally unenviable; constantly kept in suspense, and with
the feeling of having been unjustly treated, and longing for revenge.
Is it possible, with this deadly hatred between two of Europe's most
civilized states, to think of a lasting peace?
And what can the Governments of these nations do with respect to this
evil, unless they set themselves to eradicate it?
Kamarowski proposes three different solutions of the question of
Elsass-Lothringen. A European congress might arrange the destiny of
these provinces, by dividing them, for example, so that Elsass should
remain united to Germany, and Lothringen to France; or by forming them
into two or more cantons united to Switzerland; or lastly, by letting
them become an independent State with a self-chosen mode of government,
but with the _sine quâ non_ that they shall be neutralized, and placed
under the guarantee of combined Europe.
It would be almost immaterial to Europe which of these three expedients
were chosen; therefore the choice might be left to the inhabitants of
Elsass-Lothringen themselves; and the opportunity might be given them
of expressing themselves by a plebiscite, uncontrolled by any influence
from either the French or German side.
This naturally affects Danish South Jutland in an equal degree, which
Germany wrenched from Denmark by a gross breach of international law.
That the writer does not adduce this instance may be simply because he
does not regard it as involving any danger of war.
Kamarowski finds this to be much more pronounced with regard to the
EASTERN QUESTION.
This is more threatening than that of Elsass-Lothringen. Ever since
the close of the last century the Turkish Empire has, on account of
its internal condition, been doomed to fall to pieces, and its final
dissolution is only a question of time. It is difficult to say what is
to be done with the remains.
The only reasonable and righteous settlement is to allow the Christian
peoples who were in the past subjected by the Turks, and who compose
the great majority of the population in European Turkey, to form
independent States. Manifold causes have hitherto prevented the
organization of the political life of these nations, shorn of political
maturity in consequence of protracted thraldom, mutual jealousy,
and influences of the great powers, who under all manner of excuses
have played their own game at the cost of these people, pretending
to protect them, while they sought to make them into their subjects.
Russia has doubtless, even if unintentionally, in the greatest degree
helped to set these nations free, and to produce the present position
by which Servia and Roumania have been changed, from being subject
to Turkey, into independent States; and Bulgaria, instead of being a
Turkish province, has now a less subject position as regards Turkey.
"It is," says the writer, "not altogether without reason that the
Russians accuse their Southern Sclav brethren of ingratitude"; but
he admits that Russia ought partly to blame herself. She has, for
instance, at times shown a decided inclination to force her forms of
thought and policy upon them, and to get the whole of their inner
national life placed under her authority. This action of Russia is
blameworthy, both because it violates the independence which belongs
of right to every State, and because it is foolishly opposed to
Russia's own well-known interests. By such a policy she can only betray
her Sclav mission, create more than one new Poland for herself, and
artificially shift her political power from north to south, thereby
weakening her national strength.
Kamarowski further describes the selfish schemes of England and Austria
in the Balkan peninsula.
These plans are even more distasteful to the Christian population than
Russia's, because it stands in the closest relation to that country
both as to race and a common religion. England and Austria seek to
entice this people by the prospect of freer institutions and greater
economic well-being but they can only drag them into their net at the
cost of their national and moral independence. And the jealousy between
these powers, Russia on the one hand and Austria and England on the
other, each wanting to get the advantage, or to possess itself of
the remains of the dying realm, is a standing menace to the peace of
Europe. This danger would disappear if people could be satisfied to let
these nations belong to themselves.
Now that Austria has carried out the injunction laid upon her by the
Berlin Congress--for the present to undertake the management and
administration of Bosnia and Herzegovina--she ought to withdraw from
these provinces, whose population should be allowed to decide their own
fate by universal suffrage, whether this would result in the union of
Bosnia with Servia, and of Herzegovina with Montenegro, or whether the
situation should be arranged in some other way. All that Austria has
any ground for requiring is, the free navigation of the Danube and the
straits (Bosphorus and Dardanelles), and therewith her true interests
in this region would be abundantly satisfied.
The Christian States which, alongside of Turkey, have spread over
the Balkan peninsula, are Greece, Roumania, Servia, Montenegro and
Bulgaria. The last named still stands in subjection to Turkey, but has
the same right to full independence as the neighbour States. It is
evidently their vocation to divide amongst themselves the remains of
Turkey in Europe, for their population in an overwhelming proportion
consists of Southern Sclavs and Greeks. But unhappily they seem to
have little conception of this their task, because they live in a
constant state of jealousy and bickering. These States are all only
just in the embryo. They have not yet by a long way attained their
natural boundaries. A large number of Greeks and Bulgarians are still
under the direct government of Turkey. It would be labour lost to
attempt to guess how many small States will form themselves out of the
ruins of Turkey, or what political form they will take. The author
remarks that it would be best for them to arrange themselves into one
or more confederations with self-government for each single State
composing this alliance.
Europe, in harmony with international justice, should see to it: (1)
that the peoples of the Balkan peninsula should not become the prey
of any foreign power; (2) that they should not be allowed to trespass
upon each other's domains; (3) that their development should as far
as possible proceed in a peaceful and law-abiding way; (4) that they
should divide the inheritance of Turkey in a thoroughly just manner, so
that the political boundaries should be marked out in harmony with the
wishes and interests of the inhabitants; (5) that they themselves do
not invade the domains of other States, and that they recognise all the
maxims of international justice.
A European congress, co-operating in such an arrangement of the
conditions of the Balkan peninsula, would contribute in no small
degree to remove the causes of war in Europe, and would do effective
work in the cause of freedom and civilization. Greece would acquire
all the islands of the Archipelago, together with Candia and Cyprus.
Macedonia would, according to the conditions of its nationalities,
be divided between Greece and Bulgaria. The natural boundary of the
latter would be the Danube on the one side and the Archipelago on the
other. Constantinople would remain the capital of a Bulgarian kingdom,
or of a Southern Sclav federation; or again, a free city with a small
independent territory.[29] The fortifications on both sides the
Bosphorus and Dardanelles should be destroyed, and both these straits
be thrown open to the navigation of all nations.
After being obliterated from the list of European nations, Turkey would
peacefully continue its existence in Asia.
But not even so are all the causes of war removed from our continent.
Many are to be found in the RELATIONS BETWEEN RUSSIA AND ENGLAND
especially two, says Kamarowski.
One is the opposition between the dissimilar forms of government in
these countries. England is the advocate of liberal social institutions
all over the continent, but Russia poses as the mainstay of unlimited
sovereign power and of conservative principles. Yet doubtless Russia
will sooner or later, with a firmness and consistency hitherto lacking,
strike into the path of political reform, and then this contrast will
be assimilated.
The other consists in the opposing interests of the two powers upon
the Eastern Question. But if this question is solved as the author
proposes, by the whole Balkan peninsula being permitted to form itself
into independent States under the guarantee of united Europe, this
cause of strife would also be removed. Russia need no longer threaten
India. Russia's true well-being can never consist in spreading herself
over the deserts and wastes of Asia, or in the endless compulsory
subjection of hostile races under her. She will doubtless in time
perceive this.
Historical facts have already marked out the domain of both realms and
the boundaries of their influence. The greater part of Southern Asia is
more or less subjected to England. The whole of Northern and Central
Asia belongs to Russia. Russia and England have a common mission in
Asia--to promote the Christian civilization of the world; and in this
direction each has her special call.
Also in the relations between RUSSIA AND GERMANY are found indeed
inflammable materials; but with wise action on both sides they may be
got rid of.
Russia has, more than any other power, promoted the unity and powerful
position of Germany. Except during the strife between the Empress
Elizabeth and Frederic II., constant friendly relations have obtained
between Russia and Prussia; so, under Frederick II. and Catherine II.,
and during Prussia's struggle against Napoleon I. while the friendship
between Alexander II. and William I. made possible the wars of 1866 and
1870-71. The House of Hohenzollern, which has never been any friend of
popular freedom, felt drawn to Russia upon the ground of its devotion
to conservative modes of thought and its absolutism.
But since Prussia has realized her goal--that of being the leading
power in Germany--the relations with Russia have become more and more
strained.
One of the chief causes has been the disputes caused by economic
questions, and that of the customs in particular.
In addition to this is the general misunderstanding fomented by the
press. The political press, says Kamarowski, ought to serve the cause
of peace to-day more than ever. Unhappily it by no means does. With
few exceptions it helps to fan and feed national hatred, and to stir
up enmity between the European States. Most of the principal organs
have a narrower horizon than this. Some of these papers and periodicals
are worked only as business undertakings, to make the greatest
possible profit to the shareholders; the best of them defend with
gross one-sidedness the interests of their own country; seldom do they
disclose any insight into great, purely humanitarian interests. The
political press is, therefore, for the most part a constant source of
reciprocal suspicion and hatred, which hinders the States of Europe
from entering into the condition of peace they all inwardly so long
for. Dip at random into a heap of most of the great papers, and you
will find the strangest ideas respecting international justice; rank
self-assertion in judgment, and purely barbarous sentiments respecting
subjugating and destroying so-called hereditary enemies.
Lastly, there is a cause of tension between Russia and Germany in
their opposing attitude with regard to the Sclav question; and if a
satisfactory solution is not found for this question in a peaceable
way, a crowd of complications will arise, into which Russia will
inevitably be drawn.
We have first the Polish question. In our day Russia is entering,
through the power of circumstances, more and more into her historic
vocation of giving freedom and unity to the Sclavs. But this
undertaking stands in direct opposition to the policy which was
expressed in the partition of Poland.
Russia's future _rôle_ may be to favour a confederation of all the
Sclav peoples. Her true mission cannot be to subdue or trample down any
Sclav nationality, but much rather to emancipate them all. Emancipate
from what? From the yoke of Turkey and of Germany. So far as the former
is concerned, a great part of the work has been already carried out.
With regard to the Germans, Russia cannot think of the restoration of
the disputed and long obliterated boundaries of the Sclav races, which
were lost in the struggle with the Germans; but she may assist the
organization of the bodies politic of the Sclav races, and co-operate
in revivifying those branches of the nation which are not altogether
dead.
The author desires, therefore, that Poland should be restored by
Russia's own act. Yet Poland must not demand her boundaries as they
were before 1772 (that is, the possession of Lithuania). Once admitted
into a Sclav confederation, she would cease to be a menace to any one,
but would serve as a bulwark between Russia and Germany.
The solution of the Sclav question might, according to the author's
idea, bring with it the dismemberment of the Austrian Empire. The
German part would go to Germany, and Trieste and South Tyrol fall to
Italy. Austria's Sclav provinces would be acknowledged as independent,
and either unite themselves with the Sclav federation on the Balkan
peninsula, or form a separate State. The situation in Bohemia would be
the most difficult to arrange, since in part it is a German-speaking
country; but as a Sclav land, it ought under no circumstances to be
entirely given over to the Germans. Hungary also would obtain its
independence, but must, on its own part, recognise the freedom of
Croatia. The inhabitants of the various portions of the Austrian Empire
would themselves have to decide their fate, and in the interests of
all, a European congress should be summoned, to maintain the general
peace, and to prevent one nationality from subjecting or swallowing up
another.
But while Professor Kamarowski here and elsewhere in his treatise
speaks of congresses, he does not mean thereby the meetings of
diplomatists to which that name now applies.
Congresses ought, he says, to be actual international organs, whose
object is not to serve the fluctuating and conflicting interests of
policy, but the strict principles of justice. They must be permanent
institutions, and being so, help on international reforms, such as
a gradual disarmament and a codification of international law; that
is, a correct digest of the various regulations and principles of
international law, forming a common law for all civilized nations.
In the last named direction there is in the field already THE
ASSOCIATION FOR THE REFORM AND CODIFICATION OF INTERNATIONAL
LAW, founded at Brussels, Oct. 10th, 1873, and in an important
degree consisting of the most eminent jurists of the nations. This
association, which meets annually for the discussion of international
law in various parts of Europe, deals also with the scholarly inquiry
into the continually growing material, springing from the many
international congresses, which so often now, with various objects,
meet first in one part then in another of the civilized world. As
examples of some of the most recent of these may be named: The post and
telegraph conferences; the conference on maritime law in Washington,
representing twenty-one separate States, with the purpose of working
out a universal system of signals for preventing collisions; the
African conference at Brussels, with representatives of most of the
European powers for considering the best way of civilizing Africa,
getting rid of the slave trade, and limiting the exportation of
alcohol;[30] the railway meeting at Lugano, for introducing a uniform
time table and scale of freight, on all railways of the European
continent; the Madrid conference, for international protection of
industrial property, and above all the Labour Congress held at Berlin
by William II.'s invitation.
Whilst in this way the nations' own desire and the needs of the case
grow and branch into great common interests, the friends of peace
unceasingly set before themselves this distinct goal, "Right before
might."
To paint the historic background of the activity of the friends of
peace would be almost synonymous with bringing forward all that is
uniting, important and lasting in the history of the nations. It would
be a "saga" on the welfare of the human race through all time. Such a
task I do not undertake. I give only a short indication of what, in our
own time, organized peace-work is.
Its activity was almost a result of the wars of Napoleon, which were
terminated by the Peace of Paris, November, 1815. These wars had
deeply stirred the minds of many, both in the old and new world, and
directed their thoughts to the apathy of the Christian Churches in not
proclaiming, with unmistakable emphasis, that war is irreconcilable
with the teaching of Christ.
This view was represented in America by Dr. W. ELLERY CHANNING, and Dr.
NOAH WORCESTER, who as early as 1814 stirred up the friends of peace
to organize themselves into united work.
A Peace Society was formed in New York in August, 1815; and in November
of the same year the Ohio Peace Society. The Massachusetts Peace
Association (Boston) started in January, 1816, and a similar society
was begun in Rhode and Maine in 1817. These, with that of South
Carolina, united in 1828, and formed the AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY, an
association which is still in active operation. Also in Philadelphia an
association was formed, which was succeeded in 1868 by the UNIVERSAL
PEACE UNION.
In 1814 a zealous philanthropist, Mr. William Allen, a member of
the Society of Friends, invited a number of persons to his house in
_London_ to form a peace association. They did not at once agree
upon the best method, and the proposal was deferred for a time. But
after the conclusion of peace was signed in 1816, Mr. Allen, with the
assistance of his friend Mr. Joseph Tregelles Price, also a member
of the Society of Friends, called his friends together again, and
succeeded in bringing into existence the English peace association,
under the name of the PEACE SOCIETY.
The source from which the association sprang is to be found in the
Society of Friends (Quakers), that sect which has always been a
faithful proclaimer of the peace principles of Christianity. But the
founders were not all of this society. Some were members of the Church
of England and of other religious persuasions.
As the foundation of its effort, the association advanced the great
principle that war is contrary to the spirit of Christianity and to the
true interests of mankind. It has always been open to persons of all
persuasions. One of its first stipulations was, that "the society shall
consist of all ranks of society who will unite in forwarding peace
on earth and goodwill amongst men." The association has always been
international. From its commencement it proclaimed its desire to bring
other nations as far as possible within the reach of its operations.
Some of the first acts of the founders were to translate its most
important writings into French, German, Spanish and Italian.
Immediately after, in 1816, Mr. J.T. Price, the most zealous amongst
the founders, undertook a journey to _France_ to gain adhesion and
co-operation amongst Christians and philanthropists in that country.
Many hindrances lay in the way of forming an association in that
country which should have peace only for its object. These difficulties
were overcome by founding a Society of Christian Morals (_La Société
de morale Chrétienne_), whose aim was to bring the teaching of
Christianity to bear upon the social question. This society continued
for more than a quarter of a century and numbered amongst its members
many illustrious Frenchmen. Its first president was the Duke of
Rochefoucauld-Liancourt; its vice-president was the Marquis of the same
name, the son of the above. Amongst the members were Benjamin Constant,
the Duke of Broglie, de Lamartine, Guizot, Carnot, and Duchatel. The
promotion of peace was one of the objects of the Society.
A branch of it was formed in _Geneva_, under the leadership of Count
Sellon, and the English parent society stood in close and lively
connection with both these associations. It had for many years in its
service an active man, Stephen Rigaud, who travelled through France,
Belgium, Germany and Holland, held meetings, distributed tracts, and
formed committees and associations in furtherance of peace.
Between the years 1848 and 1851 a still greater aggressive peace
movement was set on foot upon the European continent, by means of
congresses held at Brussels, Paris and Frankfort, and by the attendance
of many hundred delegates from all the countries of Europe.
This effort for peace was entered upon by the Secretary, Mr. Henry
Richard. At least twenty times he visited the Continent, speaking
for peace and arbitration in many, if not most, of the largest
cities--Paris, Berlin, Vienna, Pesth, Dresden, Leipsic, Munich,
Frankfort, Brussels, Antwerp, Bremen, Cologne, the Hague, Amsterdam,
Genoa, Rome, Florence, Venice, Milan, Turin, etc.
These efforts bore good fruit. The friends of peace began to stir.
Peace societies were formed, devoted attachments were made, and
personal intercourse created between the adherents of peace principles
in various lands.
This was especially the case in France, where _la Ligue Internationale
de la Paix_ was founded by M. Frédéric Passy. In 1872 the name of the
league was changed to the _Société Française des Amis de la Paix_.
This name it retained until its amalgamation with the _Comité de Paris
de la Fédération Internationale de l'Arbitrage et de la Paix_, founded
by Mr. Hodgson Pratt in 1883. The new society, formed of the union of
the two, bears the name of the _Société Française de l'Arbitrage entre
Nations_.
The _Ligue Internationale de la Paix el de la Liberté_ was founded
at Geneva by M. Charles Lemonnier as far back as 1867. Under the
powerful leadership of this aged captain of peace the league has, by
its activity in promoting the idea of the "United States of Europe,"
constantly sought to work in a practical way for its object,--peace and
freedom.
The same year, too, were founded the _Ligue du Désarmement_ and the
_Union de la Paix_, at Havre.
But the most remarkable occurrence in this domain was the spontaneous
interchange of addresses and greetings between workmen in France and
Germany, which led to the formation, in Biebrich on the Rhine, of an
ASSOCIATION OF GERMAN AND FRENCH WORKINGMEN.
As a result of a visit from Mr. Richard three years later, there was
founded at the Hague, Sept. 8th, 1870, "THE DUTCH PEACE SOCIETY," by
Mr. Van Eck and others. Later in the same year ten similar associations
sprang up in the Hague, Amsterdam, Zwolle, Groningen and other places.
One of these, the "Women's Peace Society," in Amsterdam, under the
leadership of Miss Bergendahl, deserves to be named, on account of its
advanced character. In 1871 this union took the name of the "_Peace
Society's National Union for Holland_," and in 1878 of the "Peace
League of the Netherlands." Its present name is the "_Universal Peace
Association for the Netherlands_" (_Algemeen Nederlandsch Vredesbond_).
For seventeen years Mr. Geo. Belinfante as the indefatigable secretary
of this Union. He died in 1888, and was succeeded by M.C. Bake, of the
Hague.
In 1871 the BELGIAN ASSOCIATION was formed at Brussels, and at the same
time a local association at Verviers. Later on, April 15th, 1889, was
founded the Belgian branch of the International Arbitration and Peace
Association (_Federation Internationale de l'Arbitrage et de la Paix,
section Belge_), under the leadership of M.E. de Laveleye.
The ENGLISH PARENT SOCIETY has, in the course of three-quarters of a
century, employed every means that can serve to advance a public cause.
By lectures and public meetings; by the distribution of literature and
a diligent use of the press; by appeals to the peoples; petitions to
the Governments; resolutions in parliament; by adapting themselves to
Sunday and other schools, by influencing the religious community, the
clergy and teachers; by combinations and interviews with peace friends
in all lands--by all practicable means it has sought to work towards
its goal.
First and foremost, it has advocated arbitration as a substitute for
war, laboured for the final establishment of an International Law, and
a Tribunal for the nations, and for a gradual reduction of standing
armies; at the same time it has never ceased to raise its voice
against the wars in which England and other nations have engaged. At
a Universal International Peace Congress, held in London under the
auspices of the society in 1843, it was resolved to send an address
"to the Governments of the civilized world," whereby they should be
earnestly conjured to consider the principle of arbitration, and to
recognise it. This address was sent to forty-five Governments. By a
deputation to the powers at the Paris Congress in 1856, this society
succeeded, as before said, in getting the principle of arbitration
recognised, etc.
From the commencement, the English and American peace societies have
worked side by side with brotherly concord. There are over forty peace
societies in America. Besides these already named--viz., the _American
Peace Society_, and the _Universal Peace Union_--the following are most
important: _The Christian Arbitration and Peace Society_, Philadelphia;
_the National Arbitration League_, Washington; _the American Friends'
Peace Society_, for Indiana and Ohio, founded December 1, 1873; and
_the International Code Committee_, New York, of which David Dudley
Field is president.
On the 25th of July, 1870, the English WORKMEN'S PEACE ASSOCIATION, now
called the INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION LEAGUE, was founded by members
of the "Reform League," a great union of workmen in London. Two years
later this Arbitration League, under Mr. W. R. Cremer's powerful
leadership, had well-appointed local associations all over the country,
and nearly a hundred zealous leaders in various towns. Since then Mr.
Cremer has become a Member of Parliament, and as such has had the
opportunity of helping the peace cause in many ways; for example, as
a zealous participant in the deputation of twelve to the President of
the United States, which has been mentioned more particularly in the
beginning of this work.
In April, 1874, was formed the WOMEN'S AUXILIARY OF THE PEACE SOCIETY.
This continued to work in connection with the English parent society
until 1882, when a division took place. Part of the members gathered
themselves into an auxiliary, now called the LOCAL PEACE ASSOCIATION
AUXILIARY OF THE PEACE SOCIETY, which has thirty-three sub-associations
in England only. The other part formed the WOMEN'S PEACE AND
ARBITRATION ASSOCIATION.[31]
At the same time great progress was made upon the Continent.
In Italy a LEAGUE OF PEACE AND BROTHERHOOD was founded as early as
1878, by Signor E.T. Moneta.
A workmen's peace association was formed at Paris in 1879, by M.
Desmoulins and others, under the name of the _Société des travailleurs
de la Paix_.
At the close of 1882, The DANISH PEACE SOCIETY, or "Society for the
Neutralization of Denmark," was founded in Copenhagen, with FREDRIK
BAJER, M.P., as chairman, and twenty-five local associations in
Denmark.[32] There is also at Copenhagen a "Women's Progress Society,"
which, with Mrs. Bajer as president, placed the cause of peace
prominently upon its programme.
At a meeting of members of the Riksdag, in the spring of 1883,
a SWEDISH PEACE SOCIETY was formed, which has for its object to
co-operate with the _International Arbitration and Peace Association_
of Great Britain and Ireland, in working for the preservation of peace
among nations, and the establishment of an International Tribunal
of Arbitration, under the mutual protection of the States, to which
disputes that may arise may be referred. The first chairman of the
society was S.A. HEDLUND, who has long laboured in Sweden for the
spread of information as to the efforts of the friends of peace.
The same year a NORWEGIAN PEACE SOCIETY was formed, which, however,
like the Swedish sister association, has been apparently only
dead-alive of late.
This is the result, certainly in great degree, of the slender interest
taken by the cultivated classes, who in general pose as either
indifferent or antagonistic to peace work; indifferent, because, in
ignorance of the subject, they look upon organized peace effort as
fanciful and fruitless; antagonistic, because they see in these efforts
a hindrance to getting the national defence strengthened by increased
military forces. As regards Norway, there are, however, signs that a
different view of things has lately begun to make itself felt.[33]
In France the peace societies received strength in 1884, through
the foundation by M. GODIN of the _Société de Paix et d' Arbitrage
International du Familistère de Guise_ (Aisne), Godin's activity has
embraced not less than forty-two departments in France. Besides these
may be named the _Société d'Aide Fraternelle et d'Etudes Sociales_, the
_Société de Paix par l'Education_ at Paris, the _Groupe des Amis de la
paix à Clermont-Ferrand_, _La Fraternité Universelle_ Grammond, Canton
de St. Galmier (Loire), and the _Association des Jeunes Amis de la
Paix_, Nîmes.
The INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION AND PEACE ASSOCIATION for Great Britain
and Ireland was founded in 1880.[34] This association, with which the
Scandinavian society should co-operate the most closely, has a worthy
chairman in Mr. HODGSON PRATT, a man whose devoted and untiring zeal
has made him a distinguished leader of the peace movement, to which he
has dedicated the whole business of his life.
His sphere of action has also included the Continent, and borne good
fruit. Amongst others he succeeded in instituting peace societies at
DARMSTADT, STUTTGART and FRANKFORT; a committee of the association at
BUDAPEST; and in ROME, the _Associazione per l'Arbitrato e la Pace tra
le Nazione_, with RUGGIERO BONGHI as president; and also in MILAN, the
_Unione Lombarda per la Pace e l'Arbitrato Internazionale_.
In the course of the last three years, 1886-90, the idea of peace has
made great progress in Italy. The movement has not been confined to any
special class of society, or to any particular political or religious
party, but has spread alike amongst all.
In the autumn of 1888 the central committee of the _Italian League
of Peace and Liberty_ sent out a leaflet, with a protest against any
war with France. The central committee, which numbers amongst its
members, senators, deputies, and many of Garibaldi's former companions
in arms, declares: "The league requires all Italians, young and old,
women and men, philosophers, tradesmen and working men, to unite all
their energies in the great work of peace; that there may be an end of
armaments, which are a positive ruin to all nations."
In the course of 1889 several important peace congresses were held.
In Milan, such a congress met for the first time, January 13th,
representing 200 associations in France, Italy, and Spain and for
the second time, April 28th, when fifty-four Italian societies were
represented. Eight days after the first Milan meeting, a similar one
took place in Naples, attended by 3,000 persons, which expressed the
united views of five hundred associations.
Lastly, a congress was held in Rome, May 10-14, which represented
thirty-nine peace associations, the ex-minister Bonghi in the chair.
The meeting expressed the desire that governments would find means to
diminish the war burdens by international agreements similar to those
by which economic and scientific matters are already arranged, as well
as questions dealing with general sanitary concerns. A committee,
consisting of six senators and deputies, was afterwards chosen for
further work in the cause of peace.
A specially noteworthy feature in these Italian peace congresses is the
deep repugnance to the Triple Alliance--which is regarded as a standing
menace of war,--and a strong craving for good relations with France.
The way to this lies through increased peaceful connection. This was
especially manifest in the meeting at Rome, which had to prepare for
the participation of Italians in the Peace Congress at Paris in the
summer of 1889.
The Congresses of 1889 formed part of the great commemoration of the
Revolution; that meeting of international fraternity which, in the
words of President Carnot in his opening, speech, "shall hasten the
time when the resources of the nations, and the labour of mankind,
shall be dedicated only to the works of peace."
One of these gatherings, the Universal Peace Congress, June 23-27,
which was composed of delegates from the peace societies of Europe and
America, had, amongst other vocations, to express itself on certain
general principles for carrying forward the idea of arbitration. It
specially maintained and emphasized that the principle of arbitration
ought to form a part of fundamental law in the constitution of every
State.[35] Before the meeting closed, it was decided that the next
Universal Congress should be held in London in 1890.
The other assembly, an INTERPARLIAMENTARY CONFERENCE (June 29-30),
composed exclusively of legislators from many lands, was entitled to
express itself more definitely on the adoption of actual measures;
notably, on the best means of bringing about arbitration treaties
between certain States and groups of States.
With this Interparliamentary Conference, this international
parliamentary meeting, we come to the beginning of a new and exalted
organization, forming almost a powerful prelude to co-operation between
England, America and France, such as I spoke of in the commencement of
this book.
After the emissaries of the 270 members of the legislature had in the
autumn of 1887 fulfilled their mission to America, and had started an
active movement there which has since spread over the whole American
continent, English and French representatives of the people met in
Paris, October 31st, 1888, and decided on behalf of many hundreds
of their absent associates that a meeting of members of as many
parliaments as possible should take place during the Universal
Exposition in 1889.
This resolution was carried into effect. On June 10th about one
hundred parliamentary representatives assembled in Paris from Belgium,
Denmark, England, France, Hungary, Italy, Liberia, the United States
and Spain. Nearly four hundred members of various parliaments had given
their adhesion to the design of the meeting. Jules Simon opened the
proceedings. Many important resolutions were passed, with a view to
practically carrying into effect the principle of arbitration. After
this it was arranged that a similar assembly should meet annually in
one or other of the capital cities of the countries in sympathy; in
1890, in London; and lastly, a committee of forty was chosen, composed,
according to resolution, of six members of every nationality, which
should undertake the preparation of the next conference, send out the
invitations, collect the necessary contributions, and in the interim do
all in their power to remove the misunderstandings which might possibly
arise, when it appealed, as it would be needful to do, to public
opinion.
Pursuant to the invitation of this committee, the second International
Assembly of Members of Parliament met in London, July 22-23, 1890.
In consequence of the second Universal Peace Congress, the central
gathering of the peace societies, being held only a short time
previously (July 14-19), a large number of influential men attended
this international meeting of legislators; but whilst amongst those who
took part in the first named conference, the Universal Peace Congress,
were a fair number of M.P.s of various countries, yet (with few
exceptions) all those who took part in the interparliamentary meeting
were members of one or other national legislative assembly.
The second Interparliamentary Conference, in London, 1890, had double
the attendance of the first, in Paris, members from Austria, Belgium,
Denmark, England, France, Germany, Holland, Hungary, Italy, Norway,
Spain and Sweden; besides which, more than a thousand representatives
of the people, who were prevented attending, signified by letter their
adhesion. Amongst these were Gladstone, Clemenceau, the Vice-president
of the German Reichstag, Baumbach, the Italian Prime Minister Crispi,
Andrassy, and three French Ministers. Ninety-four Italian senators
and deputies, and thirty-one members of the Spanish Cortes, in their
respective addresses, expressed their sympathy with the work of the
conference. The ex-Lord Chancellor, Lord Herschell, acted as chairman.
The most important resolution of the meeting was, that all civilized
governments were urged to refer all disputes in which they might be
involved to arbitration for solution.
Those present bound themselves to work to the best of their ability for
the object, especially through the press and in the national assembly
of their own lands, and thus gradually win public opinion over to the
cause.
As a first step towards practically settling international disputes by
arbitration, the conference urged that in all treaties affecting trade,
literature, or other arrangements, a special arbitral clause should be
inserted.
Amongst other resolutions it was voted, that a parliamentary committee
should be created in each country for mutual consultation on
international matters.
Lastly, a standing interparliamentary committee of thirty members
was chosen, to serve as a connecting link in the interval between the
conferences.
The third Interparliamentary Conference will meet in Rome in 1891.
In the fact that these conferences are composed of legislators chosen
by the people lies their peculiar significance. They speak with power,
because they are supported by millions of electors in various lands.
The weight of their utterances naturally increases in the proportion
in which the number of members grows. As yet this parliament of the
peoples represents only a minority of the national assemblies; but the
day may be coming when it will express the opinion of the majority, and
that would be the triumph of right over might.
* * * * *
In the effort to reach this goal there must be no settling into
stagnation. The peace societies especially must work with all their
might to get friends of peace into parliament, and subscribe to enable
them to take part in the interparliamentary meetings. It would, of
course, be still better if the means for their attendance were supplied
by a public grant.
Here the NORWEGIAN STORTING has set an example which will be to its
honour for all time; for after about sixty members had joined the
interparliamentary union, and chosen Messrs. Ullmann, Horst and Lund
as representatives to the conference in London, 1890; and after the
Arbitration resolution moved had been adopted by the Storting (voted
July 2nd, 1890, by eighty votes against twenty-nine), a subsidy of
1,200 kroner was granted for the travelling expenses of the three
delegates to, the London conference.
This is probably the first time in the life of the nations that a State
has granted money in support of a direct effort to make a breach in the
old system of Cain.
There is less strain in America: a similar inception seems to be at
hand. Long before the great rousing in 1887, the present United States
Minister, JAMES G. BLAINE, was possessed with the idea of bringing
about a peace-treaty between all the independent States of North and
South America. He stood at the head of the Foreign Department of the
Union when General Garfield was President, 1881, and already at that
time entertained this grand idea. He desired, in order to realize it,
to invite all the American States, by means of government emissaries,
to take part in an international congress at Washington. In the interim
Garfield died, and when Arthur became President, Blaine ceased to be
Minister of Foreign Affairs; but as soon as, upon Harrison being chosen
to the presidency, he became Foreign Minister again, he resumed the
interrupted work.
In June, 1888, the President confirmed a resolution adopted by
Congress, empowering him to invite all the American States to a
conference composed of emissaries from their governments, with the view
of establishing a Tribunal of Arbitration for settling differences that
may arise between them; and for establishing by commercial treaties
more facile trade combinations, adapted to the needs of the various
States, and their productive and economic well-being.
The invitations were issued, and met with approval by all the
independent States throughout America.
The representatives of these States met at Washington, Oct. 1st,
1889, in a deliberative assembly, which was styled the PAN-AMERICAN
CONFERENCE. Mr. Blaine was voted to the chair, and under his leading
the members of the congress decided to begin with a circular tour of
forty days through the whole of the States of the Union. Its labours
were afterwards continued until April 18th, 1890.
The results of the Conference as regards the common interests of
trade and commerce, etc., will only be felt gradually, since many
of these matters are of intricate character, and in some instances
require entirely fresh international transactions. But as regards
the chief thing--viz., the establishment of a permanent tribunal of
arbitration--the object was achieved.
Congress almost unanimously[36] adopted the resolution of the report
of the committee respecting the election of such a supreme judicial
authority in case of any menacing international disagreement.
The members of the Conference were not authorized to conclude binding
treaties. Their task was confined to deliberating upon affairs which
might have a reciprocal interest in various countries, and then laying
before their governments such resolutions as in the opinion of the
Conference might best promote the well-being of all the States.
Nevertheless the majority of the States later bound themselves to the
conclusions of the congress. Indeed, a week before the assembly broke
up the respective members for Brazil, Bolivia, Columbia, Equador,
Guatemala, Hayti, Honduras, Nicaragua and Salvador, were empowered to
sign at Washington the arbitration-treaty adopted by the Pan-American
Conference; and the other governments have since in the same way
sanctioned it.[37]
When this document has been fully confirmed, a quarter of the inhabited
world will be rendered inviolate, and 120 millions of men set free from
the chronic frenzy of war.
If minor breaches of the peace possibly may not thereby be for ever
prevented, yet certainly the irresponsible system of violence will
become powerless against the force of civilization which is spreading
over the whole Western hemisphere.