The extraordinary events that occurred in the year

1820

are so closely interwoven with the weal and wo of the British people,

that it may be considered as one of the most serious periods in English

history.

On the 15th of January, the Duke of Kent became indisposed with a severe

cold. On the 17th of the same month, it was reported, "that his royal

highness' illness had assumed most alarming symptoms;" and Sir David

Dundas went off expressly to Sidmouth to attend his royal highness. The

duke's disorder increased, and at half-past one, P. M., January 23rd,

this prince was deprived of his mortal existence, in the fifty-third

year of his age. But a few days before, his royal highness was in good

health, and in the prime of life! The public will one day be made

acquainted with the particulars of the REAL CAUSE of his death. At

present, we shall only observe, that his royal highness was too virtuous

to be allowed to live long in a vicious court!

The public journals dwelt with much force upon the kind attentions and

tender offices performed by the duchess, which, if true, were only what

every good wife ought to have done. Who can be nearer to a wife than her

husband? and what lady of feeling and integrity would not blush to be

negligent in the best services and the most unwearied attentions to the

ordained partner of her life? Royalty, however, has so many and such

peculiar privileges, that what is considered _wonderous grace_ with them

is merely thought _common decency_ in the vulgar part of Adam's

offspring.

About this time, the king's health was stated to be "very much on the

decline," (hypocrisy!) and the journals announced "that George the Third

expired without a struggle, on the 29th of January, in the eighty-second

year of his age, and the sixtieth of his reign." But we have the

gratification of setting history right in this particular. Of course,

the letters and notices of this intelligence were immediately forwarded

by the appointed messengers to the several foreign courts. It would be

unnecessary for us here to offer any remark upon the character of George

the Third, as we have previously noticed the origin of that unhappy

disease which so lamentably afflicted him during the latter years of his

truly unfortunate life. His majesty bequeathed a sum of money to each of

his sons; but George the Fourth thought proper to withhold the Duke of

Sussex's portion. This unjust act was the primary cause of the quarrel

between these royal brothers, which lasted till the death of George the

Fourth. But, as "kings can do no wrong," little was thought of his

majesty's dishonesty. Monarchs are aware of their privileges, and have,

therefore, in many instances, not scrupled to commit the most heinous

crimes. His late majesty was one of this kind, and yet he was called

"His most gracious, religious, and benevolent majesty!" What a

profanation of terms were these!

As a necessary preliminary to a new reign, George the Fourth was

proclaimed in London on the 31st of the same month.

In February, a _pretended_ mysterious political plot was publicly

adverted to, by the name of "The Cato-street Conspiracy." It was said

that information having been received at Bow-street, that a meeting of

armed persons was to be held at a house in Cato-street, Mary-la-bonne,

and, as the magistrates feared something serious would be the result,

they forwarded a formidable body of their officers to the place. On the

arrival of these persons, they found the number of men amounted to

thirty, armed with guns, swords, daggers, and other weapons, and

appeared ready to leave the place, which was a hayloft at the top of the

house. The officers demanded an entrance, which was refused. Captain

Fitzclarence then arrived, with a party of the guards, and a scene of

much violence ensued. Some of the party were taken to Bow-street, which

was lined with soldiers. The result proved serious to a police officer,

named Smythers, who was stabbed in the affray, which produced his death;

and it was sworn, that Arthur Thistlewood inflicted the wound.

This heart-rending tragedy was generally thought to have been produced

by _government spies_; indeed, several newspapers stated as much at the

time. We, however, KNOW such to have been the case, and that the

characters of "blood-hounds" were but too well performed. Our bosoms

swell with indignation at the recollection of such monstrous plots

against the lives and liberties of our countrymen, and we regret that

the plotters did not fall into their own snares.

On the morning after this lamentable occurrence, a "Gazette

Extraordinary" was issued, signed "SIDMOUTH," offering one thousand

pounds for the detection of Arthur Thistlewood, who stood charged with

the crime of high treason. The reward had the desired effect, as he was

soon apprehended. Three of his companions were afterwards taken, and

FIVE MARTYRS, in all, suffered as traitors on the 1st of May.

Let us not, in common with hirelings, talk of the "wisdom of ministers,"

and the "bravery of the guards," combined with the several loathsome

execrations on artificers and agriculturists; but let us inquire, is

there no resemblance to be observed between this conspiracy and the

Manchester massacre? The intelligent reader will not find the similarity

difficult to trace.

The queen's return to England being now expected, Mr. Canning resigned

his place in the cabinet as president of the Board of Controul, and

retired to the Continent. One of his biographers says, "His conduct on

this occasion, according to universal consent, was marked by the most

perfect correctness and delicacy of feeling." Perhaps it might be so

considered by some people; but to us it does appear that a man of sound

public principles, of high and honourable private feelings, had no

middle course to take at this juncture. Either the Queen of England was

GUILTY, or she was the MOST PERSECUTED AND AGGRIEVED OF WOMEN. Will any

one say that, in the _first_ instance, it was the duty of a minister of

high station to desert the painful, but responsible, situation in which

he stood, from any feeling of esteem or attachment to an individual so

unworthy? In the other case, if Queen Caroline, as almost every body

believed, and as Mr. Brougham _solemnly swore he believed_, was

INNOCENT, was there any circumstance or consideration upon earth,--the

wreck of ambition, the loss of fortune, or the fear of even death

itself,--which should have induced an English gentleman, a man of

honour, a man who had the _feelings of a man_, to leave a FEMALE, whom

he called "FRIEND," beneath the weight of so awful an oppression? To us,

we must confess, Mr. Canning's conduct on this occasion appears one of

the greatest blots we are acquainted with upon his public and private

character, the almost unequivocal proof of a mind unused to the habit of

taking sound and elevated views of the human action. Mr. Canning had,

during a long career,--a career continued through nearly thirty

years,--been the forward and unflinching opponent of popular principles

and concessions. He had never once shrunk from abridging the liberties

of the subject; he had never once shown trepidation at any extraordinary

powers demanded by the crown. With his arms folded, and his looks erect,

he had sanctioned, without scruple, the severest laws against the

press; he had advocated the arbitrary imprisonment of the free citizen;

he had eulogized the forcible repression of public meetings; and he had

constantly declared himself the determined enemy of parliamentary

reform. The only subject on which he professed liberal opinions (the

Catholic question) was precisely that subject to which the great bulk of

the community was indisposed. Such had been the career, such was the

character, of Mr. Canning up to the time of his cowardly desertion of

the injured Caroline, Queen of England!

Her majesty was now daily expected to land upon our shores; and powerful

as was the arm of tyranny, her arrival was much feared by her husband

and his ministers.

We have before mentioned that the queen desired several times, _most

particularly_, to see Mr. Brougham. It is true that various places for

meeting had been appointed; but some apology or other was invariably

made by the learned gentleman. Her majesty finally wrote that she should

be at St. Omers on a certain day, ON HER WAY TO ENGLAND, in the

metropolis of which she was resolved to arrive as soon as possible. Her

majesty had previously appointed Mr. Brougham her attorney-general,

desiring he would choose a solicitor to act with him, and he named Mr.

Denman. One excuse for not attending to his appointment with the queen,

Mr. Brougham ascribed to his electioneering business in Westmoreland;

and another was, Mrs. Brougham's being in a situation too delicate for

him to leave her. Such excuses ought not to have prevented Mr.

Brougham's giving his attention to the important business of the queen;

indeed, he was once within four leagues of her majesty's abode, with a

CERTAIN LETTER in his pocket from the _highest authorities_; but Mr.

Brougham did not venture to lay it before the queen, nor did he seek for

an interview. The commission thus entrusted to this learned gentleman

was the same which Lord Hutchinson undertook some time afterwards.

The queen felt very indignant at Mr. Brougham's so repeatedly declining

his engagements, and wrote to Lord Liverpool to request his lordship

would send a frigate to convey her to England. Fearing, however, that

this might be against the state projects then in contemplation, the

queen, by the same post, wrote to her former friend and lady in waiting,

Lady Anne Hamilton, to repair to her immediately at St. Omers, and

attend her in her former capacity; and also, to Alderman Wood, that if

Lord Liverpool refused or delayed to send a frigate, the Alderman would

hire a vessel for the purpose of bringing her to this country

immediately.

Little time was lost in obeying these commands of the Queen of England.

In the mean time, Mr. Brougham wrote to her majesty, requesting leave to

meet her at Calais; to which the queen replied, she should choose to see

him at the inn at St. Omers. Shortly after the arrival of her majesty's

lady in waiting and the alderman, Mr. Brougham was announced, and

informed her majesty that he was accompanied by Lord Hutchinson, (now

Lord Donoughmore) the KING'S PARTICULAR FRIEND, who was the bearer of a

message to her majesty from the king, and asked leave when he might have

the honour of introducing him to her majesty. "No, no, Mr. Brougham,

(said the queen) no conversations for me; he must put it in writing, if

you please; we are at war at present." "But, madam, it is impossible

that so many scraps of different conversations can be properly

arranged." "Then, I don't see Lord Hutchinson," said the queen. "Madam,

if you insist upon it, it shall be done; and when will your majesty be

pleased to receive it?" "To-morrow morning you may bring it me; and so

good evening to you, as I suppose you are fatigued with your journey."

The next morning, Mr. Brougham arrived with Lord Hutchinson's letter,

which the queen opened and read in Mr. Brougham's presence; in the

conclusion of that letter, her majesty was earnestly entreated to wait

the return of a courier from Paris. "PARIS! PARIS!" said the queen,

"what have I to do with PARIS?" Mr. Brougham, in _much confusion_, said,

"Your majesty MUST HAVE MISTAKEN; it must mean _Calais_; my friend is

too honourable to mean any thing of that kind, or to do any thing

wrong." "No, no, Mr. Brougham; Paris, Paris! Look there!" pointing the

sentence out to him. Then added the queen, "You will come and dine with

me to-day." "May not I bring Lord Hutchinson with me, please your

majesty?" "Certainly not." "But I hope you will see Lord Hutchinson?"

"Yes; let him come directly." The queen then assembled her whole

household, and received his lordship in the midst of a _formal circle_,

talked upon indifferent subjects for about a quarter of an hour; then

rose, and, gracefully courtesying, left the room. Most of the household

followed; and Mr. Brougham, with his friend, Lord Hutchinson, did not

remain long behind. Mr. Brougham afterwards returned; but appeared

exceedingly disconcerted. Lady Hamilton was present, and tried to draw

him into conversation upon various subjects; but he answered, rather

abruptly, "You and the alderman are leading the queen to her

destruction." The lady replied, that was a mistake; she did not

interfere in political affairs. Mr. Brougham begged pardon, and the

subject was ended by the queen entering the room to dinner. The dinner

passed off very well; her majesty appeared in good spirits, as did Mr.

Brougham. It was the queen's general practice not to sit long after

dinner; she, therefore, soon retired with her lady; and the gentlemen

adjourned to the drawing-room to await the serving of coffee. By her

majesty's orders, her maids were waiting with her travelling dress, with

the carriages all ready in the court-yard, in the first of which her

majesty immediately seated herself, as also Lady Hamilton and Alderman

Wood. The moment before her majesty drove out of the yard, she desired

her maitre d'hotel to inform Mr. Brougham "that the queen would drink

coffee with him _in London_;" yet five minutes had not elapsed from

leaving the dinner-table to her driving out from the inn, as fast as

four post-horses could convey her. This was the only time her majesty

was ever known to show fear; but, at the appearance of any horseman, she

became very much agitated from the supposition that she should be

detained in France, under a PRETENCE of not having a correct passport,

the want of horses, or some such trivial excuse. The queen was aware

that the King of England had, not long before, placed Louis the

Eighteenth upon the throne of France; therefore he could not object to

_any_ proposition her husband thought proper to require. Her majesty

also KNEW that a courier had been despatched to PARIS, and that that

courier was one of _Mr. Brougham's brothers_! Mr. Brougham himself

actually joined with Lord Hutchinson in trying to persuade her majesty

to remain in France till the return of the courier. The queen's active

and intelligent mind saw every thing at a glance, and she _acted_ with

the promptitude of her character. Alderman Wood proposed that her

majesty should rest that night at D'Estaing's fine hotel at Calais,

instead of sleeping on board a common packet, which would not sail till

the morning. "No, no," said the queen, "drive straight to the shore;"

and out she got like a girl of fifteen, and was in the packet before any

one else. "There," said her majesty, "now I can breathe freely--now I am

protected by English laws." The queen was hardly seated, when Alderman

Wood presented her with a note from Mr. Brougham, entreating her

majesty to return, if only for the night, to D'Estaing's, and promising

that no harm should happen to her. "No, no," replied the queen, "I am

safe here, and I WILL NOT TRUST HIM;" and then threw a mattress in the

middle of her cabin, with some blankets, and slept there all night. In

the morning, when her majesty was about to land at Dover, she seemed a

little intimidated, in consequence of the dense multitude through which

she had to pass. Her majesty's fears, however, were entirely groundless,

as she soon found the hearts of Britons were friendly to her cause,

though they exemplified it rather roughly; for her feet were never

permitted to touch the ground from the time her majesty left the vessel

till her arrival at the inn, which she availed herself of with feelings

of the most gratifying description, at the sympathy manifested in the

cause of persecuted virtue.

As soon as her majesty could procure horses, she set forward to

Canterbury, where she was received with similar acclamations. The

populace insisted upon drawing her majesty out of the town, and then

would not suffer the horses to be put to without her personal

entreaties. Thousands of blessings were poured on her head, without one

dissenting voice; and in this manner did her majesty proceed all the way

to London.

The queen took up her abode at 77, South Audley-street, until another

more suitable residence could be provided for her. The family of

Alderman Wood, who previously inhabited this house, left it immediately

after receiving intelligence that her majesty would make a temporary use

of it, and they occupied apartments at Flagdon's hotel.

On the ensuing day, several of the nobility and members of the House of

Commons called to inquire after her majesty's health. On the ninth of

this month, her majesty removed from South Audley-street to 32,

Portman-square, the residence of the Right Honourable Lady Anne

Hamilton, by whom the queen was attended. Her ladyship's servants were

continued, and her majesty was much pleased with the respectful and

generous attentions rendered.

On the 16th, the queen received an address from the common council of

the city of London, to which she returned an answer, so feelingly

expressed, as to excite the sympathy and admiration of all present.

On the afternoon of the sixth day of the queen's entry into London, a

message was delivered from the king to both houses of parliament,

communicating certain reports and papers respecting the queen's

misconduct while abroad. On the following Thursday, a committee was

appointed in the House of Lords; but the queen transmitted a

communication to the House of Commons, protesting against the reference

of her accusations to a SECRET TRIBUNAL, and soliciting an open

investigation of her conduct.

Thus was commenced a prosecution in principle and object every way

calculated to rouse the generous and constitutional feelings of the

nation; and the effects were without a parallel in the history of all

countries! Could a more outrageous insult possibly have been offered to

her dignity, to the honour of her husband the king, or to the morality

and decency of the community at large?

Up to this time, Prince Leopold had not tendered his respects to her

majesty; yet he was the widowed husband of the queen's only and

dearly-beloved daughter! His serene highness had been raised from a

state of comparative poverty and obscurity to be honoured with the hand

of England's favourite princess, from whose future reign was expected a

revival of commerce and an addition of glory. Though this prince was

enjoying an annual income of FIFTY THOUSAND POUNDS from the country;

though he had town and country residences, of great extent and

magnificent appearance; though he abounded with horses and carriages;

yet not one offer did he make of any of these superfluous matters to the

mother of his departed wife, by whose means he had become possessed of

them all! Gratitude, however, is generally esteemed a _virtue_, and

therefore a German prince could not be supposed to know any thing about

it.

About this period, her majesty received numerous communications, tending

to prove the infamous proceedings against her to have been adopted

without reference to honour or principle, and to warn her from falling

into the snares of her mercenary and vindictive enemies. We lay before

our readers the following, as sufficient to establish this fact.

"An officer of the frigate which took her majesty (when Princess of

Wales) to the Continent averred, in the presence of three

_unimpeachable_ witnesses, that a very few days before her majesty's

embarkation, CAPTAIN KING, while sitting at breakfast in his cabin with

the surgeon of the frigate, received a letter from a _brother of the

prince regent_, which he read aloud, in the presence of the said

surgeon, as follows:

"DEAR KING,

"You are going to be ordered to take the Princess of Wales to the

Continent. IF YOU DON'T COMMIT ADULTERY WITH HER, YOU ARE A DAMNED FOOL!

You have _my_ consent for it, and I can assure you that you have that of

_MY BROTHER, THE REGENT_.

"Your's,

(Signed) ********.

"The officer who made the above statement and declaration is a most

CREDITABLE PERSON, and the witnesses are all in this country."

"_London, May 7th, 1820._

"Furnished to supply the queen with PROOF that the _royal duke_ in

question is leagued against her, in accordance with the WISHES OF THE

KING!"

"PRIVATE DOCUMENT.

"Captain King's agent is Mr. STILLWELL, 22, Arundel-street, Strand,

London; and the surgeon, who was present during the period the royal

duke's letter was read, is JAMES HALL. The witnesses were--Mr.

FRESHFIELD, 3, Tokenhouse-yard; Mr. HOLMES, 3, Lyon's-inn; and Mr.

STOKOE, 2, Lancaster-court; as also before BARRY O'MEARA.

(Signed) "BARRY E. O'MEARA."

On the 24th of June, a deputation of the House of Commons was appointed

to wait upon her majesty with the resolutions adopted by the House on

Thursday, the 22nd. They arrived at a quarter past one o'clock. Mr.

Wilberforce and Mr. S. Wortley occupied the first carriage. At their

appearance, strong symptoms of displeasure were indicated. They were

then introduced to the queen, Mr. Brougham standing at her majesty's

right hand, and Mr. Denman at her left. They severally knelt and kissed

her majesty's hand. Mr. Wilberforce then read the resolutions, and her

majesty replied to them. On their departure, Mr. Brougham accompanied

the deputation to the door; and, after they had taken their seats in the

carriages, Mr. Brougham returned to shake hands with them, although the

multitudes assembled outside hissed them exceedingly.

Her majesty's answer to the before-mentioned resolutions was superior to

the tricks of her enemies. In it the queen refused terms of

conciliation, unless they accorded with her duty to her own character,

to the king, and to the nation! "A sense of what is due to my character

and sex," said the queen, "forbids me to refer minutely to the REAL

CAUSE of our domestic differences!" Indeed, her majesty's reply was an

appeal to those principles of public justice, which should be alike the

safeguard of the highest and the humblest individuals. Mr. Wilberforce

exposed himself to much censure upon the part he had taken in the House;

and, as he so unhesitatingly hinted at the awful contents of the "Green

Bag," he said, "by suppressing her own feelings, the queen would endear

herself to the country." We suppose Mr. Wilberforce meant, that, by

suppressing her own feelings of honour, she would gratify the honour of

the country; and, by again quitting it, demonstrate her gratitude for

its unshaken loyalty; but the queen was firm in her resolve to _claim

justice_, whether it was given or withheld.

In considering these base endeavours to injure innocence, in order to

raise the _noble_ character of a voluptuous prince, we cannot help

remarking that POWER was the _only_ weapon of the vitiated monarch,

while RIGHT and JUSTICE formed the shield of the oppressed Queen of

England! Indeed, every man, glowing with the sincere love of his

country, and actuated by that honourable affection for its welfare,

which takes a lively and zealous interest in passing events, must have

considered such proceedings against her majesty fraught with inevitable

evil. If her innocence, according to the prayers of millions of her

subjects, should be made manifest, the public indignation would be sure

to be roused, and probably prove resentful. The evidence was known to be

of a description on which no magistrate would convict a common

pickpocket, and therefore if the legislature should even be induced to

consider her majesty guilty of the charges preferred against her, public

opinion would certainly refuse to ratify the sentence, and turn with

disgust from those promulgating it. In either case, those venerable

tribunals, consecrated by our forefathers, must lose that beautiful,

that honourable, that unbought, homage which a free people have ever

been proud to pay them. No Englishman, we say, accustomed to reverence,

with a prejudice almost sacred, the constitution of a parliament,

_majestic even in its errors and infirmities_, could contemplate,

without pain, the possibility,--nay, the almost certainty,--that the

hour was not far distant when the whole nation would look with cold

indifference, or gloomy distrust, on the acts of a senate, their

generous obedience to which (though it had been accompanied with

suffering, and followed by privation) had been "the admiration of the

whole world."

On the 6th of July, Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt, usher, of the black rod, waited

upon her majesty with a copy of the "Bill of Pains and Penalties"

against her, presented the previous day to the House of Lords, and which

was forwarded by order of their lordships. Her majesty went into the

room where the deputation were waiting, and received a copy of this bill

with great calmness. Upon an examination of the abominable instrument,

her majesty said, "Yes, the queen who had a sufficient sense of honour

and goodness to refuse the base offer of fifty thousand pounds a-year of

the public money, to spend it _when, where, how, and with whom she

pleased_, in banquetings, feastings, and excesses, providing it were in

a foreign country, and _not at home_, has sufficient resolution to await

the result of every investigation power can suggest." Like another

Cleopatra, our insulted queen might have played "the wanton" with

impunity; her imperial bark might have displayed its purple streamers,

swelled with the softest Cyprian breezes. It might have sailed

triumphantly down the Adriatic, to meet some highly-favoured lover! Yes,

by desire of the king, her husband, the queen was requested to accept

any terms beside those of a legitimate character. But her majesty

preserved her usual firmness and serenity of mind during the unequalled

proceedings instituted against her, and frequently repeated the

unequivocal expression, "Time will furnish sufficient proof of my

innocence."

On the 5th of August, the queen took possession of Brandenburgh House,

formerly the residence of the Margravine of Anspatch, situated near the

Thames, and in the parish of Hammersmith. Her majesty left Lady

Hamilton's house at four o'clock, attended by her ladyship, and

accompanied by Dr. Lushington, in an entirely new and elegant open

carriage, drawn by four beautiful bay horses. They drove off amidst

united shouts of applause from the assembled people.

Will future generations believe the historian's tale, that a

queen,--yes, a brave and virtuous Queen of England too!--was refused a

house and a home by the sovereign, her husband? That she, who was lured

from her princely home, arrived in the centre of England, and was denied

a resting place by the king and his ministers! In consequence of which,

she was necessitated to take up her abode in the mansion of a late lord

mayor for the space of three days, and then to accept the use of the

house of her lady in waiting for nearly two months; while there were

palaces totally unoccupied, and even mouldering into decay for want of

being inhabited! This statement will, doubtless, appear overdrawn to

future generations; but there are thousands now living who can testify

to its accuracy. Ministers, indeed, entered into compact with Deception,

and so glaringly committed their sentiments and characters, that, to

preserve their own pretended _consistency_, they would have even

uncrowned the king himself! A feverish sensation now pervaded the whole

public mind, and from the highest to the lowest, the case of the queen

was one universal theme of conversation.

On the 6th of August, her royal highness the Duchess of York died. Up to

a very late hour of the day on which this occurred, no official

communication had been made to the queen; but, in consequence of the

event, her majesty requested to postpone several addresses which she had

previously appointed to receive.

On the 7th, the queen sent a letter to the king, but it was returned

from Windsor unopened, with a communication that "Such a letter

addressed to the king cannot be received by his majesty, unless it

passes through the hands of his minister." Why, after the refusal to

receive this letter, should the princess be blamed for permitting its

contents to be published? If the king were under obligations of such a

description as to incapacitate him from exercising his own judgment, and

giving his own opinion, was he fit to administer the laws, or ought he

to have sanctioned the appeal of miscreants who sought their own, and

not their country's, good? Let us consider the delays attending this

letter. It was sent to Windsor, directed _expressly for the king_,

accompanied with a note, written by the queen, to Sir B. Bloomfield,

desiring it might be immediately delivered into the king's hand. Sir B.

Bloomfield was absent, and Sir W. Keppell, as the next in command,

received it, and forwarded the same to Sir B. Bloomfield, at Carlton

House, immediately, who returned the letter on the 8th to her majesty,

saying, "I have received the king's commands and general instructions,

that any communications which may be made should pass through the hands

of his majesty's government." The queen immediately despatched a letter

to Lord Liverpool, enclosing the one she had addressed to the king, by

the hands of a messenger, in which her majesty desired the earl to

present it. Lord Liverpool was then at Coombe Wood, and wrote in reply,

that he would "lose no time in laying it before his majesty." Up to the

11th, no reply had been received; and the queen wrote to Lord Liverpool

again, to know if further communication were needful. Lord Liverpool

replied, that he had not received the king's commands upon the subject,

and therefore could not give any positive answer relative to it. How

does this strange and incomprehensible conduct appear to any unbiassed

Englishman? Was the king, who ought to be the dispenser of the laws, to

be free from imputation, when he thus exposed his unrelenting temper and

unbending determination, wherever his private inclinations were

concerned? We dare avow, if that letter could have been answered, it

would; but its contents were unanswerable! "Aye," said the hireling

Castlereagh, "it is no matter what the conduct of the Princess of Wales

has been; it is the king's desire that he may no more be obliged to

recognise her in her former character of Princess of Wales." Oh! most

sapient speech of a most sapient lord; truly this was a bold doctrine to

broach, that kings have a right divine to subdue, injure, oppress, and

govern wrong!

We pass by the number of addresses presented to her majesty at this

period, and also the not-to-be-mistaken expression of public opinion

against the projector of her injuries. Were they not concocted by the

authority of the monarch, her husband? Was it not by his _divine_ decree

that his consort's name was erased from the liturgy? Did he not send

down to parliament that message which denounced his queen a criminal?

Yet, after all this, Lord Liverpool said, "The king has no _personal_

feeling upon the subject." Very true, his majesty could not have any

_personal_ feeling towards the queen; his royal feelings had always been

confined to the libidinous and the most obnoxious of society! Had he

been a worthy and upright plaintiff against the most unfortunate of

defendants, would he have scrupled to have shewn himself in his regal

chair upon the continued debates arising from this most important

question; and would not a sense of greatness and virtue, _had he

possessed either_, after hearing the infamous statements of _false

witnesses_, have influenced him to _decline further proceedings_, though

his pride might have withheld an acknowledgment of error? This line of

honest conduct was not followed, and we are therefore obliged to brand

him as one of the most despicable and mean of the human race!

During the disgraceful proceedings against the queen, such was the

public feeling in her favour, that the peers actually feared for their

personal safety in going to and returning from the House. This

threatened danger was, as might be expected, properly guarded against by

the _military_, who poured into London and its environs in vast numbers.

The agitated state of the public mind probably was never more decidedly

expressed than on the 19th of August, the day on which the trial

commenced. At a very early hour in the morning, workmen were employed in

forming double rows of strong timber from St. Margaret's church to the

King's Bench office on the one side, and from the upper extremity of

Abingdon-street on the other, so as to enclose the whole area in front

of the House of Lords. This was done to form a passage to the House,

which was devoted exclusively for the carriages of the peers, to and

from the principal entrance. Within this extensive area, a large body

of constables were stationed, under the controul of the high bailiff and

high constable, who were in attendance before seven o'clock. A very

strong body of foot-guards were also posted in the King's Bench office,

the Record office, and in the other apartments, near or fronting the

street. Westminster Hall was likewise appropriated to the accommodation

of the military. All the leading passages from St. Margaret's church

into Parliament-street were closed securely by strong partitions of

timber. The police-hulk and the gun-boats defended the river side of

Westminster, and the civil and military arrangements presented an

effectual barrier on the opposite side. At nine o'clock, a troop of

life-guards rode into the palace yard, and formed in line in front of

the principal gate of Westminster Hall; they were shortly afterwards

followed by a detachment of the foot-guards, who were formed under the

piazzas of the House of Lords, where they piled their arms. Patrols of

life-guards were then thrown forward, in the direction of

Abingdon-street, who occasionally formed near the king's entrance, and

at intervals paraded.

At half-past nine, a body of the Surrey horse-patrol rode over

Westminster-bridge, and for a short time paraded Parliament-street,

Whitehall, and Charing-cross; they afterwards drew up near the barrier

at St. Margaret's church. The peers began to arrive shortly afterwards;

the lord chancellor was in the House _before eight o'clock_. The other

ministers were equally early in their attendance.

At a quarter before ten, an universal cheering from a countless

multitude, in the direction of Charing-cross, announced to the anxious

spectators that the queen was approaching. Her majesty, attended by Lady

Anne Hamilton, had come early from Brandenburgh-house to the residence

of Lady Francis, St. James' Square, and from thence they departed for

the House of Lords, in a new state carriage, drawn by six bay horses. As

they passed Carlton Palace, the Admiralty, and other such places, the

sentinels presented arms; but, at the Treasury, this mark of honour was

omitted.

When the queen arrived at the House, the military stationed in the front

immediately presented arms. Her majesty was received at the door by Sir

T. Tyrwhitt and Mr. Brougham; and the queen, with her lady in waiting,

proceeded to an apartment prepared for their reception. Shortly

afterwards, her majesty, accompanied as before, entered the House by the

passage leading from the robing-room, which is situated on the right of

the throne.

During this initiatory part of the trial, and until nearly four o'clock,

her majesty was attended by Lord Archibald Hamilton and his sister Lady

Anne, who stood close to the queen all the time.

Upon returning from the House in the same state in which her majesty

arrived, she was greeted by the most enthusiastic acclamations and

shouts of applause from every class of society, who were apparently

desirous to outvie each other in testimonies of homage to their

ill-fated and insulted queen.

Each succeeding day of the pretended trial, her majesty met with a

similar reception; and, during the whole period, addresses were lavishly

poured in upon her, signed by so many persons, and testifying such

ardent regard and devotion, that every moment of time was necessarily

occupied with their reception and acknowledgment. Thus, though the queen

was insulted by the king and the majority of the peers, it must have

afforded great consolation to her wounded feelings, while witnessing the

enthusiasm and devotion manifested in her cause by all the really

honourable of the community. We say _really honourable_, because her

persecutors were either actuated by "filthy lucre," or by a desire to

recommend themselves, in some way or another, to the favour of the king

and his ministers.

To justify these remarks, we here present our readers with a list of

those time-serving creatures who voted against the queen, with the

annual amounts they were then draining from the country:

The Duke of York,[360:A]with immense patronage, nearly

100,000_l._; and the Duke of Clarence, 38,500_l._; but we must

not suppose her majesty's BROTHERS voted through _interest_;

their _virtuous minds could not tolerate her iniquities_!!!

DUKES.--Wellington, 65,741_l._, including the interest of

700,000_l._, which he received to purchase estates;

Northumberland, possessing immense patronage and family

interest; Newcastle, 19,700_l._; Rutland, 3,500_l._; Beaufort,

48,600_l._; and Manchester, 16,380_l._

MARQUISES.--Conyngham(!) 3,600_l._, but the exact sum his wife

received, we have not been able to ascertain; Thomond,

13,400_l._; Headfort, 4,200_l._; Anglesea, 11,000_l._;

Northampton, 1,000_l._; Camden, 4,150_l._; Exeter, 6,900_l._;

Cornwallis, 15,813_l._; Buckingham, 5,816_l._; Lothian,

4,900_l._; Queensberry, great family interest; and Winchester,

3,200_l._

EARLS.--Limerick, 2,500_l._; Ross, governor of an Irish

county; Donoughmore, 4,377_l._; Belmore, 1,660_l._; Mayo,

15,200_l._; Longford, 7,369_l._; Mount Cashel, 1,000_l._;

Kingston, 6,400_l._; St. Germains, brother-in-law to Lord

Hardwicke, who received 7,700_l._; Brownlow, 4,400_l._;

Whitworth, 6,000_l._; Verulam, 2,700_l._; Cathcart,

27,600_l._; Mulgrave, 11,051_l._; Lonsdale, 14,352_l._;

Orford, 6,700_l._; Manvers, 4,759_l._; Nelson, 15,025_l._;

Powis, 700_l._; Liverpool, 33,450_l._; Digby, 6,700_l._; Mount

Edgecumbe, 400_l._; Strange, 13,988_l._; Abergavenny,

3,072_l._; Aylesbury, 6,300_l._; Bathurst, 15,423_l._;

Chatham, 13,550_l._; Harcourt, 4,200_l._; Warwick, 6,519_l._;

Portsmouth, _non compos mentis_; Macclesfield, 3,000_l._;

Aylesford, 6,450_l._; Coventry, 700_l._; Abingdon, 2,000_l._;

Shaftesbury, 6,421_l._; Cardigan, 1,282_l._; Balcarras,

46,050_l._; Winchelsea, 6,000_l._; Stamford, 4,500_l._;

Bridgewater, 13,700_l._; Home, 2,800_l._; and Huntingdon,

200_l._ We must not here omit Lord Eldon, whose vote would

have been against her majesty if it had been required; his

income amounted to 50,400_l._, with immense patronage.

VISCOUNTS.--Exmouth, 10,450_l._; Lake, 7,300_l._; Sidmouth,

17,025_l._; Melville, 18,776_l._; Curzon, 2,400_l._; Sydney,

11,426_l._; Falmouth, 3,578_l._; and Hereford, 1,200_l._

ARCHBISHOPS.--Canterbury, 41,800_l._; Tuam, 28,000_l._; both

with immense patronage.

BISHOPS.--Cork, 6,400_l._, besides patronage; Llandaff,

1,540_l._, with twenty-six livings in his gift; Peterborough,

4,140_l._, with an archdeaconry, six prebends, and thirteen

livings in his gift; he had also a pension granted him by the

king's sign manual, in 1804, of 514_l._-4,654_l._;

Gloucester, 3,200_l._, twenty-four livings, besides other

patronage, in his gift; Chester, 4,700_l._, with six prebends

and thirty livings in his gift; he has also a son in the

_secret_ department in India, 2,000_l._, and another a

collector in India, 2,500_l._, as well as sons in the church

with benefices to the amount of 2,750_l._-11,950_l._; Ely,

21,340_l._, and the patronage of one hundred and eight

livings; St. Asaph, 6,000_l._, his son has two livings in the

church, 1000_l._, and he has ninety livings in his

gift,--7,000_l._; St. David's, 6,260_l._, besides one hundred

livings, prebends, and precentorships in his gift; he has also

a relation in the church, with two livings,

1,000_l._-7,260_l._; Worcester, 9,590_l._, besides the

patronage of one archdeaconry and twenty-one livings; London,

10,200_l._, with ninety-five livings, twenty-eight prebends,

and precentorships in his gift.

LORDS.--Prudhoe, 700_l._; Harris, 3,800_l._; Meldrum, of the

Gordon family, who annually devour about 30,000_l._; Hill,

9,800_l._; Combermere, 13,500_l._; Hopetoun, 15,600_l._;

Gambier, 6,800_l._; Manners, 21,500_l._; Ailsa, _expectant_;

Lauderdale, 36,600_l._; Sheffield, 3,000_l._; Redesdale,

5,500_l._; St. Helens, 1,000_l._; Northwick, 1,500_l._;

Bolton, 4,000_l._; Bayning, 1,000_l._; Carrington, 1,900_l._;

Dunstanville, 1,500_l._; Rous, _motive unknown_; Courtown,

9,800_l._; Galloway, 9,845_l._; Stuart, 15,000; Douglas,

2,500_l._; Grenville, 4,000_l._; Suffield, brother-in-law to

the _notorious Castlereagh_,--need we say more to point out

_his_ motive for voting against the queen? Montagu, 3,500_l._;

Gordon, 20,990_l._; Somers, 2,000_l._; Rodney, 6,123_l._;

Middleton, 700_l._; Napier, 4,572_l._; Gray, 200_l._, with

great family interest; Colville, 4,600_l._; Saltoun,

3,644_l._; Forbes, 8,400_l._; Lord Privy Seal, 3,000_l._; and

Lord President, 4,000.

[360:A] The Duke of Sussex excused himself from taking part in

the proceedings against the queen on the plea of being so

nearly related to her majesty. When this was stated in the

House of Lords, the Duke of York said, "My lords, I have as

much reason, and, _heaven knows_, I would as anxiously desire

as my royal relative to absent myself from these proceedings;

but when I have a DUTY imposed upon me, of _such magnitude as

the present_, I should be _ashamed_ to offer such an EXCUSE!"

It is astonishing how any man, who had _outraged virtue_ and

violated HIS DUTY in a thousand ways, could, unblushingly,

thus insult the English nation!

Notwithstanding this phalanx of corruption being arrayed against one

virtuous female, after an unexampled multiplication of abuse and

perjury, on the fifty-first day of the proceedings, the infamous bill

was LOST, and, with it, the pretensions to uprightness and manly feeling

of every one who had voted for it! What was the dreadful, the

overwhelming, responsibility of those who had ventured to prosecute, of

all others, a great, a noble, a glorious woman, (we speak

unhesitatingly, for we speak from the EVIDENCE OF HER OWN PUBLIC ACTS)

by a "Bill of Pains and Penalties," which was so far from being a part

of our common law, that that was necessarily sacrificed in order to give

effect to this? The mock trial was supported by the evidence of

witnesses who, day after day, perjured themselves for the sake of

wealth, and by the ingratitude of _discarded_ servants, treacherous

domestics, and cowardly calumniators; evidence, not only stained with

the infamy of their own perfidy to their generous benefactress, but

polluted with the licentious and gross obscenity of their own debased

instincts, for we cannot call their cunning by any other name. This,

Englishmen! was the poison, this the vast and sweeping flood of

iniquity, which was permitted by the government to disseminate itself

into the minds of the young, and to inundate the morals of the whole

country! A great moral evil was thus done; but the antidote luckily went

with it. The same press, upon which the absurd, foolish, and dangerous

imbecility of incompetent and unmanly ministers imposed the reluctant

office of becoming the channel for the deluge of Italian evidence, also

conducted the refreshing streams of national sympathy and public

opinion! The public sustained their own honour in upholding that of

Caroline, Queen of England! When that public beheld her intelligent

eyes, beaming with mind and heroism; when they heard of her pure

beneficence, holy in its principle, as it was unbounded in its sphere;

when they felt her glowing affection for a devoted people; when they

observed her, scorning alike the weakness of her sex and the luxury of

her station,--actuated solely by the mighty energies of her own

masculine sense and powerful understanding,--braving fatigue and danger,

traversing the plains and mountains of Asia, the sands and deserts of

Africa; and contemplating the living tomb of ancient liberty in modern

Greece; when they heard of this dauntless woman sailing over foreign

seas with a soul of courage as buoyant and as mighty as the waves that

bore her; but, above all, when they knew of her refusing the glittering

trappings and the splendid price of infamous security, to face

inveterate, persecuting, and inflexible enemies, even on their own

ground, and surrounded by their own strength and power, they felt

confident that such a woman must be at once a favourite of heaven, a

great queen, and a blessing to the people, who fervently offered up

their prayers for her safety and her triumph! It will readily be

supposed, then, with what joy the result of this important and

unprecedented investigation filled the hearts of thousands, which

manifested itself by shouts of exultation from the centre of the

metropolis, and was re-echoed from the remotest corners of the land, by

the unbought voices of a brave and generous people, who considered the

unjust proceedings alike "derogatory to the dignity of the crown and the

best interests of the nation."

From the very commencement of the queen's persecution, her majesty's

counsellors appeared more in the capacity of MEDIATORS in the cause of

_guilt_ than as _stern, unbending, and uncompromising champions of

honour and truth_! In one of Mr. Brougham's speeches, he declared the

queen had no intention to _recriminate_; but Mr. Brougham cannot, even

at this distance of time, have forgotten that, when her majesty had an

interview with him after this public assertion on his part, she declared

herself INSULTED by such a remark, as her case demanded all the

assistance it could possibly obtain from every legal quarter. Another

peculiar trait of defection was conspicuously displayed during this

extraordinary trial. The letter we gave a few pages back, written by an

illustrious personage to the captain of the vessel in which the princess

went in the memorable year 1814, offering him a reward to procure any

evidence of improper conduct on the part of her royal highness, was

submitted to Mr. Brougham, and shortly afterwards, at the supper table

of the queen, he said aloud, that he HAD SHEWN THAT LETTER TO THE

OPPOSITE SIDE OF THE COURT; and when remonstrated with for such

extraordinary conduct, his only reply was, "Oh, it will do very well;"

and soon after left the room. This and many other singular acts of the

learned gentleman will seem surprising to his admirers. Such suspicious

conduct, indeed, is hardly to be accounted for; but we could not dispute

the evidence of our own senses!

At this period, a lady of her majesty's household received a note from a

young person, stating the writer to be in possession of some papers of

GREAT CONSEQUENCE TO THE QUEEN, which she wished to deliver to her

majesty. A gentleman was sent to the writer of the note, and her

information to him was, in substance, as follows:

That certain property, of a large amount, had been bequeathed to her;

but that for many years she had been deprived of all interest arising

from it. That Dr. Sir Richard Croft, accoucheur to her late royal

highness, the Princess Charlotte, was an attendant witness to the will

of her mother, by whom the property had been willed,--her father having

engaged, upon his return from abroad, to put his daughter in possession

of her rightful claims, proving her descent, &c. That, during her

unprotected state, her guardian had caused her to sign bonds to an

enormous amount; and, in consequence, she had been deprived of her

liberty for nearly twelve months. As Dr. Sir Richard Croft was her

principal witness and friend, she frequently consulted him on different

points of her affairs, and also gave him several private letters for his

inspection; but these letters not being returned to her when she applied

for them, she reproached the doctor with his inattention to her

interests. In consequence of this, Dr. Croft called upon her, and

promised to send the letters back the next day. The doctor accordingly

sent her a packet; but, upon examination, she found them to be, _not the

letters alluded to_, but letters of VAST IMPORTANCE, from the HIGHEST

PERSONAGES in the kingdom, and elucidating the most momentous subjects.

Some time after, she sealed them up, and sent a servant back with them,

giving him strict injunctions to deliver them ONLY into Sir Richard's

hand. While the servant was gone, the doctor called upon her, and, IN

GREAT AGITATION, inquired if she had received any other letters back

besides her own. She replied she had, and said, "Doctor, what have you

done?" He walked about the room for some time, and then said, abruptly,

"I suppose you have read the letters?" She replied, "I have read enough

to make me very uncomfortable." After some further remarks, he observed,

"I am the most wretched man alive!" He then said he would communicate to

her all the circumstances. Sir Richard commenced his observations by

stating, that he was not the perpetrator of the deed, but had been made

the instrument of others, which the letters proved. He then alluded, by

name, to a NOBLEMAN; and said the circumstance was first discovered by

the NURSE'S observing that a SEDIMENT WAS LEFT AT THE BOTTOM OF THE CUP

IN WHICH THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE TOOK HER LAST BEVERAGE, and that Mrs.

Griffiths directly charged the doctor with being privy to the act. He

examined the contents of the cup, and was struck with horror at finding

that it was the SAME DESCRIPTION OF MEDICINE WHICH HAD BEEN OBTAINED

FROM HIS HOUSE, A FEW DAYS PREVIOUS, BY THE NOBLEMAN BEFORE ALLUDED

TO!!! However, he endeavoured to persuade the nurse that she was

mistaken; "but," said the doctor, "the more I endeavoured to persuade

her, the more culpable, no doubt _I_ appeared to her."

Sir Richard said he was farther strengthened in his suspicions of the

said nobleman by a conversation he had had a few days before with his

lordship, who said, "If any thing should happen to the princess,--IF SHE

WERE TO DIE,--it would be a melancholy event; yet I consider it would,

in some considerable degree, be productive of good to the nation at

large." Dr. Croft asked him how he could say so. "Because," said the

nobleman, "every body knows her disposition sufficiently to be

convinced, that she will ever be blind to her mother's most unequalled

conduct; and I think any man, burdened with such a wife, would be

_justified_ in using ANY MEANS in seeking to get rid of her! Were it my

case, the friend who would be the means of, or assist in, releasing me

from her shackles, I should consider would do no more than one man ought

to do for another so circumstanced." Dr. Croft then said, he went to

this nobleman directly after the death of the princess, and charged him

with committing the crime. He at first denied it; but at length said,

"It was better for one to suffer than that the whole country should be

put into a state of confusion, which would have been the case if the

princess had lived," and then alluded to the Princess of Wales coming

into this country. The nobleman exonerated himself from the deed; but

said "IT WAS MANAGED BY PERSONS IMMEDIATELY ABOUT THE DOCTOR'S PERSON."

At this part of the narrative, the doctor became very much agitated, and

the lady said, "Good God! who did do it?" To which question he replied,

"_The hand that wrote that letter without a name, in conjunction with

one of the attendants on the nurse!_" The lady further stated, that the

doctor said, "Certain ladies are depending upon me for my services as

accoucheur, and I will not extend life beyond my attendance upon them."

This conversation took place just after the death of the Princess

Charlotte.

Before Dr. Croft left the lady, she informed him of her anxiety to

return the letters as soon as she discovered their importance, and

mentioned that the servant was then gone with them. Sir Richard quickly

exclaimed, "You bid him not leave them?" and inquired what directions

had been given to the servant. Having been informed, he said, "Don't

send them again; keep them until I come and fetch them, and that will be

to-morrow, if possible." But the lady never saw him afterwards, and

consequently retained the letters.

The gentleman then received exact copies of all the letters before

alluded to. We here present our readers with three of the most

important, which will substantiate some of our former statements.

Secret History of the Court of England, from the Accession of George the Third to the Death of George the Fourth, Volume 1 (of 2) Including, Among Other Important Matters, Full Particulars of the Mysterious Death of the Princess Charlotte · 第 53 / 67 题