1818
was a dark and troubled period,--a period of great private distress,--so
that the minds of men were bent with more acerbity than usual upon the
redress of public grievances. The country, borne down by debt, harassed
by taxation, which had no longer for its excuse a monopoly of commerce,
looked naturally enough to the source from which these calamities had
flowed. They found the theory and the practice of the constitution at
variance, and hearing they had a right to be taxed by their
representatives, they thought it hard and unjust that over the great
majority of those who taxed them they had no controul. Retrenchment and
economy were what they required. They considered parliamentary reform
would be the means of producing economy and retrenchment. Public
meetings in favour of parliamentary reform were, therefore, held,
resolutions in favour of it passed, and petitions in favour of it
presented to the two houses of parliament; the energies of a free people
were roused, and great excitement prevailed. When a country is thus
agitated, a minister must resist with vigour, or yield with grace.
Unjust and violent demands should be met with resistance; but sober and
legitimate requests, with concession. When weakly opposed, they are
obtained by immediate violence; successfully refused, they are put off
for a day, or postponed for a week or a year; but they are not got rid
of. Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning, however, were vain enough to think
otherwise.
Parliament was opened by commission in January. The speech referred to
the continued indisposition of his majesty, and the death of the
Princess Charlotte; but without promising an inquiry into the _cause_ of
her untimely end! An address was voted in the Commons' House, according
to custom, though Sir Samuel Romilly was not wanting in his expressions
of severe opposition to the course ministers were pursuing. He stated,
"that the despotic conduct of the ministry had produced in the minds of
the people a determination to withstand any further infringement upon
their rights and privileges."
Totally regardless of the sufferings of an over-burdened people,
however, and during the very heavy and calamitous sorrows of the middle
and lower classes, the chancellor of the Exchequer had the effrontery to
move "that one million of money be raised for the purpose of supplying
the deficiency of places of worship belonging to the establishment, by
building new churches and chapels of ease, where the increase of
population rendered it needful." How applicable are the words of
Tartuffe to the advocates of this measure! "With one hand, I have
encouraged spies, suborned perjury, and committed murders; and with the
other, built churches,--_but not with my own money_!" The bill passed,
and an extra "plume of worldly-mindedness" was consequently placed in
the cap of hypocrisy! Oh! that the pure religion of our Saviour should
be thus perverted! His kingdom was not of this world, neither did he
luxuriate in the "good things" of the earth. Did he wear lawn sleeves
and a mitre? Did he loll in gaudy carriages, and look down with
supercilious contempt on his poorer brethren? Did he require _theatres_
for his churches, or _perfumed_ divines to preach his gospel? Did he
interfere with political matters, and exert his energies to enslave the
people? We leave these questions to be answered by those locusts of the
land, commonly called _bishops_ of the _established_ church; at the same
time we call upon them to reflect, whether, if hereafter they should
feel inclined to recall the opportunity of conciliating the respect of
the country, they will not have the misfortune of finding it much too
late!
If our readers were to look over the singular parliamentary proceedings
at this gloomy period of our history, they would be forcibly struck with
the littleness, servility, and the utter want of intellectual calibre,
so fully set forth in the characters of those who conducted the solemn
mockery of legislation. The most unjust and arbitrary laws were put in
force, and the public money allowed to be squandered, without the least
inquiry. As a proof of this last remark, we need only mention the fact
of _ninety thousand pounds_ being voted for the department of the
"Master of the Horse," who kept thirty saddle and twenty-eight carriage
horses for the use of his majesty, yet the king had never been out of
the castle for more than seven years! This disgraceful squandering of
money was carried on, too, when honest citizens and affectionate fathers
were incapable of providing bread for themselves and families! Indeed,
Lord Liverpool seemed resolved to push the country to its utmost verge,
by proposing and sanctioning every expensive outlay. He was, with Lords
Castlereagh and Sidmouth, the author of many plans to perplex,
impoverish, and subdue the people, in which plans the _bishops_ most
zealously assisted. Every contrivance that had the sanction of the queen
was sure to be _well-managed_, till Justice herself was set at open
defiance.
Our readers will recollect our former statements respecting the Princess
Charlotte, and we think the circumstance we are now about to relate will
not operate against the proofs we have adduced concerning her untimely
end.
Dr. Sir Richard Croft, the accoucheur of that lamented princess, had
been engaged to attend the lady of the Rev. Dr. Thackeray, at her house,
86, Wimpole-street, Cavendish-square. Sir Richard went there on Monday,
the 9th of February, and remained in attendance until Thursday morning,
at eleven o'clock, when, finding his continued presence unnecessary, he
went out for a short time to fulfil his other engagements. An apartment
on the floor above that occupied by Mrs. Thackeray was appointed for
the residence of Sir Richard. In this chamber, there were two pistols
belonging to Dr. Thackeray, hanging within the reach of Dr. Croft. Sir
Richard retired to bed at half-past twelve, and about one, Dr. Thackeray
heard a noise, apparently proceeding from the room occupied by Dr.
Croft, and sent a female servant to ascertain the cause; she returned,
saying, "the doctor is in bed, and I conceive him to be asleep." A short
time after, a similar noise was heard, and the servant was sent again.
She rapped at the door, but received no answer. This circumstance
created alarm; in consequence of which, the door of his apartment was
broken open. Here an awful spectacle presented itself. The body of Sir
Richard was lying on the bed, shockingly mangled, his hands extended
over his breast, and a pistol in each hand. One of the pistols had been
loaded with slugs, the other with ball. Both were discharged, and the
head of the unfortunate gentleman was literally blown to pieces.
On the inquest, Doctors Latham and Baillie, and Mr. Finch, proved that
the deceased had, since the death of the Princess Charlotte, laboured
under mental distress. He had frequently been heard to say, that "this
lamentable occurrence weighs heavily on my mind, and I shall never get
over it." Mr. Finch said, he was well aware that the deceased had been
labouring under derangement of intellect for a considerable time past;
and he should not have reposed confidence or trust in him on any
occasion since the lamented catastrophe alluded to. The jury returned a
verdict, "that the deceased destroyed himself while in a fit of
temporary derangement."
During the inquest, the newspaper reporters were denied admission, which
circumstance gave rise to various rumours of a suspicious tendency. This
was certainly an unconstitutional act; but we will, as honest
historians, speak candidly upon the subject. Delicacy to surviving
friends must not prevent our detail of facts.
It will appear evident, then, that Sir Richard had not been perfectly
sane since the ever-to-be-regretted fatal event at Claremont. Was it not
therefore astonishing, that his professional as well as other friends,
who were _suspicious_, if not _fully aware_, of the doctor's
derangement, should have been silent upon this important point, and have
allowed Sir Richard to continue in the exercise of his professional
practice? Did they not, by such silence, contribute to the peril of
females in the most trying moment of nature's sorrow? The
_disinterested_ reader will, doubtless, join us in our expressions of
indignation at such wanton and cruel conduct.
The letter written to Sir Richard, by order of the prince, proves
nothing but the folly of those who advised it. That letter was not
calculated to remove any of those suspicions respecting the untimely
death of the Princess Charlotte, which rolled like heavy clouds over the
intelligent minds of the greater portion of the nation; neither was it
likely to hush the spirit of _inquiry_, because its details were
evidently meant to prevent any special explanation. The Marquis of
Hertford, chamberlain to the regent, well knew, at this period, how to
estimate _medicinal cause and effect_!
Presuming my Lord Bloomfield to have been an actor in "the tragedy," we
cannot help thinking that his reward was more than adequate to the
_services_ performed. His pension of twelve hundred pounds per annum was
dated December, 1817. What extraordinary benefits had he rendered to
this oppressed nation to merit such an income? We ought also to mention,
that, after this period, we find his lordship named as "envoy and
minister-plenipotentiary in Sweden," for which he received the annual
sum of four thousand, nine hundred pounds, and, as colonel of artillery,
one thousand and three pounds, making in all the enormous annual sum of
seven thousand, one hundred, and three pounds!
These remarks are not intended to wound the feelings of private
families; but are made with a view to urge a strict investigation into
the cause of the Princess Charlotte's death. We are well aware that many
_great_ persons have reason to fear the result of such an inquiry, yet
the injured ought to have justice administered, even at the "eleventh
hour," if it cannot sooner be obtained. Many a murderer has been
executed twenty, or even thirty, years after the commission of his
crime!
Though at this time ministers had a parliament almost entirely devoted
to their wishes, there were a few members of it who vigorously opposed
unjust measures, and they could not always carry their plans into
execution. The amount solicited for the Duke of Clarence upon his
intended marriage with the Princess of Saxe Meiningen is a proof of
this; for, although the regent sent a message to the House to accomplish
this object, it was at _first_ refused, and the duke did not gain his
point till a considerable time afterwards.
In this year, the Duke of Kent was united to a sister of Prince Leopold.
In September, while most requisite to her party, the queen was taken
ill. Bulletin followed upon bulletin, and the disorder was reported to
increase. Some of the public papers announced, that her majesty had
expressed an ardent desire to witness a _reconciliation_ between the
Prince and Princess of Wales, as she imagined her dissolution was now
near at hand. The report, however, was as false as it was unlikely; for,
only a month before this period, _spies_ had been despatched to obtain
witnesses, _of any description_, against the honour of the princess, by
which means her enemies hoped to accomplish their most ardent desires.
Queen Charlotte's _conscience_ was not of a penetrable nature as her
bitter enmity to the Princess of Wales continued even to her death!
With her majesty, it had ever been an invariable maxim, that "might
constitutes right;" but the reflections of her mind, while surveying the
probability of a speedy dissolution, must have been of a complexion too
dreary to be faithfully pictured. She,--who had been the arbitress of
the fates of nations, whose commands none dared dispute or disobey, and
at whose frown numberless sycophants and dependents trembled,--was now
about to face the dread enemy of mankind! The proud heart of Queen
Charlotte must have been humbled at the thought of meeting HER Judge,
who is said to be "no distinguisher of persons."
During her indisposition, the queen seemed much impressed with the idea
that she should recover, and it was not till the 2nd of November that
the physicians deemed it requisite to acquaint the queen of her danger.
The intelligence was given in the most delicate manner possible; yet her
majesty exhibited considerable alarm at the information. It was
pressingly hinted by the princesses to their mother, that the sacrament
ought to be administered; but the queen positively refused the "holy
rite," saying, "It is of no use, as I am unable to take it." One of the
princesses immediately said, "You do not mean to say that you MURDERED
THE PRINCESS CHARLOTTE?" "No," faintly answered the queen, "BUT I
CONNIVED AT IT!" We pledge ourselves to the truth of this statement,
however incredible it may appear to those who have considered Queen
Charlotte as "a pattern to her sex." When the general servility of the
press to royalty is taken into consideration, it is hardly to be
wondered at that people are misinformed as to the real characters of
kings and queens. Take the following false and most inconsistent
eulogium, copied from the "Atlas" newspaper, as an example of this
time-serving violation of truth:
"Queen Charlotte's _constant attendance on the king_, and her
GRIEF FOR THE LOSS OF HER GRAND-DAUGHTER, gained ground on her
constitution; and her majesty expired at Kew, on the 17th of
November, 1818. _In all the relations of a wife and mother_,
the conduct of the queen had been EXEMPLARY. Pious, without
bigotry; virtuous, but not austere; serious, yet capable of
the most perfect enjoyment of innocent pleasure;
unostentatious, economical, adorned with all domestic virtues,
and not without the charities of human nature, the queen had
lived respected, and she died full of years and honour,
regretted by her subjects, and most by those who knew her
best. If her talents were not shining, nor her virtues
extraordinary, she never employed the first in faction, nor
bartered the second for power. She was occasionally accused of
political interference, by contemporary jealousy; but history
will acquit her of the charge. She was a strict moralist,
though her conduct to one part of her family (the heroic
Caroline, we suppose) was perhaps more RIGOROUS than JUST. Her
proudest drawing-room was the hearth of her home. HER
BRIGHTEST GEMS WERE HER CHILDREN, (heaven save the mark!) _and
her greatest ambition to set an example of_ MATRONLY VIRTUE
_and feminine dignity to the ladies of her adopted country_!"
We should absolutely blush for the writer of this paragraph, did we
think that he really _meant_ his panegyric to be taken _literally_. For
the sake of _common honesty_, however, we will not suppose he so
intended it; he must be some severe critic who adopted this style as the
_keenest kind of wit_, for
"Praise undeserved is satire in disguise!"
The _august_ remains of this royal lady were, on the 2nd of December,
deposited in the vault prepared for their reception, with all the
parade usual on such expensive occasions. We will not detain our
readers by describing the funeral pomp, though we cannot avoid noticing
that the body was not opened, but immediately enclosed in prepared
wrappers, and very speedily deposited in the first coffin, which was a
leaden one. Indeed, her majesty was not in a fit state to undergo the
usual formalities of embalming, &c. Her body was literally a moving mass
of corruption.
Let us now sum up the mortal train of evils which were so _generously_
nourished "by the departed," for virtues she had none. The power of
royalty may intimidate the irresolute, astonish the uninformed, or bribe
the villain; but, as we do not claim affinity with either of these
characters, we honestly avow, that her majesty did not deserve the title
"of blessed memory." At the commencement of her alliance with the
much-to-be-pitied George the Third, she took every advantage of his
weakness, and actually directed the helm of government _alone_, which
untoward circumstance England has abundant cause to remember!
The next brother to the king, (Edward) whom we have before mentioned,
was most unexpectedly and unaccountably sent abroad, notwithstanding his
being next in succession. His royal highness' marriage with a descendant
of the Stuarts, though strictly legal, was never acknowledged by Queen
Charlotte, and his only child, soon after its birth, was thrown upon the
compassionate attention of strangers. As there is something so horrible
relative to the death of this amiable duke and duchess, and something
so heartless and cruel in the treatment to which their only son has been
subjected, we are induced, for the sake of truth and justice, to lay a
brief statement of the matter before our readers.
* * * * *
Historians have either been treacherous or ignorant of the circumstances
connected with the case of this Duke of York, who was the second son of
Frederick, Prince of Wales, and next brother of George the Third. Most
writers have represented "that he died in consequence of a malignant
fever," as we have before mentioned; but one historian ventured to
assert that "Edward, Duke of York, was ASSASSINATED in September, 1767,
near Monaco, in Italy!" This statement, we are sorry to say, is but too
true, which caused the book containing it to be bought up at an immense
expense. The unhappy widow of his royal highness was then far advanced
in pregnancy, and very shortly after this melancholy, and (to her)
irreparable loss, she came over to England, and took up her residence at
Haverford West, in South Wales. At this place, her royal highness gave
birth to a son, whose baptism was duly entered in the register of St.
Thomas' parish. What afterwards became of this illustrious lady,
however, is not known; but her infant was, shortly after its birth,
conveyed to London, and placed, by George the Third, under the immediate
care and protection of a tradesman and his wife, by whom he was
represented to be their own son. This tradesman, although only
twenty-seven years of age, enjoyed the particular confidence of his
majesty, and has been known to walk with the king by the hour, in the
gardens adjoining Buckingham House, conversing with all the familiarity
of an old acquaintance or an especial friend, and who at all times could
command an interview with his majesty, or with the ministers. When about
twelve years old, this ill-fated offspring of the duke was placed at
Eton, upon which occasion his majesty took especial notice of the youth,
and was in the habit of conversing very freely with him. He had not been
long at Eton when his majesty allowed him to go with his _reputed_
father to see the hounds throw off at Taplow Heath; a chaise was ordered
for this purpose, and they arrived just before the deer were let out.
Upon their alighting, the king rode up to them, and expressed his very
great satisfaction at the appearance of the youth; and, after asking
many questions relative to the arrangements made for him at school,
said, "Well, my little fellow, do you be a good boy, and you shall never
want friends. Good bye, good bye; the deer will soon be out!" His
majesty then rode back to his attendants. Whenever George the Third
passed through Eton, it was his invariable practice either to speak to,
or inquire after, this youth, in whose welfare he ever appeared deeply
interested. From Eton, he was removed to college; and after this period,
vexations of an unpleasant nature were experienced by this orphan: his
income was too limited, and unkindness and illiberality were too
frequently his portion; even during severe indisposition, he was
permitted to languish without being supplied with sufficient means to
procure the needful restoratives. His life now became little else than
one continued scene of unhappiness; his associates at the university
were well acquainted with these facts, and appeared deeply interested in
his welfare, regretting that the mind and talent of such an amiable and
promising youth should be enervated by the severity or inattention of
his connexions. But as he had been severely rebuked for making a
complaint, and offering a remonstrance, he resolved to suffer in "silent
sorrow," much to the injury of his mental enjoyments. During a vacation,
and previous to his removal from college, a dispute arose amongst the
members of his reputed father's family upon the subject of religion. The
debate at length assumed a formidable appearance, and bigotry plainly
supplied the place of sound reasoning. The family separated in the
evening, each displeased with the other, and all, except one individual,
at issue with the royal protege. Early in the ensuing morning, this
dissentient member of the family requested the favour of an interview
with the illustrious youth, and remarked, that the occurrence was not a
matter of surprise, as the very peculiar circumstances connected with
the reputed father of the young gentleman were of a most serious
description. "To what do you allude?" said the youth. "You ought to
know," answered this honourable friend, "that you have no right to
submit to insult here. You are the highest person in this house, and
are, by your rank, entitled to the greatest respect from every one. Your
_pretended_ father forgets his duty and his engagements, when he permits
you to be treated with disrespect; and if his majesty knew these
circumstances, your abode would soon be changed; and your profession
would be abandoned. The king never would allow an indignity to be
offered to you in any way, much less by the person into whose care he
has so confidingly entrusted you." "What!" said the young prince, "am I
not the son of Mr. ******? but, if I am, why should his majesty take so
much interest in my case?" "No," answered his informant, "you are not
the son of Mr. ******. But ask no more; my life might probably pay for
my explanation!" From this period, the subject of our memoir was treated
with the greatest unkindness and personal indignity by almost every
member of his reputed father's family. Indeed, the imperious behaviour
of the elder branches was such as could not be passed over in silence;
in consequence of which, the high-spirited and noble victim was sent
back to college for the remainder of the vacation, with little more in
his purse than would defray the expenses of the journey; but the command
was peremptory! After remaining some time in utter destitution, the
royal protege wrote to request an early supply of cash, naming for what
purposes. This appeal was considered as the effect of extravagance and
profligacy, and, instead of being properly complied with, was answered
with acrimony, every thing the reverse of parental feeling. Under these
heart-rending circumstances, did this ill-fated son of Prince Edward
labour for nearly four years at the university,--not daring to make any
further appeals to the austere, impatient, and arbitrary person, to
whose care the king had so fully, though _secretly_, entrusted him. At
length, however, a severe illness was the consequence; and censure, in
no very measured terms, was heaped upon the unfeeling character who had
so cruelly immolated a promising and worthy young gentleman, and who, he
well knew, was of the most illustrious descent. Those who were
acquainted with the particulars of the case were most incensed against
such heartless conduct. Mr. ****** had undertaken the important charge
of seeing this protege able to realize the ardent wish of his majesty,
either as a legal or clerical character, and thereby, in some degree,
provided for. But, while his majesty's nephew was refused means to live
respectably, and excluded from all youthful amusements, the real sons of
his reputed father were allowed all the pleasures and enjoyments of
life. At his final removal from college, this ill-treated prince
represented to his unfeeling guardian that he should take greater
pleasure in pursuing legal to clerical engagements; but his wishes in
this, as in most other matters, were totally disregarded, and the church
was destined, by arbitrary will, to be his profession. He, therefore, at
the proper age, was compelled to take orders, and enter upon a
profession he had not chosen. As the home of his reputed father was
scarcely to be endured, a curacy was eagerly accepted, and the son of
the Duke of York, the nephew of George the Third, was transformed into
"a clergyman of the church of England!!!" Here he toiled in an obscure
village, scarcely receiving sufficient means to discharge the small
demands required for his maintenance!
Shortly after this, the principal of the living died insolvent, and the
little remuneration due to the curate could not be obtained. In this
distressing state of affairs, the persecuted prince could obtain no
settlement from his guardian; yet from comparative nothingness, this man
was raised to affluence, and was then living in much style, keeping his
carriage and horses, inhabiting a mansion of very superior description,
and the whole of his family enjoying every superfluity of life. _He_,
however, on whose sole account this sumptuous appearance was bestowed,
was "eating the bread of Carefulness, and reposing upon the couch of
Sorrow!" We need not enter more fully into the case of this unfortunate,
but worthy, descendant of Prince Edward, than say, that, from the
commencement of his studies to a very recent period, he has been the
VICTIM OF POWER! His sufferings and his sorrows have been too great for
language to describe; and, but for the blessings of a fine constitution,
he must have fallen under them. But, if he be called upon in a suitable
manner, we doubt not that he has yet preserved to him sufficient of his
natural courage, though in his 65th year, to make "False Accusation
blush, and Tyranny tremble at Patience!"
We claim the attention of our readers while we offer PROOF that our
assertions are founded upon the glorious principle of TRUTH. We have
ourselves, to elucidate this matter, examined all the registers of the
various parishes in Carnarvonshire and Carmarthenshire, and found every
register complete from 1760, until we came to that of St. Thomas,
Haverford West, at which place we could not find a single register
before the year 1776. To substantiate this fact, we subjoin the
following certificate of the parish clerk:
"Haverford West,
"Parish of St. Thomas.
"There are no registers in the possession of the present rector of the
above parish, prior to the year 1776.
(Signed) "JOSEPH LLOYD MORGAN,
"Parish Clerk."
"13th Sept., 1831."
Here, then, is a BLANK for which no apology can be received,--no
obsequious profession of sorrow or regret can compensate. We presume to
declare that if the parish registers throughout the whole of the United
Kingdoms be investigated, a similar defect will not be found. We are,
therefore, justified in supposing that this defect arose _solely_ and
_entirely_ from concerted measures, to keep the subject of our memoir
from ever having it in his power to bring _legal_ proof of his noble
descent.
The time will probably arrive when we may be permitted to enter more
fully into this atrocious business, and then we shall not spare the
"Oppressors of Innocence," for truth is bold, and not always to be
defied! It would have been better for such oppressors to have never seen
the light than to have gained their wicked purposes by such an unmanly
sacrifice of the rights of nature. Every individual ought to feel
interested in the full and fair explanation of this chicanery; for if
such misdeeds are suffered to remain unpunished, a safeguard is offered
to future tyrants! Startling facts like these speak volumes, and any
honest and upright member of the community will not need more than their
simple avowal to rouse his indignation. Such encroachments on the rights
of individuals call aloud for retributive justice, and we trust the call
will not long be made in vain. Surely there is yet sufficient virtue
left amongst us to prevent this once great nation from being sacrificed
to the fluctuating interests or wayward prejudices of ministers, or even
of a monarch! It is high time to shake off all lethargy! This, as well
as many other subjects, which we have exposed,--_deserve_,--nay,
DEMAND,--_parliamentary investigation_. Hitherto, some dreadful
infatuation seems to have presided over the councils of this country.
Insatiable ambition has caused all the horrors imposed upon the United
Kingdoms, and has plunged a professedly free and great people into debt
and disgrace. Indolence now, therefore, is only comparable with the
conduct of a prodigal, who has wasted his estate without reflection, and
then has not the courage to examine his accounts; far be this from
Britons!
* * * * *
From this digression, we return to the consideration of Queen
Charlotte's character. The open and virtuous conduct of the Earl of
Chatham, and his rebuffs from the queen in consequence thereof affords
another proof of the domination which her majesty endeavoured to
exercise over all advisers of the crown. The imbecility of the king,
owing to circumstances formerly noticed by us, as well as the horrors of
a ruinous war, must also be ascribed to the dictatorial conduct of Queen
Charlotte. The unjustifiable hatred her majesty imbibed against the
Princess of Wales, and the consequent unfeeling demeanour she exhibited
to that victim, would of itself be sufficient to refute the praises of
her minions, and stamp her name with everlasting infamy. But many other
convincing proofs are upon record. Her majesty well knew that the
country was bending under an enormous load of debt, which encumbered its
inhabitants; she knew of their sufferings and complaints; but the
appealing voices of reason and supplication were never deemed worthy of
her attention. What traits of "matronly" goodness or natural affection
did she exhibit for the Princess Charlotte, when advancing to the hour
of her peril? And what proofs have we of "her grief for the loss of her
grand-daughter" so satirically ascribed, by the writer quoted a few
pages back, to be one of the causes of her majesty's last illness? Alas!
her majesty's abject, though horrible, confession on her death-bed,
relative to this unfortunate princess, too fatally corroborated the
infamy of her general conduct! We need not proceed farther with her
majesty's character; this, this unnatural act is enough to chill the
blood in the veins of every human being!
At this time, very little was said of the afflicted king; indeed the
bulletins assumed such a sameness of expression, that the country
thought there was not satisfactory evidence to prove the sovereign was
_really alive_. His majesty's disorder did not require that close and
solitary confinement so arbitrarily imposed upon him. If he had been a
private gentleman, associated with an affectionate wife and dutiful
children, would he not have frequently been persuaded to take an airing
in an open carriage? But how infinitely superior were the facilities
attendant upon the situation of the king than could possibly be
possessed by any private gentleman! His majesty had long been
languishing, and was, at the commencement of
1819,
insensible to all around him. Death was evidently making rapid strides,
and yet the bulletins continued of the same general expression.
At this time, we had the honour of being personally acquainted with one
of the king's sons, whose integrity has ever been considered
unimpeachable, both in his public and private character. The information
we received relative to the KING'S DEATH came directly from his royal
highness.
It will be remembered, that much doubt prevailed upon the reality of the
king's existence, and numerous bets were entered into upon the subject
by persons in the higher circles. Notwithstanding this, on the 25th of
January, the Earl of Liverpool introduced a motion to the House of Lords
for the purpose of nominating the Duke of York to the office of
"guardian to the king," as, in consequence of the demise of her majesty,
that trust had become vacant. Much altercation ensued. The duke's former
delinquencies had not been forgotten, and the country was tired with the
subjection they then endured from the IMPOSING privileges of royalty.
But, in despite of all opposition and remonstrance, the care of the
king's person was committed to the Duke of York, for which his royal
highness had the unblushing effrontery to receive TEN THOUSAND POUNDS A
YEAR FOR VISITING HIS DYING FATHER TWICE A WEEK!!! What an unprecedented
example of avarice and undutifulness was here manifested by a son to his
parent, who would have travelled the same distance any time to have
gratified his passions! Oh, Shame! where is thy blush? Oh, Infamy, art
thou not now detected? A few weeks after this motion had received the
approbation of the agents of corruption, the long-afflicted and
disappointed GEORGE THE THIRD DIED! but the event was carefully
concealed from the public. PRAYERS WERE STILL READ IN CHURCHES FOR HIS
RECOVERY, though the bishops knew they were _mocking heaven_, by praying
for the life of one who was _already dead_! Ye sticklers for upholding
the present impious system of church government, what say ye to this?
Could Infamy and Blasphemy go any farther? And yet those at the head of
this system are still allowed to insult the country by proposing general
fasts to people already starving, as well as impiously accusing the
Almighty with spreading distress and pestilence over the land which they
themselves have laid waste by their rapacity and worldly-mindedness!
While the clergy were praying for the life of the _deceased_ king to be
preserved, the apartments formerly in the occupation of his majesty were
kept in the same state as when the monarch was alive, and the royal
body, after being embalmed, was placed in a leaden coffin of needful
substance. Our royal informant went on to state, that these impositions
were practised upon the public to give time for selecting proper persons
to be despatched to Milan, or elsewhere, to gain intelligence what the
Princess of Wales intended upon the demise of the king, as, in that
event occurring, her royal highness would become queen consort.
Notwithstanding all this cunning and trickery, her royal highness was
informed of the death of her father-in-law many months before it became
publicly known. A junior branch of the royal family wrote to her, "The
king is now dead, but this event will not be made known to the nation
till certain arrangements are made, on behalf of the prince regent, _to
degrade you_; and either keep you abroad for the remainder of your life,
void of your title as Queen of England, and with other restrictions, or
to obtain witnesses, and, giving you the _form_ of a trial, insult and
destroy you!" Her royal highness, however, was precluded from _acting_
upon this information by her correspondent, who enjoined her to the
strictest secrecy till the event should be made known to her by the
ministers of the crown.
In the mean time, every opportunity to suppress unpleasant inquiries or
investigations upon subjects connected with royalty and the time-serving
ministry were carefully embraced. That unparalleled junto, Liverpool,
Castlereagh, Sidmouth, and others of the same profession, not forgetting
our dear venerable Lord Eldon and the _pious_ bishops, were well aware
of George the Third's death, at the time it happened. They had, indeed,
been expecting it for some time; yet these were the persons who assisted
to deceive the public mind, and prevent the straightforward
acknowledgment of TRUTH! The evidence we have adduced of this fact is so
palpable and strong, that he who can resist its force must be strangely
void of perception, or else have made a previous resolve not to suffer
himself to be the subject of conviction.
In the early part of May, several persons were introduced at court, and
received the royal smile, on being appointed to investigate the private
conduct of the Princess of Wales. Their _purses_ were also amply
supplied by the royal command, and if further sums were found needful,
they received letters of credit upon the principal banking houses named
in the route they had to take. If any person in the common ranks of life
gives away that which is not his to give, he renders himself liable to
transportation; but it is said, a "king can do no wrong!" The most
disreputable of society were solicited to give information against the
Princess of Wales, either with regard to any public or private
intelligence they might have received; the most liberal offers were also
made to remunerate the persons so inquired of. After an immense expense,
information, though of a doubtful character, against the princess was
obtained, ONLY BY PURCHASE; and various were the despatches sent over to
this country, and answered by the ministerial plotters, who exerted all
their energies to bring the business to a consummation.
During such disreputable transactions, the princess knew the _real_
cause of all the attempts to insult and degrade her character; and she,
therefore, without delay, advised with her legal friends what steps were
most proper to take. Alas! the princess was doomed only to receive fresh
insults; delay followed delay; excuses of the most palliative
description were used, instead of sound advice and positive opinion, and
it appeared as if every hand were raised against her! Indeed, the
perplexed and mortifying situation of the princess was attended with
such dangerous consequences, that, had she not been a most _courageous_
woman, and supported by her _innocence_, she must have sank under her
fears. Driven into exile, abandoned by the ministry, deserted by her
friends, through the bribery of her enemies, attacked by her _nearest
relations_, the only resource she had left was in committing her person,
her sceptre, her crown, and her honour, to the care of the
representatives of the British people. For our own parts, we cannot
forget that when she was accused before parliament on a former occasion,
the whole nation was melted into tears, or inflamed with rage; and,
except those princes and their minions, who should have felt for her the
most, there was found but one heart, one will, and one voice, on the
subject throughout the kingdoms! Nor can it have escaped the observation
of our countrymen, that all those persons, originally employed in
bringing to trial this illustrious and virtuous woman, have been
munificently rewarded; while those who advocated her cause, and stood
between her and the axe uplifted for her destruction, have experienced
nothing but the blackest calumny and detraction.
Lord Moira, the author of the first investigation, was made Marquis of
Hastings, and Governor-General of India. This individual, however,
desired his _right hand might be amputated immediately after his
decease, as an expiatory judgment against himself, in having signed
dishonourable deeds to injure the happiness of the princess_. Conant,
the poor Marlborough-street magistrate, who procured the attested
evidence for impeachment, was created Sir Nathaniel, with an increase of
a _thousand pounds_ a year, as chief of all the police offices. The
Douglases were all either elevated to wealth, office, or rank. The
Jerseys stood in the sunshine of the court; and the Rev. Mr. Bates, then
editor of the "Herald," and her bitterest enemy, was created a baronet,
and promoted high in the church! Such was the fortune of her accusers;
but how different was that of her supporters!
In June, the Chancellor of the Exchequer submitted his plan of finance.
It proved that the revenue was reduced eighteen millions, to meet which,
extra loans were proposed to be raised and new taxes enforced. In doing
this, the Speaker of the House of Commons, in the address to the regent,
said, "In adopting this course, his majesty's faithful Commons do not
conceal from themselves that they are calling upon the nation for a
_great exertion_; but, well knowing that honour, character, and
independence have at all times been the first and dearest objects of the
hearts of Englishmen, we feel assured that there is no difficulty that
the country would not encounter, and no pressure to which it would not
_cheerfully_ submit, to enable us to maintain pure and unimpaired that
which has never yet been shaken or sullied,--our public credit, and our
national good faith." Now let us ask the reason why an extra immense
burden of taxation was to be levied upon the people. The queen was
_acknowledged_ to be dead, and certainly could not be chargeable to the
nation by her personal expenditure or allowance. The king was also
_dead_, though _his income was received as usual_! as well as the Duke
of York's _ten thousand pounds for attending him_!!! Royal and
ministerial extravagance likewise caused the useless outlay of twenty
thousand, five hundred pounds, for SNUFF-BOXES, besides twelve hundred
guineas as presents to three GERMAN BARONS. The gift of _an axe_ or _a
halter_ would have better accorded with the financial state of the
empire!
The prince regent closed the session in person on the 13th of July; and,
at the conclusion of his speech, adverted to the _seditious spirit_
(what sensible man could feel surprised at it?) which was evident in the
manufacturing districts, and avowed a firm determination to employ the
powers provided by law for its suppression, instead of promising the
people redress of grievances!
In Glasgow, Leeds, Manchester, and Stockport, the meetings of the
inhabitants now became very numerous, while all means were taken by the
local authorities to provoke general confusion.
On the 16th of August, the MEMORABLE MEETING at Manchester took place,
for the purpose of petitioning for a reform in the representation. The
assembly consisted of from sixty to one hundred thousand persons, who
conducted themselves in the most peaceable manner. The assembled
multitude, however, were suddenly surprised by the arrival of the
Manchester yeomanry cavalry; to which were afterwards added a regiment
of the Cheshire yeomanry, and a regiment of huzzars,--the outlets being
occupied by other military detachments. The _unarmed_ thousands were now
driven one upon another, and many were killed and wounded, while others
were ridden over by the horses. The number ascertained to have been
killed were eight men, two women, and one child; but the wounded were
about six hundred! How well the words of a celebrated author apply to
this diabolical proceeding: "A kingdom for a stage, princes to act, and
to behold the grand effect; but at their heels, leashed in like hounds,
may not sword, famine, fire, crouch for employment?" Numerous
imprisonments followed, and many poor families were consequently
deprived of support.
Historians are at issue whether or not the riot act was read before the
scene of carnage commenced, as it is unconstitutional to send a military
force _to act_ before so doing. We, however, confidently assert IT WAS
NOT READ in the hearing of any of the populace, neither was it at all
likely that the soldiers could have come so suddenly and unexpectedly
upon the multitudes, unless by previous order and arrangement. Further
than this, an hour ought to have transpired after such reading before a
soldier or civil officer could be authorised to interfere in dispersing
the meeting. As a proof of the corresponding features of this unexampled
and murderous business, a letter was written by the _pious_ Lord
Sidmouth, _in the name of the regent_, to the Earl of Derby, presenting
thanks for the vigorous and able conduct of the magistracy and military
of Manchester on the 16th. Thus were the lives and liberties of the
open-hearted population of these kingdoms allowed to be at the controul
of an impotent and heartless statesman; for it appeared that the regent
was not at hand to have given his assent to this unparalleled piece of
barefaced audacity. Lord Sidmouth should have been more careful of
dates, as the "royal dandy" was at that time taking a little pleasure
near the Isle of Wight. But the following particulars will explain the
_systematic_ plan of this cold-blooded massacre:
Mr. H. N. Bell, before this period, was confidentially employed at the
office of the secretary of state, in the capacity of genealogist, under
the immediate controul of Lord Sidmouth. Some considerable period before
the melancholy butchery, he was engaged to proceed to Manchester, in
company with two other persons, for the avowed purpose of inflaming the
public mind against the ministry. He went, and the result was as his
patron and employer, Lord Sidmouth, desired it. Mr. Bell and his
associates expressed to the people of Manchester, that they need not
remain in their then starving condition, if, in an orderly and peaceable
manner, they were to assemble on some convenient spot, and unanimously
resolve to petition for a reform, so much needed, in the representation.
These tools of the secretary of state told the famishing multitudes,
that if they pleased to enjoy happiness and plenty, together with civil
liberty, they had now an opportunity of accomplishing their most earnest
wishes. Under their influence, clubs and unions were soon formed, and
public notices were ultimately given, that a general meeting would take
place on the 16th of August.
These preliminary arrangements being completed, the _soldiery_ had
instructions to be ready. The result was as before stated; and Mr. Bell
and his accomplices returned to London as soon as their object was
attained. The Duke of York acted a prominent part in this plot, from his
military facilities; but the besotted prince was persuaded to get out of
the way until the affair should be concluded.
Mr. Bell proved very useful in the office of the secretary, and as he
had once forfeited his own good opinion, by lending himself to the
diabolical plot just mentioned, he made no further scruple, but became a
passive engine, directed in his actions by the command of ministers and
state empirics. Lord Sidmouth was dissatisfied with the Manchester
business; he had hoped that many more might have been brought to suffer
the extreme penalty of the law, thereby affording an awful example to
deter others from daring to question the excellency of the government
under which they lived, and the generous disposition of the governors.
We are aware that some people attributed this affair to the magistracy;
but they would not have dared to interfere in such a manner as they did,
unless sanctioned and supported by the higher powers. The cause of a
selfish, cruel, and despotic ministry, required the assistance of
corresponding heartless servants, and they obtained it. Lord
Castlereagh, however, threw out many insinuations that the Manchester
plot was a very bold and desperate undertaking; but the _pious doctor_
"laid the flattering unction to his soul of its _expediency_," believing
some such infamous procedure needful to rivet the iron sceptre of
despotism. How well does the repentant language of a certain wicked king
apply here!
"My fault is past. But, O, what form of prayer
Can serve my turn? Forgive me my foul murder!--
That cannot be, since I am still possess'd
Of those effects for which I did the murder!
* * * * *
In the corrupted currents of this world,
Offence's gilded hand may shove by justice;
And oft 'tis seen, the wicked prize itself
Buys out the law!"
This has proved but too true, as well in the Manchester affair as in
many other diabolical state proceedings. The little value, indeed, which
the ministers of this period entertained for human life ought never to
be pardoned. Property, if seized or lost, may be restored; or if not,
man may enjoy a thousand delightful pleasures of existence without
riches. The sun shines as warmly on the poor as on the rich; the gale of
health breathes its balsam into the cottage casement on the heath no
less sweetly and salubriously than in the portals of the palace. But can
the lords of this world, who think so little of the lives of their
inferiors in wealth, with all their boasted power, relume the light of
the eye once dimmed by the shades of death? "Accursed despots!" as a
talented author well observes, "shew the world your authority for
taking away that which ye never gave, and cannot give; for undoing the
work of God, and extinguishing the lamp of life which was illuminated
with a ray from heaven! Where is your CHARTER TO PRIVILEGE MURDER?" All
the gold of Ophir, all the gems of Golconda, cannot buy a single life,
nor pay for its loss,--it is above all price. Yet when we take a view of
the proceedings of Lord Sidmouth's junto, we are led to believe any
thing of more value than human life. Crimes which had very little moral
evil, if any, and which, therefore, could not incur the vengeance of a
just and merciful God, were unceremoniously punished with death by this
minister. Men, for instance, were liable to be shot for meeting
peaceably together and making speeches, though proceeding from the
purest and most virtuous principles, from the most enlarged benevolence,
from wisdom and unaffected patriotism; or for such speeches as might
proceed from mere warmth of temper, neither intending nor accomplishing
any mischief. Was not such the case in that horrible affair which we
have just related? But despots are ever frightened at their own shadows;
they tremble and become offended at the least alarm, and nothing but the
blood of the accused can expiate the offence. It is, however, from such
savage acts of barbarity that the Goddess of Liberty is aroused; it is
from the tyranny of her jailors that she eventually makes a progress
irresistible, and carries with her fires destined to consume the throne
of every despot that cannot bear the light! Various motions have been
made since that accursed day to bring the _surviving_ actors in the
Manchester tragedy to condign punishment. Amongst the foremost in this
laudable endeavour stands Mr. Hunt; but his efforts have hitherto proved
unavailing. Although we disapprove of the general conduct of the member
for Preston, the meed of praise ought not to be withheld from him for
the admirable speech he delivered, relative to this subject, in March,
1832, as follows:
"Mr. HUNT said the grossest misrepresentations had been made
in parliament respecting that occurrence; and he felt that it
was a matter deeply to be regretted, that there was not in the
House of Commons, at the time, some person who had witnessed
the transaction, and who could put the House in possession of
the real facts. There was a hope, however, that the present
government would grant an inquiry for which he was about to
apply, in conformity with the prayer of the petitions which he
had just presented, and with the desire of his constituents.
He proceeded to detail the circumstances under which the
meeting of the Manchester reformers, at which he presided,
took place. He described the horrible scene which ensued upon
the dispersion of the meeting by an unprovoked and unresisted
charge of the yeomanry cavalry. The House would have some
notion of the violence and cruelty of the military from this
fact, that when a number of men, women, and children had
crowded into a small court, from which there was no
thoroughfare, one of the yeomanry drove them out, whilst
another struck at each of them with his sabre, as they came
out. The number of persons killed on that day amounted to
fifteen, while the maimed and wounded were no fewer than four
hundred and twenty-four. It was true that it might be said
that some of these did not suffer from the sabres of the
yeomanry, but a very large proportion, he would take on
himself to say, were wounded in that manner; and, at all
events, it was quite certain, that no accident whatever would
have occurred but for the outrageous attack that had been made
on the peaceable multitude. Nor was it men alone that
suffered. Women were cut down also. And were these men to be
called soldiers? Was this their way of showing their high
courage and their honour by cutting down _inoffensive
females_? He would ask any man of humanity in that House,
whether such disgraceful acts ought to be passed by unnoticed
and unpunished, merely because it could be said that twelve
years had elapsed since the transaction had taken place? But
another excuse that perhaps might be made was, that the
meeting was an illegal one. In answer to that, however, he
would take on himself to say, that in his opinion, and in the
opinion of those who constituted the meeting, they were as
legally, aye, and as meritoriously assembled, as that House
was assembled; and for as useful a purpose. No one was
insulted--no tumult took place--no symptoms of riot were
evinced; and yet was it for a moment to be said, that in such
a country as this, where there was a continual boast of the
_omnipotence of justice_, such things were to be passed over
_without notice and without censure_? He could assure the
House, that if this inquiry was not granted, there would be
thousands of hearts rankling dissatisfied and discontented,
and which could never be set at ease till _justice was
awarded_. The petitioners, in whose name he was speaking,
recollected that _Earl Grey_, and many of his _colleagues_,
expressed, _at the time of this outrage_, a desire for an
investigation into the matter. And how was that inquiry then
resisted? First, by the production of official documents,
emanating from the guilty party themselves; and next, by
allusion to the trial at York; and the cry that the courts of
justice were open to those who had any complaint to make. But
the courts of justice were _not_ open; for the relations of
those that were killed had gone to those courts of justice,
and even there _all retribution had been denied them in the
most cruel and indifferent manner_! Nor was this all. All
sorts of calumnious statements were allowed to be made in the
House of Commons as to the conduct of the mob, by paid spies
of the government. The general presumption was, that it was
the intention of the Manchester meeting, had it not been
interrupted, to pass resolutions similar to those passed at
Smithfield, declaratory that without a reform in parliament,
taxes ought not to be paid; and he believed that that
presumption was the main reason why he had been found guilty.
But now, what an alteration had taken place! It was only the
other day that 150,000 persons had met at Birmingham, and
actually made a declaration to the same effect; and yet they
were not cut down--the yeomanry had not been called out to act
against them. This motion for a select committee had, in a
manner, become absolutely necessary; for when he had moved for
the correspondence that had taken place between Lord Sidmouth
(then the secretary of state) and the lord lieutenant of the
county, that correspondence had been refused; and, therefore,
he had no other course to pursue than to ask for a committee
for general inquiry into the whole question. Some part of Lord
Sidmouth's correspondence, however, was before the public; for
he had in his hand that letter of his lordship's in which he,
in the name of the prince regent, thanked the magistracy for
the way in which they had acted--yes, actually thanked them
for having directed the execution of these COLD-BLOODED
MURDERS,--by which name he must call those deeds, and by which
name they were ever designated in that part of the country
where they had been committed. The consequence of this letter
was, that the parties, so far from shrinking abashed as they
ought, actually gloried in the share they had taken in the
transaction; and, in particular, he might mention that an
Irishman of the name of Meagher, who was the trumpeter on that
occasion, had boasted, when he returned to Ireland, that he
had in one day spilled more Saxon blood than had ever been
spilled by any one of his countrymen before! The real truth of
the matter was, in spite of the false colouring that
interested parties had endeavoured to put on it, that the
meeting at Manchester was neither more nor less than a reform
meeting, that every thing was going on peaceably, that not
even so much as a pane of glass was broken, and though the
government took the trouble to send Messrs. Oliver and Castles
among the people to corrupt them, they were not able to
succeed in their virtuous endeavours. As to his own personal
feeling on the subject, he was quite willing to remember that
twelve years had elapsed, and in that recollection to drown
the memory of all he had himself suffered in consequence of
the transactions of that day. It was enough for him, when he
recollected the object of that meeting, to see the noble lord
introduce such a measure of reform as he had never expected to
see any government in this country introduce; and which,
though it did not go the length that he could have desired,
fully admitted the allegation, that the present House of
Commons was not chosen by the people,--the allegation on which
he had all along built his own proposition of reform. This, he
repeated, was quite enough to wipe away any personal
resentment that he might ever have felt. But if not--if he
still were vindictive--what revenge might he not find in the
events that had since taken place! Who was the prime minister
of that day? The Earl of Liverpool! And where was the Earl of
Liverpool? Who were the principal officers of state of that
day? Lord Sidmouth, Mr. Canning, and Lord Castlereagh! Of
these, Lord Sidmouth alone remained; and where was Mr.
Canning? Where Lord Castlereagh, and how did he go out of the
world? A remarkable fact it was, that two years afterwards,
on the very anniversary of that fatal 16th of August, while he
was lying in prison, the very first letter that he opened
detailed to him the end of that minister. Who was the reigning
prince of that day?--George the Fourth--where was he? They had
all gone to answer for their deeds at a tribunal where no jury
could be packed, where no evidence could be stifled, and where
unerring justice would be meted out to them! To carry this
further, if it needed it, he might mention that two of those
very yeomanry committed suicide on the very anniversary of the
16th of August, and many were now to be seen walking about the
streets of Manchester, objects of a horrid pity. He would not
say that all this was a just judgment on these participators
in the murders of Manchester: but one might almost fancy, that
though a House of Commons could not be found to deal out
impartial justice, there was still a wise Providence over all,
which, by its interference, had taken care not to let the
guilty escape; and, as a climax to the whole, he hoped to live
to see the day when the noble lord who yet lived should be
brought to the bar of justice for having sent Castles, and
Edwards, and Oliver, as spies, for the purpose of instigating
the peaceful people to revolt. Nor was this all. Other
retribution had taken place; the government of that day and
its friends had not only countenanced this destruction of the
people for the sake of shewing their enmity to reform, but had
actually undertaken a continental war with the same objects in
view; and yet now those very persons saw a reform taking place
in spite of themselves, and had even been condemned
unsuccessfully to battle its progress night after night in
that House. He would say this too, that if this committee of
inquiry should be refused, and if he should live a few years
longer, he did not doubt that he should see the day arrive
when a much heavier retaliation, in another way, would take
place. He himself desired no such thing; but was it in the
character of human nature that persons who had been so deeply
injured should sit down quiet and satisfied, when every thing
in the shape of redress was denied them? But he trusted that
the government would not refuse this motion for inquiry;
should, however, such a refusal be given, he should feel it to
be his duty to bring the question again and again before the
country, as often as the forms of the House would allow. In
making his proposition to the House, he had not provided
himself with a seconder; but, after what had taken place, he
would call on the noble Chancellor of the Exchequer to second
the motion. The noble lord had, twelve years ago, pretty
freely expressed his opinion as to the transaction; and, he
presumed, that that opinion had not been altered by the lapse
of time. The laws of England and of every country had always
been unanimous in expressing their abhorrence of the crime of
murder; and it was because he charged those parties with being
guilty of a deliberate and cold-blooded murder that he
demanded an inquiry, in the name of justice and retribution."
We offer no apology for introducing this eloquent and manly appeal in
behalf of long-delayed justice. The popularity or unpopularity of Mr.
Hunt forms no consideration in our minds; nay, even if the Duke of
Cumberland himself (much as we loathe his character!) had been its
author, it should still have found a place in our volume. How the
ministers could reconcile it with their duty, both to God and man, to
_refuse_ the inquiry, we are at a loss to determine, particularly as
each of them formerly expressed a desire for it! It is really
astonishing with what different eyes men see things when in office and
when toiling to get in!
In the October of this year, the Princess of Wales removed to
Marseilles, weary of the attempts to traduce and insult her character by
hirelings from the English court. A friend of our's had the pleasure of
enjoying her royal highness' confidence at this period, and, after her
removal to Marseilles, the persecuted Caroline made the following
observations: "What could I do, when I found such base attempts made to
destroy my reputation by the most disreputable characters? I left Milan,
and I have carefully preserved a journal of each day's history, which,
upon perusal, will do much more than _merely satisfy_ the nation, to
which my heart so fondly clings." "I wished," added the princess, "very
ardently to have gone to England in the early part of this year, and I
had resolved to do so; but my legal advisers prevented me, expressing
their opinion that they should see me first." It is a fact that the
interview with Mr. Brougham, so much desired in April, 1819, was not
granted until a later period in 1820! Might not an earlier arrangement
than this very probably have put the enemy to flight? The princess was
not ignorant of the demise of the king, as we have before stated; and
the source from which her royal highness received that information was
too worthy of reliance to be doubted. Yet, being bound in honour to
conceal the information and informant, both were kept in profound
silence. It was generally supposed, however, that this event had taken
place, because no man, afflicted as his majesty was said to be, could
possibly exist for any lengthened period. But in the then art of
governing, there were frequently many circumstances which were highly
necessary to be concealed from the knowledge of the people. That
precious trio, Sidmouth, Castlereagh, and Canning, environed the throne,
and their dictatorial will was soon converted into law. Under their
auspices, the already enormous standing army was still increased; while,
like the tyrannical son of Philip, when he reprimanded Aristotle for
publishing his discoveries, they whispered to their myrmidons, "Let us
diffuse darkness round the land. Let the people be kept in a brutal
state. Let their conduct, when assembled, be riotous and irrational as
ignorance and _our spies_ can make it, that they may be brought into
discredit, and deemed unfit for the management of their own affairs. Let
power be rendered dangerous in their hands, that it may continue
unmolested in our own. Let them not taste the fruit of the tree of
knowledge, lest they become as wise as ourselves!" Such were the
political sentiments of those at the head of affairs at this
period;--how successfully they acted upon them is too well known.
The session opened in November, and never did ministers commit
themselves more than by the speech then put into the mouth of the
regent. It contained little else than vindictive sentiments, breathing
vengeance on all who dared oppose the "powers that be," but seemed
utterly forgetful of this good advice, "It is the sovereign's duty to
ease with mercy's oil the sufferer's heart."
The infamous and notorious "Six Acts" were introduced this session by
"the Oppressors," the principal object of which was to impose further
restrictions on the freedom of the press. This plan was considered
likely to be the most successful, as well as the most insidious, mode of
abolishing the few liberties remaining to Englishmen. Ministers thus
thought to leave the FORM of our dearest safeguard untouched, and so
gradually annihilate its ESSENCE. The voracious worm eats out the kernel
completely, while the husk continues fair to the eye, and apparently
entire. The husbandman would crush the insect, if it commenced the
attack on the external tegument; but it carries on the work of
destruction with efficacy and safety, while it corrodes the unseen
fruit, and spares the outside shell. At this despotic period, the press
was erected as a battery by the people to defend the almost vanquished
citadel of their liberty; but, by these acts, Castlereagh, instead of
attacking this citadel, opened the dams, locks, and flood-gates, so that
the waters might secretly undermine its foundation, when he hoped to see
it fall ingloriously into the hands of its enemies. While these base
deeds were being accomplished, no thoughts were bestowed upon the
people's wretchedness, which stood in dread array against ministerial
imbecility. Indeed, the servile papers in the pay of government not only
stoutly denied that such distress existed, but made the grossest
attempts to impose on the public credulity. Let any one read such papers
of the period we are speaking, if the employment be not too nauseous,
and they will there see KNOWN FACTS, if they militated against the
credit of the voluptuous regent, or his government, either DOUBTED or
DENIED; uncertain victories extolled beyond all resemblance to truth;
and defeats, in the highest degree disgraceful and injurious, artfully
extenuated. Notwithstanding all this effrontery and falsehood, the "Six
Acts" were still thought necessary to gag that which corruption and
bribery could not render quite inefficient in the cause of truth. While
contemplating such acts of tyranny, we are led to exclaim with Cato,
when seeking out the little barren spot of Utica, "Wherever there is a
regard for LIBERTY, JUSTICE, and HUMANITY, there will we gladly take up
our abode; for there we shall find a country and a home!"