There are enow of zealots on both sides, who kindle up the passions of
their partisans, and, under pretence of public good, pursue the
interests and ends of their particular faction. For my part, I shall
always be more fond of promoting moderation than zeal; though perhaps
the surest way of producing moderation in every party is to increase our
zeal for the public. Let us therefore try, if it be possible, from the
foregoing doctrine, to draw a lesson of moderation with regard to the
parties into which our country is at present divided; at the same time,
that we allow not this moderation to abate the industry and passion,
with which every individual is bound to pursue the good of his country.
Those who either attack or defend a minister in such a government as
ours, where the utmost liberty is allowed, always carry matters to an
extreme, and exaggerate his merit or demerit with regard to the public.
His enemies are sure to charge him with the greatest enormities, both in
domestic and foreign management; and there is no meanness or crime, of
which, in their account, he is not capable. Unnecessary wars, scandalous
treaties, profusion of public treasure, oppressive taxes, every kind of
maladministration is ascribed to him. To aggravate the charge, his
pernicious conduct, it is said, will extend its baneful influence even
to posterity, by undermining the best constitution in the world, and
disordering that wise system of laws, institutions, and customs, by
which our ancestors, during so many centuries, have been so happily
governed. He is not only a wicked minister in himself, but has removed
every security provided against wicked ministers for the future.
On the other hand, the partisans of the minister make his panegyric run
as high as the accusation against him, and celebrate his wise, steady,
and moderate conduct in every part of his administration. The honour and
interest of the nation supported abroad, public credit maintained at
home, persecution restrained, faction subdued; the merit of all these
blessings is ascribed solely to the minister. At the same time, he
crowns all his other merits by a religious care of the best constitution
in the world, which he has preserved in all its parts, and has
transmitted entire, to be the happiness and security of the latest
posterity.
When this accusation and panegyric are received by the partisans of each
party, no wonder they beget an extraordinary ferment on both sides, and
fill the nation with violent animosities. But I would fain persuade
these party zealots, that there is a flat contradiction both in the
accusation and panegyric, and that it were impossible for either of them
to run so high, were it not for this contradiction. If our constitution
be really _that noble fabric, the pride of Britain, the envy of our
neighbours, raised by the labour of so many centuries, repaired at the
expense of so many millions, and cemented by such a profusion of
blood_;[4] I say, if our constitution does in any degree deserve these
eulogies, it would never have suffered a wicked and weak minister to
govern triumphantly for a course of twenty years, when opposed by the
greatest geniuses in the nation, who exercised the utmost liberty of
tongue and pen, in parliament, and in their frequent appeals to the
people. But, if the minister be wicked and weak, to the degree so
strenuously insisted on, the constitution must be faulty in its original
principles, and he cannot consistently be charged with undermining the
best form of government in the world. A constitution is only so far
good, as it provides a remedy against maladministration; and if the
British, when in its greatest vigour, and repaired by two such
remarkable events as the _Revolution_ and _Accession_, by which our
ancient royal family was sacrificed to it; if our constitution, I say,
with so great advantages, does not, in fact, provide any such remedy, we
are rather beholden to any minister who undermines it, and affords us an
opportunity of erecting a better in its place.
I would employ the same topics to moderate the zeal of those who defend
the minister. _Is our constitution so excellent?_ Then a change of
ministry can be no such dreadful event; since it is essential to such a
constitution, in every ministry, both to preserve itself from violation,
and to prevent all enormities in the administration. _Is our
constitution very bad?_ Then so extraordinary a jealousy and
apprehension, on account of changes, is ill placed; and a man should no
more be anxious in this case, than a husband, who had married a woman
from the stews, should be watchful to prevent her infidelity. Public
affairs, in such a government, must necessarily go to confusion, by
whatever hands they are conducted; and the zeal of _patriots_ is in that
case much less requisite than the patience and submission of
_philosophers_. The virtue and good intention of Cato and Brutus are
highly laudable; but to what purpose did their zeal serve? Only to
hasten the fatal period of the Roman government, and render its
convulsions and dying agonies more violent and painful.
I would not be understood to mean, that public affairs deserve no care
and attention at all. Would men be moderate and consistent, their claims
might be admitted; at least might be examined. The _country party_ might
still assert, that our constitution, though excellent, will admit of
maladministration to a certain degree; and therefore, if the minister be
bad, it is proper to oppose him with a _suitable_ degree of zeal. And,
on the other hand, the _court party_ may be allowed, upon the
supposition that the minister were good, to defend, and with some zeal
too, his administration. I would only persuade men not to contend, as if
they were fighting _pro aris et focis_, and change a good constitution
into a bad one, by the violence of their factions.
I have not here considered any thing that is personal in the present
controversy. In the best civil constitutions, where every man is
restrained by the most rigid laws, it is easy to discover either the
good or bad intentions of a minister, and to judge whether his personal
character deserve love or hatred. But such questions are of little
importance to the public, and lay those who employ their pens upon
them, under a just suspicion either of malevolence or of flattery.[5]
[1]
For forms of government let fools contest,
Whate'er is best administered is best.
ESSAY ON MAN, Book 3.
[2] An equal difference of a contrary kind may be found in comparing the
reigns of _Elizabeth_ and _James_, at least with regard to foreign
affairs.
[3] I have taken it for granted, according to the supposition of
Machiavel, that the ancient Persians had no nobility; though there is
reason to suspect, that the Florentine secretary, who seems to have been
better acquainted with the Roman than the Greek authors, was mistaken in
this particular. The more ancient Persians, whose manners are described
by Xenophon, were a free people, and had nobility. Their ομοτιμοι were
preserved even after the extending of their conquests and the consequent
change of their government. Arrian mentions them in Darius's time, _De
exped. Alex._ lib. ii. Historians also speak often of the persons in
command as men of family. Tygranes, who was general of the Medes under
Xerxes, was of the race of Achmænes, Heriod. lib. vii. cap. 62.
Artachæus, who directed the cutting of the canal about Mount Athos, was
of the same family. Id. cap. 117. Megabyzus was one of the seven eminent
Persians who conspired against the Magi. His son, Zopyrus, was in the
highest command under Darius, and delivered Babylon to him. His
grandson, Megabyzus, commanded the army defeated at Marathon. His
great-grandson, Zopyrus, was also eminent, and was banished Persia.
Heriod. lib. iii. Thuc. lib. i. Rosaces, who commanded an army in Egypt
under Artaxerxes, was also descended from one of the seven conspirators,
Diod. Sic. lib. xvi. Agesilaus, in Xenophon. Hist. Græc. lib. iv. being
desirous of making a marriage betwixt king Cotys his ally, and the
daughter of Spithridates, a Persian of rank, who had deserted to him,
first asks Cotys what family Spithridates is of. One of the most
considerable in Persia, says Cotys. Ariæus, when offered the sovereignty
by Clearchus and the ten thousand Greeks, refused it as of too low a
rank, and said, that so many eminent Persians would never endure his
rule. _Id. de exped._ lib. ii. Some of the families descended from the
seven Persians above mentioned remained during Alexander's successors;
and Mithridates, in Antiochus's time, is said by Polybius to be
descended from one of them, lib. v. cap. 43. Artabazus was esteemed as
Arrian says, εν τοις πρωτοις Περσων, lib. iii. And when Alexander
married in one day 80 of his captains to Persian women, his intention
plainly was to ally the Macedonians with the most eminent Persian
families. Id. lib. vii. Diodorus Siculus says, they were of the most
noble birth in Persia, lib. xvii. The government of Persia was despotic,
and conducted in many respects after the Eastern manner, but was not
carried so far as to extirpate all nobility, and confound all ranks and
orders. It left men who were still great, by themselves and their
family, independent of their office and commission. And the reason why
the Macedonians kept so easily dominion over them, was owing to other
causes easy to be found in the historians, though it must be owned that
Machiavel's reasoning is, in itself, just, however doubtful its
application to the present case.
[4] Dissertation on Parties, Letter X.
[5] _What our author's opinion was of the famous minister here pointed
at, may be learned from that Essay, printed in the former edition, under
the title of_ 'A Character of Sir Robert Walpole.' _It was as
follows_:--There never was a man whose actions and character have been
more earnestly and openly canvassed than those of the present minister,
who, having governed a learned and free nation for so long a time,
amidst such mighty opposition, may make a large library of what has been
wrote for and against him, and is the subject of above half the paper
that has been blotted in the nation within these twenty years. I wish,
for the honour of our country, that any one character of him had been
drawn with such _judgment_ and _impartiality_ as to have some credit
with posterity, and to show that our liberty has, once at least,
employed to good purpose. I am only afraid of failing in the former
quality of judgment; but if it should be so, it is but one page more
thrown away, after an hundred thousand upon the same subject, that have
perished and become useless. In the mean time, I shall flatter myself
with the pleasing imagination, that the following character will be
adopted by future historians.
Sir Robert Walpole, Prime Minister of _Great Britain_, is a man of
ability, not a genius, good-natured, not virtuous; constant, not
magnanimous; moderate, not equitable.[*] His virtues, in some instances,
are free from the alloy of those vices which usually accompany such
virtues; he is a generous friend, without being a bitter enemy. His
vices, in other instances, are not compensated by those virtues which
are nearly allied to them: his want of enterprise is not attended with
frugality. The private character of the man is better than the public:
his virtues more than his vices: his fortune greater than his fame. With
many good qualities, he has incurred the public hatred: with good
capacity, he has not escaped ridicule. He would have been esteemed more
worthy of his high station, had he never possessed it; and is better
qualified for the second than for the first place in any government; his
ministry has been more advantageous to his family than to the public,
better for this age than for posterity; and more pernicious by bad
precedents than by real grievances. During his time trade has
flourished, liberty declined, and learning gone to ruin. As I am a man,
I love him; as I am a scholar, I hate him; as I am a _Briton_, I calmly
wish his fall. And were I a member of either House, I would give my vote
for removing him from St James's; but should be glad to see him retire
to _Houghton-Hall_, to pass the remainder of his days in ease and
pleasure.
*Moderate in the exercise of power, not equitable in engrossing it.
_The author is pleased to find, that after animosities are laid, and
calumny has ceased, the whole nation almost have returned to the same
moderate sentiments with regard to this great man, if they are not
rather become more favourable to him, by a very natural transition, from
one extreme to another. The author would not oppose these humane
sentiments towards the dead; though he cannot forbear observing, that
the not paying more of our public debts was, as hinted in this
character, a great, and the only great, error in that long
administration._
OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT
Nothing appears more surprising to those who consider human affairs with
a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed
by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own
sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we enquire by
what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as Force is
always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to
support them but opinion. It is, therefore, on opinion only that
government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and
most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular.
The soldan of Egypt, or the emperor of Rome, might drive his harmless
subjects, like brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclination.
But he must, at least, have led his _mamalukes_ or _prætorian bands_,
like men, by their opinion.
Opinion is of two kinds, to wit, opinion of interest, and opinion of
right. By opinion of INTEREST, I chiefly understand the sense of the
general advantage which is reaped from government; together with the
persuasion, that the particular government which is established is
equally advantageous with any other that could easily be settled. When
this opinion prevails among the generality of a state, or among those
who have the force in their hands, it gives great security to any
government.
Right is of two kinds; right to Power, and right to Property. What
prevalence opinion of the first kind has over mankind, may easily be
understood, by observing the attachment which all nations have to their
ancient government, and even to those names which have had the sanction
of antiquity. Antiquity always begets the opinion of right; and whatever
disadvantageous sentiments we may entertain of mankind, they are always
found to be prodigal both of blood and treasure in the maintenance of
public justice.[1] There is, indeed, no particular in which, at first
sight, there may appear a greater contradiction in the frame of the
human mind than the present. When men act in a faction, they are apt,
without shame or remorse, to neglect all the ties of honour and
morality, in order to serve their party; and yet, when a faction is
formed upon a point of right or principle, there is no occasion where
men discover a greater obstinacy, and a more determined sense of justice
and equity. The same social disposition of mankind is the cause of
these contradictory appearances.
It is sufficiently understood, that the opinion of right to property is
of moment in all matters of government. A noted author has made property
the foundation of all government; and most of our political writers seem
inclined to follow him in that particular. This is carrying the matter
too far; but still it must be owned, that the opinion of right to
property has a great influence in this subject.
Upon these three opinions, therefore, of public _interest_, of _right to
power_, and of _right to property_, are all governments founded, and all
authority of the few over the many. There are indeed other principles
which add force to these, and determine, limit, or alter their
operation; such as _self-interest_, _fear_, and _affection_. But still
we may assert, that these other principles can have no influence alone,
but suppose the antecedent influence of those opinions above mentioned.
They are, therefore, to be esteemed the secondary, not the original,
principles of government.
For, _first_, as to _self-interest_, by which I mean the expectation of
particular rewards, distinct from the general protection which we
receive from government, it is evident that the magistrate's authority
must be antecedently established, at least be hoped for, in order to
produce this expectation. The prospect of reward may augment his
authority with regard to some particular persons, but can never give
birth to it, with regard to the public. Men naturally look for the
greatest favours from their friends and acquaintance; and therefore, the
hopes of any considerable number of the state would never centre in any
particular set of men, if these men had no other title to magistracy,
and had no separate influence over the opinions of mankind. The same
observation may be extended to the other two principles of _fear_ and
_affection_. No man would have any reason to _fear_ the fury of a
tyrant, if he had no authority over any but from fear; since, as a
single man, his bodily force can reach but a small way, and all the
further power he possesses must be founded either on our own opinion, or
on the presumed opinion of others. And though _affection_ to wisdom and
virtue in a _sovereign_ extends very far, and has great influence, yet
he must antecedently be supposed invested with a public character,
otherwise the public esteem will serve him in no stead, nor will his
virtue have any influence beyond a narrow sphere.
A government may endure for several ages, though the balance of power
and the balance of property do not coincide. This chiefly happens where
any rank or order of the state has acquired a large share in the
property; but, from the original constitution of the government, has no
share in the power. Under what pretence would any individual of that
order assume authority in public affairs? As men are commonly much
attached to their ancient government, it is not to be expected, that
the public would ever favour such usurpations. But where the original
constitution allows any share of power, though small, to an order of men
who possess a large share of property, it is easy for them gradually to
stretch their authority, and bring the balance of power to coincide with
that of property. This has been the case with the House of Commons in
England.
Most writers that have treated of the British government, have supposed,
that, as the Lower House represents all the Commons of Great Britain,
its weight in the scale is proportioned to the property and power of all
whom it represents. But this principle must not be received as
absolutely true. For though the people are apt to attach themselves more
to the House of Commons than to any other member of the constitution,
that House being chosen by them as their representatives, and as the
public guardians of their liberty; yet are there instances where the
House, even when in opposition to the crown, has not been followed by
the people, as we may particularly observe of the _Tory_ House of
Commons in the reign of King William. Were the members obliged to
receive instructions from their constituents, like the Dutch deputies,
this would entirely alter the case; and if such immense power and
riches, as those of all the Commons of Great Britain, were brought into
the scale, it is not easy to conceive, that the crown could either
influence that multitude of people, or withstand the balance of
property. It is true, the crown has great influence over the collective
body in the elections of members; but were this influence, which at
present is only exerted once in seven years, to be employed in bringing
over the people to every vote, it would soon be wasted, and no skill,
popularity, or revenue, could support it. I must, therefore, be of
opinion, that an alteration in this particular would introduce a total
alteration in our government, and would soon reduce it to a pure
republic; and, perhaps, to a republic of no inconvenient form. For
though the people, collected in a body like the Roman tribes, be quite
unfit for government, yet, when dispersed in small bodies, they are most
susceptible both of reason and order; the force of popular currents and
tides is in a great measure broken; and the public interests may be
pursued with some method and constancy. But it is needless to reason any
further concerning a form of government, which is never likely to have
place in Great Britain, and which seems not to be the aim of any party
amongst us. Let us cherish and improve our ancient government as much as
possible, without encouraging a passion for such dangerous novelties.[2]
[1] This passion we may denominate enthusiasm, or we may give it what
appellation we please; but a politician who should overlook its
influence on human affairs, would prove himself to have but a very
limited understanding.
[2] I shall conclude this subject with observing, that the present
political controversy with regard to _instructions_, is a very frivolous
one, and can never be brought to any decision, as it is managed by both
parties. The country party do not pretend that a member is absolutely
bound to follow instructions as an ambassador or general is confined by
his orders, and that his vote is not to be received in the House, but so
far as it is conformable to them. The court party, again, do not pretend
that the sentiments of the people ought to have no weight with every
member; much less that he ought to despise the sentiments of those whom
he represents, and with whom he is more particularly connected. And if
their sentiments be of weight, why ought they not to express these
sentiments? The question then is only concerning the degrees of weight
which ought to be placed on instructions. But such is the nature of
language, that it is impossible for it to express distinctly these
different degrees; and if men will carry on a controversy on this head,
it may well happen that they differ in the language, and yet agree in
their sentiments; or differ in their sentiments, and yet agree in their
language. Besides, how is it possible to fix these degrees, considering
the variety of affairs that come before the House, and the variety of
places which members represent? Ought the instructions of _Totness_ to
have the same weight as those of London? or instructions with regard to
the _Convention_ which respected foreign politics to have the same
weight as those with regard to the _Excise_, which respected only our
domestic affairs?
OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT
Man, born in a family, is compelled to maintain society from necessity,
from natural inclination, and from habit. The same creature, in his
further progress, is engaged to establish political society, in order to
administer justice, without which there can be no peace among them, nor
safety, nor mutual intercourse. We are, therefore, to look upon all the
vast apparatus of our government, as having ultimately no other object
or purpose but the distribution of justice, or, in other words, the
support of the twelve judges. Kings and parliaments, fleets and armies,
officers of the court and revenue, ambassadors, ministers, and privy
counsellors, are all subordinate in their end to this part of
administration. Even the clergy, as their duty leads them to inculcate
morality, may justly be thought, so far as regards this world, to have
no other useful object of their institution.
All men are sensible of the necessity of justice to maintain peace and
order; and all men are sensible of the necessity of peace and order for
the maintenance of society. Yet, notwithstanding this strong and obvious
necessity, such is the frailty or perverseness of our nature! it is
impossible to keep men faithfully and unerringly in the paths of
justice. Some extraordinary circumstances may happen, in which a man
finds his interests to be more promoted by fraud or rapine, than hurt by
the breach which his injustice makes in the social union. But much more
frequently he is seduced from his great and important, but distant
interests, by the allurement of present, though often very frivolous
temptations. This great weakness is incurable in human nature.