little before, we read, 'Resumat facultatem quam se suspiraverat
amississe.' These sentences suggest the idea that the petitioner had
been brought over in the train of the lately deceased person as a
slave. This a little lessens the difficulty of his being admitted to
the inheritance. Compare Gen. xv. 3, where Abraham, before the birth
of a son, says, 'And one born in my house' (i.e. a slave) 'is mine
heir.']
10. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO DIVERS CANCELLARII IN THE
PROVINCES.
[Sidenote: Taxes to be punctually enforced.]
'Arrears of tribute are like bodily diseases, serious and enfeebling
when they become chronic. A man who is under a load of debt cannot be
called free: he has abandoned the power of controlling his actions to
another. Your supposed indulgence to the taxpayer is no real kindness.
There comes a time when the whole arrear of debt has to be claimed,
and then these venal delays of yours make the demand seem twice as
heavy in the eyes of the unfortunate taxpayer. Cease then to trade
upon the peasants' losses. Exact the whole amount of taxes for the
coming Indiction, and pay them in on the appointed day to the
Treasurer[827] of the Province; or else it will be the worse for you,
and you will have to return, stripped of all official rank[828], into
the Province which you are conscious of having badly administered.
[Footnote 827: 'Arcarius.']
[Footnote 828: 'Degeniatus.']
'I shall not _speak_ again on this subject, but shall, if necessary,
extract the sums from you by an irrevocable act of distraint.'
11. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO PETER, VIR CLARISSIMUS,
DISTRIBUTOR OF RELISHES[829].
[Footnote 829: 'Erogatori obsoniorum.']
[Sidenote: Distribution of relishes to Roman citizens.]
'The liberality of a good Sovereign must not be discredited by fraud
and carelessness in the person charged with its distribution. Even
molten gold contracts a stain if not poured into an absolutely clean
vessel. How sweet is it to see a stream flowing clear and unpolluted
over a snow-white channel! Even so must you see that the gifts of the
Sovereign of the State reach the Roman people as pure and as copious
as they issue forth from him.
'All fraud is hateful; but fraud exercised upon the people of Romulus
is absolutely unbearable. That quiet and easily satisfied people,
whose existence you might forget except when they testify their
happiness by their shouts; noisy without a thought of sedition; whose
only care is to shun poverty without amassing wealth; lowly in fortune
but rich in temper--it is a kind of profanation to rob such people as
these.
'We therefore entrust to you the task of distributing the
relishes[830] to the Roman people from this Indiction. Be true to the
citizens, else you will become as an alien unto us. Do not be bribed
into allowing anyone to pass as a Latin who was not born in Latium.
[Footnote 830: 'Obsonia.']
'These privileges belong to the Quirites alone: no slave must be
admitted to share them. That man sins against the majesty of the Roman
people, who defiles the pure river of their blood by thrusting upon
them the fellowship of slaves.'
12. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO ANASTASIUS, CANCELLARIUS OF
LUCANIA AND BRUTTII.
[Sidenote: Praise of the cheese and wine of Bruttii.]
'When we were dining, according to our wonted custom, with the
Sovereign of the State[831], the conversation happened to turn upon
the delicacies of various Provinces, and we praised the wines of
Bruttii and the cheese of the district around Mount Sila[832].
[Footnote 831: 'Cum apud rerum Dominum solemni more pranderemus.']
[Footnote 832: 'Silanum.' Mount Sila is a range of hills in Calabria
immediately to the north of Squillace, forty miles from north to
south, and twenty miles from east to west, and occupying the whole of
the projecting portion of the south-east side of Italy between the
Gulf of Squillace and the Bay of Taranto. The highest peaks, which are
about 5,700 feet high, are covered with snow during half the year. It
is said that from the beginning of June till far on into October,
15,000 head of cattle and 150,000 sheep, besides horses and mules,
graze in these uplands. (See Gael-Fells: Unter Italien, p. 721.)]
'The _cheese_, which retains in its pores the milk which has been
collected there, recalls by its taste the fragrant herbs upon which
the cattle have fed; by its texture it reminds us of the softness of
oil, from which it differs in colour by its snowy whiteness. Having
been carefully pressed into a wide cask and hardened therein, it
retains permanently the beautiful round shape which has thus been
given to it[833].
[Footnote 833: From the description of Cassiodorus, it seems to have
been a kind of cream cheese.]
'The _wine_, to which Antiquity gave the name of praise, Palmatiana,
must be selected not of a rough but sweet kind[834]. Though last [in
geographical position] among the wines of Bruttii, it is by general
opinion accounted the best, equal to that of Gaza, similar to the
Sabine, moderately thick, strong, brisk, of conspicuous whiteness,
distinguished by the fine aroma, of which a pleasant after-taste is
perceived by the drinker[835]. It constrains loosened bowels, dries up
moist wounds, and refreshes the weary breast.
[Footnote 834: 'Non stipsi asperum sed gratum suavitate perquire.' The
same peculiar word, _stipsis_, which we had in Letter xii. 4. What
meaning are we to assign to the word?]
[Footnote 835: 'Magnis odoribus singulare:--quod ita redolet ore
ructatum ut merito illi a palma nomen videatur impositum.']
'Let it be your care to provide as speedily as possible a stock of
both these products of our country, and send them in ships to the
Royal residence. For a temporary supply we have drawn on our own
cellars, but we look to you to choose specimens of the genuine quality
for the King. We cannot be deceived, who retain the true taste in our
patriotic memory; and at your peril will you provide any inferior
article to that which our cellars will have supplied[836].'
[Footnote 836: Baronius (Ad Ann. 591) quotes this letter of
Cassiodorus to explain an allusion in the life of Pope Gregory the
Great, who refused to receive a present of 'Palmatiana' from the
Bishop of Messina, and insisted on paying for it.]
13. AN EDICT.
[Sidenote: Frauds committed by the revenue officers on the Churches of
Bruttii and Lucania.]
'The generous gifts of Kings ought to be respected by their subjects.
'Long ago the constitutions of the Emperors enriched the holy
Churches of Bruttii and Lucania with certain gifts. But since the
sacrilegious mind is not afraid of sinning against the Divine
reverence, the Canonicarii (officers of the Exchequer) have robbed
these ecclesiastical positions of a certain portion of their revenue
in the name of the Numerarii of the Praetorian Praefect's staff; but
these latter, with righteous indignation, declare that they have
received no part of the spoils thus impiously collected in their name.
'Thus have the Canonicarii turned the property of the clergy into a
_douceur_ for the laity[837]. Oh, audacity of man! what barriers can
be erected against thee? Thou mightest have hoped to escape human
observation, but why commit crimes which the Divinity cannot but
notice?
[Footnote 837: 'Facientes laicum commodum substantiam clericorum.']
'Therefore we ordain by this edict that anyone who shall hereafter
commit this kind of fraud shall lose his own private gains, and shall
forfeit his place in the public service[838].
[Footnote 838: 'Edictali programmate definimus, ut qui in hac fuerit
ulterius fraude versatus et militiâ careat et compendium propriae
facultatis amittat.' The last clause is perhaps purposely vague. We
should have expected to hear something about restitution, but the
words will not bear that meaning.]
'Let the poor keep the gifts which God has put it into the heart of
Kings to bestow upon them. It is cruel above all other cruelty to wish
to become rich by means of the scanty possessions of the mendicant.'
14. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO ANASTASIUS, CANCELLARIUS OF
LUCANIA AND BRUTTII.
[Sidenote: Plea for gentle treatment for citizens of Rhegium.]
'The citizens of Rhegium (so called from the Greek word [Greek:
rhêgnumi], to break, because their island has been broken off from
Sicily by the violence of the waves) complain that they are being
unfairly harassed by the tax-gatherers. I, as an eyewitness, can
confirm the truth of their statement that their territory does not
bring forth the produce which is claimed at their hands. It is a rocky
and mountainous country, too dry for pasture, though sufficiently
undulating for vineyards; bad for grain-crops, though well suited for
olives. The shade has to be all provided by the industry of man, who
has planted there the tree of Pallas [the olive], which prospers in
even the driest soil, because it sends its roots down into the very
depths of the earth.
'The corn has to be watered by hand, like pot-herbs in a garden. You
seldom see the husbandman bending beneath his load as he returns from
the threshing-floor. A few bushels full are all that he can boast of,
even in an abundant harvest[839].
[Footnote 839: I do not understand the following sentences: 'In hortis
autem rusticorum agmen habetur operosum: quia olus illic omne saporum
est marinâ irroratione respersum. Quod humanâ industriâ fieri
consuevit, hoc cum nutriretur accepit.' Can they have watered any
herbs with salt water?]
'Contrary to the opinion of Virgil [who speaks of the bitter roots of
the endive[840]], the fibres of endive are here extremely sweet, and
encircled by their twisting leaves are caked together with a certain
callous tenderness[841].
[Footnote 840:
'Nec tamen, haec quum sint hominumque boumque labores
Versando terram experti, nihil improbus anser,
Strymoniaeque grues, et _amaris intuba fibris_
Officiunt.'--Georgic i. 118-121.]
[Footnote 841: I must renounce the attempt to translate the rest of
the sentence: 'Unde in morem nitri aliquid decerptum frangitur, dum a
fecundo cespite segregatur.' There is an alternative reading, _vitri_
for _nitri_; but I am still unable to understand the author's
meaning.]
'In the treasures of the deep that region is certainly rich; for the
Upper and Lower Sea meet there. The _exormiston_[842], a sort of king
among fishes, with bristly nostrils and a milky delicacy of flavour,
is found in these waters. In stormy weather it is tossed about on the
top of the waves, and seems to be too tired or too indolent to seek a
refuge in the deeper water[843]. No other fish can be compared to it
in sweetness[844].
[Footnote 842: Apparently a kind of lamprey. See the fourth letter of
this book.]
[Footnote 843: Perhaps Cassiodorus means to say this makes it more
easy of capture, but he does not say so.]
[Footnote 844: The praises of the exormiston are not only foreign to
the main subject of the letter, but to a certain extent weaken the
writer's argument on behalf of his countrymen; but, as a good
Bruttian, he cannot help vaunting the products of his country.]
'These are the products--I speak from my own knowledge--of the Rhegian
shore. Therefore you must not seek to levy a tribute of wheat or lard
from the inhabitants under the name of "coemptio."
'I may add that they are so troubled by the constant passage of
travellers entering Italy or leaving it, that it would have been right
to excuse them even if those products had been found there in
abundance[845].'
[Footnote 845: The passage to and fro of travellers no doubt brought
with it burdensome duties for the inhabitants in connection with the
_Cursus Publicus_. It was therefore a reason for mitigating other
taxes.]
15. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO MAXIMUS, VIR CLARISSIMUS,
CANCELLARIUS OF LUCANIA AND BRUTTII[846].
[Footnote 846: This letter, being the description by Cassiodorus of
his native place, is translated entire.]
[Sidenote: Praises of the author's birthplace, Scyllacium.]
'Scyllacium, the first city of Bruttii, which Ulysses the destroyer of
Troy is believed to have founded, is said to be unreasonably vexed by
the exorbitant demands of purveyors[847]. These injuries grieve us all
the more on account of our patriotic love for the place.
[Footnote 847: 'Irrationabiliter dicitur praesumentium nimietate
vexari.']
'The city of Scyllacium, which is so placed as to look down upon the
Hadriatic Gulf, hangs upon the hills like a cluster of grapes: not
that it may pride itself upon their difficult ascent, but that it may
voluptuously gaze on verdant plains and the blue back of the sea. The
city beholds the rising sun from its very cradle, when the day that is
about to be born sends forward no heralding Aurora; but as soon as it
begins to rise, the quivering brightness displays its torch. It
beholds Phoebus in his joy; it is bathed in the brightness of that
luminary, so that it might be thought to be itself the native land of
the sun, the claims of Rhodes to that honour being outdone.
'It enjoys a translucent air, but withal so temperate that its winters
are sunny, and its summers cool; and life passes there without sorrow,
since hostile seasons are feared by none. Hence, too, man himself is
here freer of soul than elsewhere, for this temperateness of the
climate prevails in all things.
'In sooth, a hot fatherland makes its children sharp and fickle, a
cold one slow and sly; it is only a temperate climate which composes
the characters of men by its own moderation. Hence was it that the
ancients pronounced Athens to be the seat of sages, because, enriched
with an air of the greatest purity, it prepared with glad liberality
the lucid intellects of its sons for the contemplative part of life.
Assuredly for the body to imbibe muddy waters is a different thing
from sucking in the transparency of a sweet fountain. Even so the
vigour of the mind is repressed when it is clogged by a heavy
atmosphere. Nature herself hath made us subject to these influences.
Clouds make us feel sad; and again a bright sky fills us with joy,
because the heavenly substance of the soul delights in everything that
is unstained and pure.
'Scyllacium has also an abundant share of the delicacies of the sea,
possessing near it those gates of Neptune which we ourselves
constructed. At the foot of the Moscian Mount we hollowed out the
bowels of the rock, and tastefully[848] introduced therein the eddying
waves of Nereus. Here a troop of fishes, sporting in free captivity,
refreshes all minds with delight, and charms all eyes with admiration.
They run greedily to the hand of man, and before they become his food
seek dainties from him. Man feeds his own dainty morsels, and while he
has that which can bring them into his power, it often happens that
being already replete he lets them all go again.
[Footnote 848: 'Decenter.']
'The spectacle moreover of men engaged in honourable labour is not
denied to those who are sitting tranquilly in the city. Plenteous
vineyards are beheld in abundance. The fruitful toil of the
threshing-floor is seen. The face of the green olive is disclosed. No
one need sigh for the pleasures of the country, when it is given him
to see them all from the town.
'And inasmuch as it has now no walls, you believe Scyllacium to be a
rural city, though you might judge it to be an urban villa; and thus
placed between the two worlds of town and country, it is lavishly
praised by both.
'This place wayfarers desire frequently to visit, and as they object
to the toil of walking, the citizens, called upon to provide them with
post-horses, and rations for their servants, have to pay heavily in
purse for the pleasantness of their city. Therefore to prevent this,
for the future we decide that all charges for providing post-horses
and rations shall be debited to the public account. We cut up, root
and branch, the system of paying _Pulveratica_[849] to the Judge; and
we decide, according to ancient custom, that rations for three days
only shall be given on their arrival to the great Dignitaries of the
State, and that any more prolonged delay in their locomotion be
provided for by themselves.
[Footnote 849: Dust-money.]
'To relieve your city of its heaviest burdens will be, according to
our injunctions, an act of judicial impartiality, not of laxity. Live,
by God's help, a mirror of the justice of the age, delighting in the
security of all. Some people call the Isles of the Atlantic
'Fortunate:' I would rather give that name to the place where you do
now dwell.'
16. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO A REVENUE OFFICER[850].
[Footnote 850: 'Canonicario.']
[This interesting letter is one of the few written by Cassiodorus as
Praetorian Praefect which we can date with certainty. It is written
apparently at the beginning of the first Indiction, i.e. Sept. 1, 537.
Witigis and the Goths have been for nearly six months besieging Rome,
and are beginning to be discouraged as to its capture. Cassiodorus is
probably at Ravenna, directing the machine of government from that
capital.]
[Sidenote: Payment of Trina Illatio.]
'Time, which adapts itself incessantly to the course of human affairs,
and reconciles us even to adversity[851], has brought round again the
period for collecting the _Trina Illatio_ from the taxpayer. Let the
peasant (_possessor_) pay in your Diocese, for this first Indiction,
his instalment of the tax freely, not being urged too soon nor allowed
to postpone it too late, so that he may plead that he has been let off
from payment[852]. Let none exceed the fair weight, but let him use a
just pound: if once the true weight is allowed to be exceeded, there
is no limit to extortion[853].
[Footnote 851: 'Dum res nobis etiam asperas captatâ semper opinione
conciliat.' Apparently a veiled allusion to the disasters of the
Goths.]
[Footnote 852: 'Nec iterum remissione lentatâ quisquam se dicat esse
praeteritum.']
[Footnote 853: This mention of the just weight of course suits a tax
paid in kind, not in money.]
'Let a faithful account of the expenses of collection be rendered
every four months to our office[854], that, all error and obscurity
being removed, truth may be manifest in the public accounts.
[Footnote 854: 'Expensarum quoque fidelem notitiam per quaternos
menses ad scrinia nostra solemniter destinabis.']
'That you may, with God's help, be the better able to fulfil our
instructions, I have ordered A and B, servants of our tribunal, who
are mindful of their own past responsibilities, to assist you and your
staff[855]. Beware therefore, lest you incur the blame of corruptly
discharging the taxpayer, or of sluggish idleness in the discharge of
your duties, in which case your own fortunes will suffer from your
neglect.'
[Footnote 855: 'Illum atque illum sedis nostrae milites, tibi
officioque tuo periculorum suorum memores praecipimus imminere.']
17. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO JOHN, SILIQUATARIUS[856] OF
RAVENNA.
[Footnote 856: Collector of the Siliquaticum, or tax of one
twenty-fourth on sales. See ii. 30, iii. 35, iv. 19.]
[Sidenote: Defence of Ravenna.]
'In times of peace, by contact with foreigners who swarm in our
cities, we learn what will be our best defence in war. Who can tell
with what nation we may be next at war? Therefore, to be on the safe
side, make such preparations as our future enemies, whosoever they may
be, will dislike to hear of. Accordingly you are to order the peasants
to dig a series of pits with wide mouths near the mountains of
Caprarius and the parts round about the walls[857]; and let such a
chasm yawn there that there shall be no possibility of entrance that
way.
[Footnote 857: No doubt the walls of Ravenna. I cannot identify the
Mons Caprarius. The name Caprera is a common one in Italy.]
'If strangers want to enter the city, why do they not enter it in the
right way--by the gates--instead of going skulking about these
bye-paths? Henceforth, anyone trying to take any such short cut to our
city will probably find that he loses his life in consequence[858].'
[Footnote 858: One may conjecture that this letter was written in 535,
when war with the Empire was imminent, but before it was actually
declared.]
18. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO CONSTANTIAN, VIR
EXPERIENTISSIMUS.
[Sidenote: Repair of Flaminian Way.]
'Great is the reward of those who serve Kings efficiently; as severe
is the punishment of those who neglect their duties towards them.
'How delightful is it to journey without obstacles over a well-made
road[859], to pass doubtful places without fear, to ascend mountainous
steeps by a gentle incline, to have no fear of the planking of a
bridge when one crosses it[860], and in short to accomplish one's
journey so that everything happens to one's liking!
[Footnote 859: 'Videre judicia diligentia.' I leave this clause
untranslated, as I cannot understand it.]
[Footnote 860: 'In pontibus contrabium non tremere.']
'This is the pleasure which you can now prepare for your Sovereign.
Therefore, as the Flaminian Way is furrowed by the action of torrents,
join the yawning chasms by the broadest of bridges; clear away the
rough woods which choke the sides of the highway; procure the
stipulated number of post-horses, and see that they have all the
points which are required in a good steed; collect the designated
quantities of provisions without plundering the peasants. A failure in
any one of these particulars will ruin your whole service.
[Sidenote: Supply of delicacies for the King's table.]
'Collect, too, with the utmost diligence the spices which are needed
for the King's table. What avails it to have satisfied the army, if
the King's own board lack proper care. Let all the Provincials attend
to your admonitions: let the cities furnish the stores set forth in
the accompanying letters. Then, when they have put the Sovereign in a
good humour, they may ask him for benefits to some purpose.
'Think of me as present and as judging of all your deeds. I shall have
to bear the blame of your failures at Court; so act rather as to set
my mind at rest, to cover me and yourselves with glory, and to entitle
me to receive on your behalf the thanks of the whole army.'
[This letter was probably written in the autumn of 535, when Theodahad
was preparing to march to Rome. The mention of the delicacies for the
royal table suggests that that King, in addition to the other
excellencies of his character, was probably an epicure.]
19. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO MAXIMUS, VICARIUS OF THE CITY OF
ROME.
[Sidenote: Bridge of boats across the Tiber.]
'As all great events in Nature have their heralding signs, so is the
approaching visit of the King announced to you even by the concourse
of wayfarers to your City. We, however, have to order you to clothe
the waves of Tiber with a bridge [of boats]. The boat, thus used, is
no longer moved by slowly hauled ropes, as it is wont to be. Fixed
itself, it affords a means of transit to others. The joining of its
planks gives the desired appearance of solidity; all the terror of the
waves is removed by its likeness to the land, and the traveller
passing over it unharmed only wishes that the bridge were longer.
'Let a safe bulwark of lattice-work shield the bridge on the right
side and on the left. See that you give no cause for misadventure of
any kind. You have a noble opportunity of distinguishing yourself in
the presence of so many Senators and of the King himself, the rewarder
of every well-done work. On the other hand, if you do it badly and put
him out of humour, woe be unto you!
'We send A B, a servant of our Praefecture[861], to assist you and
your staff and bring us report of the accomplishment of the work; for
so heavy is our responsibility in this matter that we dare not leave
anything to chance.'
[Footnote 861: 'Illum sedis nostrae militem.']
[The King whose advent to Rome is here announced may be Witigis, after
his election in the plains of Regeta (August, 536). But the fact that
he is apparently approaching Rome by the northern bank of the Tiber,
coupled with the directions in the preceding letter for the repair of
the Flaminian Way, makes it more probable that some visit of Theodahad
(probably in the year 535), when he would come from Ravenna to Rome,
is here in prospect.]
20. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THOMAS AND PETER, VIRI CLARISSIMI
AND ARCARII.
[Sidenote: Sacred vessels mortgaged by Pope Agapetus to be restored to
the stewards of the Papal See.]
'You will remember, most faithful Sirs, that when the holy Agapetus,
Pope of the City of Rome, was sent as ambassador to the Sovereign of
the East[862], he received so many pounds of gold from you for the
expenses of the journey, for which he gave his bond[863] and deposited
some of the Church plate as security[864]. The provident ruler thus
lent him money in his necessity, and now, far more gloriously, returns
as a free gift those pledges which the Pope might well have thanked
him for taking.
[Footnote 862: He was sent by Theodahad; entered Constantinople
February 20, 536, and died there 21st April of the same year.]
[Footnote 863: 'Facto pictacio.']
[Footnote 864: 'Vasa sanctorum.' One would think this must refer to
the vessels used in celebrating mass; but I do not quite see how the
meaning is to be got out of the words.]
'Therefore, in obedience to these instructions of ours, and fortified
by the Royal order, do you return without any delay to the
stewards[865] of the holy Apostle Peter the vessels of the saints
together with the written obligation, that these things may be felt to
be profitably restored and speedily granted, that the longed-for means
of performing their world-famous ministrations may be replaced in the
hands of the Levites. Let that be given back which was their own,
since that is justly received back by way of largesse which the Priest
had legally mortgaged.
[Footnote 865: 'Actoribus.']
'Herein is the great example of King Alaric surpassed. He, when
glutted with the spoil of Rome, having received the vessels of the
Apostle Peter from his men, when he heard the story of their seizure,
ordered them to be carried back across the sacred threshold, that so
the remembrance of the cupidity of their capture might be effaced by
the generosity of their restoration.
'But our King, with religious purpose, has restored the vessels which
had become his own by the law of mortgage. In recompense for such
deeds frequent prayer ought to ascend, and Heaven will surely gladly
grant the required return for such good actions[866].'
[Footnote 866: Baronius not unfairly argues that if the Roman See was
so poor that the Church plate had to be pawned to provide for the
Pope's journey to Constantinople, the _wealth_ of the Pope cannot have
largely contributed to that great increase of his influence which
marked the early years of the Sixth Century.]
[There are in this letter several extremely obscure sentences as to
the generosity of Theodahad. As the Papal journey was undertaken by
Theodahad's orders, it was a piece of meanness, quite in keeping with
that King's character, to treat the advance of money for the journey
as a loan, and to insist on a bond and the deposit of the Church plate
as a security for repayment. Cassiodorus evidently feels this; and
very probably the restoration of the vessels and the quittance of the
debt had been insisted on by him. But the more he despises his
master's shabbiness, the more he struggles through a maze of almost
nonsensical sentences, to prove that he has committed some very
glorious action in lending the money and then forgiving the debt.]
21. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO DEUSDEDIT, A SCRIBE OF RAVENNA.
[Sidenote: Duties of a Scribe.]
'The Scribe's office is the great safeguard of the rights of all men.
The evidence of ownership may be destroyed by fire or purloined by
dishonest men, but the State by making use of the Scribe's labours is
able to make good the loss so sustained. The Scribe is more diligent
in other men's business than they are in their own. His
muniment-chest is the refuge of all the oppressed, and the repository
of the fortunes of all men[867].
[Footnote 867: 'Armarium ipsius fortuna cunctorum est.']
'In testimony of your past integrity, and in the hope that no change
will mar this fair picture, we appoint you to this honourable office.
Remember that ancient Truth is committed to your keeping, and that it
often really rests with you, rather than with the Judge, to decide the
disputes of litigants. When your indisputable testimony is given, and
when the ancient voice of charters proceeds from your _sanctum_,
Advocates receive it with reverence, and suitors, even
evil-intentioned men, are constrained into obedience.
'Banish, therefore, all thoughts of venality from your mind. The worst
moth that gets into papers and destroys them is the gold of the
dishonest litigant, who bribes the Scribes to make away with evidence
which he knows to be hostile. Thus, then, be ready always to produce
to suitors genuine old documents; and, on the other hand, transcribe
only, do not compose ancient proceedings[868]. Let the copy correspond
to the original as the wax to the signet-ring, that as the face is the
index of the emotions[869] so your handwriting may not err from the
authentic original in anything.
[Footnote 868: 'Translator esto, non conditor antiquorum gestorum.']
[Footnote 869: Compare Cassiodorus' treatise De Animâ, chapters x. and
xi., in which he enumerates the various points in which the faces of
good men and bad men differ from one another.]
'If a claimant succeed in enticing you even once from the paths of
honesty, vainly will you in any subsequent case seek to obtain his
credence for any document that you may produce; for he will always
believe that the trick which has been played once may be played again.
Keep to the line of justice, and even his angry exclamations at the
impossibility of inducing you to deviate therefrom, will be your
highest testimonial. Your whole career is public, and the favour or
disgrace which awaits you must be public also.'
22. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THE PROVINCIALS OF ISTRIA.
[This letter was written Sept. 1, 537, probably in consequence of the
scarcity which the operations of Belisarius were already causing at
Ravenna. Apparently the whole taxes levied from a Province at an
Indiction were divided into two heads: so much for the central
authority, and so much for the Province. Cassiodorus in this and the
following letter says in effect: 'All the State's share of the taxes
we will take not in money, but in your staple products, corn, wine,
and oil. The rest goes as usual to the Province; but owing to the
scarcity at Ravenna we shall be glad to buy all that can be spared
either by the authorities of the Province or by individuals, whether
farmers or merchants.']
'The true way to prevent the requirements of the public revenue from
becoming oppressive, is to order each Province to supply those
products in which it is naturally most fertile.
[Sidenote: Requisition from Province of Istria.]
'Now I have learned by conversation with travellers that the Province
of Istria is this year especially blessed in three of its crops--wine,
oil, and corn. Therefore let her give of these products the equivalent
of ... solidi, which are due from you in payment of tribute for this
first Indiction[870]: while the remainder we leave to that loyal
Province for her own regular expenses. But since we require a larger
quantity of the above-mentioned products, we send ... solidi from our
state chest for the purchase of them, that these necessaries may be
collected for us with as little delay as possible. Often when you are
desirous to sell you cannot find a purchaser, and suffer loss
accordingly. How much better is it to obey the requirements of your
Lords than to supply foreigners; and to pay your debts in the fruits
of the soil, rather than to wait on the caprices of a buyer!
[Footnote 870: The first Indiction was from September 1, 537, to
September 1, 538.]
'We will ourselves out of our love of justice state a fact of which
you might otherwise remind us, that we can afford to be liberal in
price because we are not burdened by the payment of freights [on
account of your nearness to the seat of government]. For what Campania
is to Rome, Istria is to Ravenna--a fruitful Province abounding in
corn, wine, and oil; so to speak, the cupboard of the capital. I might
carry the comparison further, and say that Istria can show her own
Baiae in the lagunes with which her shores are indented[871], her own
Averni in the pools abounding in oysters and fish. The palaces, strung
like pearls along the shores of Istria, show how highly our ancestors
appreciated its delights[872]. The beautiful chain of islands with
which it is begirt, shelter the sailor from danger and enrich the
cultivator. The residence of the Court in this district delights the
nobles and enriches the lower orders; and it may be said that all its
products find their way to the Royal city. Now let the loyal Province,
which has often tendered her services when they were less required,
send forward her stores freely.
[Footnote 871: Here follows this sentence: 'Haec loca garismatia plura
nutriunt.' Garum seems to have been a sauce something like our
anchovy-sauce. Garismatium is evidently a garum-supplying place.]
[Footnote 872: We have a special allusion in Martial (iv. 25) to the
villas of Altinum, and he too compares them to those of Baiae.]
'To guard against any misunderstanding of our orders, we send
Laurentius, a man of great experience, whose instructions are
contained in the annexed letter.
'We will publish a tariff of moderate prices when we next address you,
and when we have ascertained what is the yield of the present crops;
for we should be deciding quite at random before we have received that
information.'
23. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO LAURENTIUS, VIR
EXPERIENTISSIMUS[873].
[Footnote 873: Evidently 'the annexed letter' referred to in No. 22.]
[Sidenote: The same subject.]
'Anyone can discharge the duties of the Commissariat in a time of
abundance. It is a mark of our high appreciation of your experience
and efficiency, that we select you for this service in a time of
scarcity. We therefore direct you to repair to the Province of Istria,
there to collect stores of wine, oil, and corn, equivalent to ...
solidi, due from the Province for land-tax[874], and with ... solidi
which you have received from our Treasurer to buy these products
either from the merchants or from the peasants directly, according to
the information prepared for you by the Cashiers[875]. Raise your
spirits for this duty, and discharge it in a manner worthy of your
past reputation. Make to us a faithful report of the yield of the
coming harvest, under these three heads[876], that we may fix a tariff
of prices which shall be neither burdensome to the Provincials nor
injurious to the public service.'
[Footnote 874: 'Ut in tot solidos vini, olei, vel tritici species de
tributario solido debeas procurare.']
[Footnote 875: 'Sicut te a Numerariis instruxit porrecta Notitia.'
Note this use of the word 'Notitia,' as illustrating the title of the
celebrated document bearing that name.]
[Footnote 876: Corn, wine, and oil.]
24. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO THE TRIBUNES OF THE MARITIME
POPULATION[877].
[Footnote 877: Written shortly after Sept. 1, 537. This is the
celebrated letter to which Venetian historians point as evidence of
the existence of their city (or at least of the group of settlements
out of which their city sprang) in the Sixth Century. We may set side
by side with it the words of the Anonymous Geographer of Ravenna (in
the Seventh Century), 'In patria vero Venetiae sunt aliquantae
insulae, quae hominibus habitantur.'
The address, _Tribunis Maritimorum_, looks as if there were something
like a municipal government established in these islands. Tribunus was
at this time generally, but not exclusively, a military title. Compare
the Tribunus Fori Suarii and Tribunus Rerum Nitentium of the Notitia
(Occidens iv. 10 and iv. 17). But there can be no doubt, from the tone
of this letter, that the islanders were subjects of the Ostrogothic
King.]
[Sidenote: First historical notice of Venice.]
'We have previously given orders that Istria should send wine and oil,
of which there are abundant crops this year, to the Royal residence
at Ravenna. Do you, who possess numerous ships on the borders of the
Province, show the same devotion in forwarding the stores which they
do in supplying them.
'Be therefore active in fulfilling this commission in your own
neighbourhood, you who often cross boundless distances. It may be said
that [in visiting Ravenna] you are going through your own
guest-chambers, you who in your voyages traverse your own home[878].
This is also added to your other advantages, that to you another route
is open, marked by perpetual safety and tranquillity. For when by
raging winds the sea is closed, a way is opened to you through the
most charming river scenery[879]. Your keels fear no rough blasts;
they touch the earth with the greatest pleasure, and cannot perish
however frequently they may come in contact with it. Beholders from a
distance, not seeing the channel of the stream, might fancy them
moving through the meadows. Cables have been used to keep them at
rest: now drawn by ropes they move, and by a changed order of things
men help their ships with their feet. They draw their drawers without
labour, and instead of the capricious favour of sails they use the
more satisfactory steps of the sailor.
[Footnote 878: An obscure sentence: 'Per hospitia quodammodo vestra
discurritis qui per patriam navigatis.' The idea seems to be: 'You
have to sail about from one room to another of your own house, and
therefore Ravenna will seem like a neighbouring inn.']
[Footnote 879: The next four sentences describe the movement of the
ships when towed along the channels of the streams (Brenta, Piave,
Tagliamento, &c.) the deposits from which have made the lagunes.]
'It is a pleasure to recall the situation of your dwellings as I
myself have seen them. Venetia the praiseworthy[880], formerly full of
the dwellings of the nobility, touches on the south Ravenna and the
Po, while on the east it enjoys the delightsomeness of the Ionian
shore, where the alternating tide now discovers and now conceals the
face of the fields by the ebb and flow of its inundation. Here after
the manner of water-fowl have you fixed your home. He who was just now
on the mainland finds himself on an island, so that you might fancy
yourself in the Cyclades[881], from the sudden alterations in the
appearance of the shore.
[Footnote 880: 'Venetiae praedicabiles.' An allusion, no doubt, as
other commentators have suggested, to the reputed derivation of
Venetia from [Greek: Ainetoi], 'the laudable.']
[Footnote 881: Alluding probably to the story of the floating island
of Delos.]
'Like them[882] there are seen amid the wide expanse of the waters
your scattered homes, not the product of Nature, but cemented by the
care of man into a firm foundation[883]. For by a twisted and knotted
osier-work the earth there collected is turned into a solid mass, and
you oppose without fear to the waves of the sea so fragile a bulwark,
since forsooth the mass of waters is unable to sweep away the shallow
shore, the deficiency in depth depriving the waves of the necessary
power.
[Footnote 882: 'Earum similitudine.' Does Cassiodorus mean 'like the
water-fowl,' or 'like the Cyclades?']
[Footnote 883: The reading of Nivellius (followed by Migne),
'Domicilia videntur sparsa, quae Natura non protulit sed hominum cura
fundavit,' seems to give a better sense than that of Garet, who omits
the 'non.']
'The inhabitants have one notion of plenty, that of gorging themselves
with fish. Poverty therefore may associate itself with wealth on equal
terms. One kind of food refreshes all; the same sort of dwelling
shelters all; no one can envy his neighbour's home; and living in this
moderate style they escape that vice [of envy] to which all the rest
of the world is liable.
'Your whole attention is concentrated on your salt-works. Instead of
driving the plough or wielding the sickle, you roll your cylinders.
Thence arises your whole crop, when you find in them that product
which you have not manufactured[884]. There it may be said is your
subsistence-money coined[885]. Of this art of yours every wave is a
bondservant. In the quest for gold a man may be lukewarm: but salt
every one desires to find; and deservedly so, since to it every kind
of meat owes its savour.
[Footnote 884: 'Inde vobis fructus omnis enascitur, quando in ipsis,
et quae non facitis possidetis.']
[Footnote 885: 'Moneta illic quodammodo percutitur victualis.' Some
have supposed that these words point to a currency in salt; but I
think they are only a Cassiodorian way of saying 'By this craft ye
have your wealth.']
'Therefore let your ships, which you have tethered, like so many
beasts of burden, to your walls, be repaired with diligent care: so
that when the most experienced Laurentius attempts to bring you his
instructions, you may hasten forth to greet him. Do not by any
hindrance on your part delay the necessary purchases which he has to
make; since you, on account of the character of your winds, are able
to choose the shortest sea-track[886].'
[Footnote 886: This is the only translation I can suggest of 'quatenus
expensas necessarias nulla difficultate tardetis, qui pro qualitate
aeris compendium vobis eligere potestis itineris.']
25. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO HIS DEPUTY[887] AMBROSIUS, AN
ILLUSTRIS.
[Footnote 887: 'Agenti vices.' See note on xi. 4.]
[This letter appears to have been written in the early autumn of 538,
about a year after the three last letters, and also after Letters 27
and 28, which precede it in order of date, though they follow it in
this collection. For an account of the terrible famine in Italy, the
beginning of which is here described, see Procopius, De Bello Gotthico
ii. 20.]
[Sidenote: Famine in Italy.]
'Since the world is not governed by chance, but by a Divine Ruler who
does not change His purposes at random, men are alarmed, and naturally
alarmed, at the extraordinary signs in the heavens, and ask with
anxious hearts what events these may portend. The Sun, first of stars,
seems to have lost his wonted light, and appears of a bluish colour.
We marvel to see no shadows of our bodies at noon, to feel the mighty
vigour of his heat wasted into feebleness, and the phenomena which
accompany a transitory eclipse prolonged through a whole year.
'The Moon too, even when her orb is full, is empty of her natural
splendour. Strange has been the course of the year thus far. We have
had a winter without storms, a spring without mildness, and a summer
without heat. Whence can we look for harvest, since the months which
should have been maturing the corn have been chilled by Boreas? How
can the blade open if rain, the mother of all fertility, is denied to
it? These two influences, prolonged frost and unseasonable drought,
must be adverse to all things that grow. The seasons seem to be all
jumbled up together, and the fruits, which were wont to be formed by
gentle showers, cannot be looked for from the parched earth. But as
last year was one that boasted of an exceptionally abundant harvest,
you are to collect all of its fruits that you can, and store them up
for the coming months of scarcity, for which it is well able to
provide. And that you may not be too much distressed by the signs in
the heavens of which I have spoken, return to the consideration of
Nature, and apprehend the reason of that which makes the vulgar gape
with wonder.
'The middle air is thickened by the rigour of snow and rarefied by the
beams of the Sun. This is the great Inane, roaming between the heavens
and the earth. When it happens to be pure and lighted up by the rays
of the sun it opens out its true aspect[888]; but when alien elements
are blended with it, it is stretched like a hide across the sky, and
suffers neither the true colours of the heavenly bodies to appear nor
their proper warmth to penetrate. This often happens in cloudy weather
for a time; it is only its extraordinary prolongation which has
produced these disastrous effects, causing the reaper to fear a new
frost in harvest, making the apples to harden when they should grow
ripe, souring the old age of the grape-cluster.
[Footnote 888: 'Vestros (?) veraciter pandit aspectus.']
'All this, however, though it would be wrong to construe it as an omen
of Divine wrath, cannot but have an injurious effect on the fruits of
the earth. Let it be your care to see that the scarcity of this one
year does not bring ruin on us all. Even thus was it ordained by the
first occupant of our present dignity[889], that the preceding plenty
should avail to mitigate the present penury.'
[Footnote 889: Joseph, Praetorian Praefect of Egypt under Pharaoh.]
26. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO PAULUS, VIR STRENUUS[890].
[Footnote 890: Paulas was probably a Sajo.]
[Sidenote: Remission of taxes for Province of Venetia in consequence
of the famine.]
'We are glad when we can reconcile the claims of the public service
with the suggestions of pity. The Venerable Augustin, a man
illustrious by his life and name, has brought under our notice the
lamentable petition of the Venetians, to the effect that there have
been in their Province no crops of wine, wheat, or millet, and that
they must be ruined unless the Royal pity succours them.
'In these circumstances it would be cruel to exact the customary
supplies from them, and we therefore remit the contributions of wine
and wheat for the use of the army which we had ordered from the cities
of Concordia, Aquileia, and Forojulii[891], exacting only the meat, as
shown by the accompanying letter[892].
[Footnote 891: Now Cividale in Friuli. Notice the terminations of
these names: 'ex Concordiense, Aquileiense, et Forojuliense
civitatibus' ('e,' not 'i').]
[Footnote 892: The letter here alluded to does not appear to be
preserved.]
'We shall send from hence a sufficient supply of wheat when the time
comes; and as we are told that there is a plentiful crop of wine in
Istria, you can buy there the wine that would have been furnished by
the three cities. Be sure that you ask for no fee in this matter.
This remission of taxes is absolutely gratuitous on our part.'
27. SENATOR, PRAETORIAN PRAEFECT, TO DATIUS[893], BISHOP OF MILAN.
[Footnote 893: Cassiodorus, like Procopius, spells this name with a
't.' Some of the ecclesiastical writers spell it with a 'c.']
[Sidenote: Relief of famine-stricken citizens of Ticinum and Dertona.]
'It is most fitting that good and holy men should be made the stewards
of the Royal bounty. We therefore request your Holiness, in accordance
with the King's commands, to open the granaries at Ticinum[894], and
Dertona[895], and sell millet thereat to the starving people at the
rate of 20 modii per solidum[896]. We are anxious that you should do
this, lest the work should fall into venal hands which would sell the
King's bounty to those who are able to provide for themselves. It is
the poor, not the rich, that we wish to help: we would pour our bounty
into empty vessels. Let not then your Holiness think this work of
compassion, unworthy of your sacred office. In order to assist you we
have sent A and B, who will simply obey the orders of your Holiness,
doing nothing of their own motion.
[Footnote 894: Pavia.]
[Footnote 895: Tortona.]
[Footnote 896: Twelve shillings for twenty pecks, or about nineteen
shillings and twopence a quarter; not a very low price, one would
think, for such a grain as millet.
Datius is ordered to sell _tertiam portionem_ of this millet. Probably
this expression has the same meaning as the 'tertia illatio' of xi.
37.
In the similar letter, x. 27, 'tertia portio' (whether of wheat or
millet is not stated) is to be sold at 25 modii per solidum.]
'Send us an account of the solidi received in payment for the said
millet, that they may be stored up with our Treasurer[897], in order
to replace the before-mentioned grain, and thus provide a reserve for
future times of scarcity; like a garment taken to pieces that it may
be made up again as good as new.'
[Footnote 897: 'Arcarius.']
[It is not very easy to assign a date to this letter. The mention of
the famine would incline us to assign it to 538, as that seems to have
been the year when the full force of the famine was felt in Italy (see
Procopius, De Bello Gotthico ii. 20, where 538 and 539 seem to be
marked as the two great famine years). But very early in 538 the
Bishop of Milan, the same Datius to whom this letter is addressed,
visited Rome to entreat Belisarius to send a small garrison to occupy
Milan, which had already revolted, or was on the verge of revolting,
from the Gothic King. As soon as the siege of Rome was raised
Belisarius complied with this request, and sent 1,000 men, under
Mundilas, to escort Datius back to Milan. This expedition set forth
probably in April 538, and as soon as it arrived at Milan that city
openly proclaimed its defection from Witigis and its allegiance to the
Emperor. It was soon besieged by Uraias, nephew of Witigis, by whom in
the following year (539) it was taken. The city, we are informed, was
rased to the ground, and Bishop Datius escaped to Constantinople.
Evidently we have here a continuous chain of events, which makes it
impossible for us to date this letter in 538 or any subsequent year.
We ought probably therefore to assign it to the autumn of 537, and to
look upon it as an attempt (unsuccessful, as it proved) to retain
Datius and the citizens of Milan on the side of the Goths. We know
from the Twenty-second Letter of this book that signs of scarcity had
already shown themselves in Italy by the 1st September, 537; and in an
interesting passage of the 'Historia Miscella' (Book xvi.), famine in
Liguria, the year 537, and the name of Datius are all combined.
'Praeter belli instantiam angebatur insuper Roma famis penuriâ: tanta
siquidem per universum mundum eo anno [the year of the siege of Rome],
_maxime apud Liguriam_ fames excreverat, ut _sicut vir sanctissimus
Datius Mediolanensis antistes retulit_, pleraeque matres infelicium
natorum membra comederent.' I owe this reference to Baronius.]
28. AN EDICT [ADDRESSED TO THE LIGURIANS].
[Sidenote: Relief of inhabitants of Liguria.]
'Divine Providence uses adversity as a means of testing our
characters. Famine has afflicted the Provinces, but the result of it
has been that they have proved more fully than before the bounty of
their King. Rejoice herein, oh ye Ligurians! For when, as you will
remember, on a previous occasion the savage temper of your neighbours
was aroused, and Aemilia and your Liguria were shaken by an incursion
of the Burgundians, who waged a sneaking campaign by reason of their
nearness to your territory, suddenly the renown of the insulted
Empire[898] arose like the sun in his strength. The enemy mourned the
ruin which was caused by his own presumption, when he learned that
that man was Ruler of the Gothic race whose rare valour he had
experienced when he was still a private soldier[899]. How often did
the Burgundian wish that he had never left his own frontiers to be
compelled to fight with such an adversary as our Sovereign; for though
he found with relief that he escaped his actual presence in the field,
none the less did his rashness bring him in contact with the good
fortune of his arms. For when with redoubled fortitude[900] the Goths
turned to the prosecution of the war, with such successfully combined
operations did they strike the bands of the rebels, that you would
have thought those were all armed men, these were all
defenceless[901]. Such was the just judgment of God, that the robber
should perish in those very plains which he had presumed to desolate.
Exult now, oh Province, adorned with the carcases of thine
adversaries! rejoice, oh Liguria, at the heap of dead bodies! If the
harvest of corn is denied thee, the harvest of dead enemies shall not
be wanting. Tribute thou mayest not be able to offer to thy King, but
the triumphs which are won in thy land thou canst offer with pride.
[Footnote 898: Literally, 'of the present Empire:' 'subito praesentis
Imperii tanquam solis ortus fama radiavit.' I avoid the word
'present,' because of its ambiguity. Observe the use of 'Imperii'
applied to the Gothic Kingdom.]
[Footnote 899: 'Quando illum cognovit nominatae (?) gentis esse
Rectorem, quem sub militis nomine probaverat esse singularem.' This
evident allusion to Witigis obliges us to place the date of this
Burgundian invasion not much earlier than the summer of 536, when
Witigis was raised to the throne. Apparently the Burgundians were
already in Italy when they heard the news of that event.]
[Footnote 900: 'Ut Gothi ad belli studium geminâ se fortitudine
contulerunt.' These words perhaps allude to the necessity of fighting
two enemies at once, Belisarius and the Burgundians; or perhaps to the
existence of two Gothic armies, whose combined operations are
indicated by the following words, 'prospera concertatione.']
[Footnote 901: 'Quasi inde nudos hinc stare contigisset armatos.'
'Hinc' and 'inde' refer to geographical position, not to the order of
the words in the sentence.]
'[902]To these triumphs must be added the lately foiled plunder-raid
of the Alamanni, so checked in its very first attempts that their
entrance and exit were almost one event, like a wound well and
opportunely cauterised. Thus were the excesses of the presumptuous
invader punished, and the subjects of our King were saved from
absolute ruin. I might indeed enumerate to you what crowds of the
enemy fell in other places, but I turn rather--such is human
nature--to more joyful themes, and revert to the point with which I at
first commenced, namely that the Sovereign who has saved you from the
hostile sword is determined now to avert from your Province the perils
of famine.
[Footnote 902: See von Schubert's 'Unterwerfung der Alamannen,' pp.
57-59, for a careful analysis of the following paragraph.]
'In this new war the citadels are well-stored granaries; Starvation is
the dreaded foe: if they are closed she enters; by opening them wide
she is put to flight. I know not what the world in general may think
of the relative merit of these two campaigns of our King. For my part,
though I recognise it as the mark of a brave man to have fought a
winning battle, I think it is something above mere human valour to
have conquered penury.
'In addition to these benefits the King has remitted one-half of the
taxes of the Province, that he might not sadden with the one hand
those whom he was gladdening with the other. Herein he compares
favourably with Joseph, who sold corn to the Egyptians, but on such
terms that they lost their personal freedom. Doubtless that holy man
was placed in a dilemma between the necessity of satisfying a covetous
King on the one hand, and that of rescuing a starving people on the
other. Still I must think that the Egyptian, whose life was preserved,
groaned over the loss of his liberty; and if I may say so, with all
respect to so great a patriarch[903], far nobler is it to sell corn to
freemen who remain freemen, and to lighten their taxes on account of
poverty. This is really a gratuitous distribution, when both the money
with which to buy is handed over to you [by the abatement of tribute],
and a price is fixed on purpose to please you.
[Footnote 903: 'Pace tanti patris dixerim.']
'The generosity of the State therefore will sell 25 modii, when the
peasant has lost his crops, at the price at which 10 are usually
sold[904]. Humanity has altered the usual course of affairs, and by a
strange kind of chaffering, but one which truly becomes a King, just
when the famished peasant is willing to offer us an enhanced price
for food, we are directed to offer it to him for a smaller one.
[Footnote 904: Probably one solidus: making the largesse price 15s.
4d. a quarter (about four shillings less than the price named in the
preceding letter for millet); while the market price was 38s. 4d. a
quarter. I read these sentences thus: 'Vendit itaque largitas publica
vicenos quinque modios, dum possessor invenire non possit, ad denos.
Ordinem rerum saeculi mutavit humanitas.' The construction is harsh
and elliptical, but this makes sense, which the ordinary punctuation,
throwing 'ad denos' into the following sentence, does not.]
'The King himself had seen your calamity, and thereupon bestowed on
you previously one favour. Now, on hearing of its continuance, he adds
to it a second. Happy calamity, which forced itself on the notice of
such an eye-witness!
'Now, oh Ligurian, rejoice in the good fortune which has come to thee.
Compare thy lot with the Egyptian's and be happy. He was fed, but lost
his freedom; thou art fed, and at the same time defended from thy
enemies. Joseph gave back the purchase-money to his brethren in their
sacks, showing a greater kindness to his kindred than to his subjects.
Our King shows no such partiality, but bestows on all the taxpayers
larger benefits than he did on his brethren. Happy age! in which Kings
may be likened, not to Kings, but to Prophets, and yet bear away the
palm.
'But that we may not longer detain you from the desired enjoyment of
the Royal benefits, know that our commands have been given to those
whose business it is to attend to this affair, that, according to the
tenour of this edict, the generosity of the Sovereign may penetrate
into your homes.'
[The same considerations which were applied to the date of the
preceding letter seem to require that this also be dated in 537. After
the raising of the siege of Rome (March, 538), by the despatch of
Imperial troops into Liguria, and the enthusiastic adherence of that
Province to the Imperial cause, a new state of things was established,
and one to which the language of this letter would have been utterly
inapplicable.
There are two events of which we have no other knowledge than that
furnished by this letter: the invasion of the Burgundians, and the
ravages of the Alamanni in the Province of Liguria.
(1) The invasion of the Burgundians seems, as stated in a previous
note, to have occurred in the spring or early summer of 536; so that
Cassiodorus could represent the invaders as surprised and disheartened
by learning of the elevation of Witigis. It no doubt formed part of
those hostile operations of the Frankish Kings described by Procopius
(De Bello Gotthico i. 13), the termination of which was purchased by
Witigis by the cession of Provence and the payment of a subsidy. It is
interesting to observe, however, that the Burgundians, notwithstanding
their subjugation in 534, and their incorporation in the Frankish
monarchy, are still spoken of as conducting an invasion on their own
account. This is just like the invasion of Italy in 553 by the
Alamannic brethren, and is quite in keeping with the loosely compacted
character of the Merovingian monarchy, in which it was copied by the
Anglian and Saxon Kingdoms.
(2) For the ravages of the Alamanni consult, as before stated, von
Schubert's monograph. This passage quite confirms his view of the
events connected with the overthrow of the Alamannic Kingdom by
Clovis. A remnant of the people, settled as refugees in Raetia under
Theodoric's protection, now, in the decline of the Ostrogothic
monarchy throw off their allegiance to his successors, and press
forward over the Alps to share the spoil of Italy. Witigis, however,
notwithstanding his struggle with Belisarius, is still able promptly
to repel this incursion; but it co-operates with the Burgundian
invasion and the inclement spring and summer of 537 to bring about the
famine in Liguria in the autumn of that year.]
THE END.
INDEX OF PERSONS
TO WHOM THE LETTERS ARE ADDRESSED.
A.
Abundantius, Praetorian Praefect, v. 16, 17, 23, 34; ix. 4.
Acretius, _see_ Eutropius.
Adeodatus, iii. 46.
Adila, Vir Spectabilis, Comes, ii. 29.
Aemilianus, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, iv. 31.
Aestunae, Possessores, Defensores, and Curiales dwelling at, iii. 9.
Agapitus, Praefectus Urbis,
Vir Illustris atque Patricius, i. 6, 23, 32, 33, 41; ii. 6.
Alaric (II), King of the Visigoths (484-507), iii. 1.
Albienus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, i. 20;
Praefectus Praetorio, viii. 20.
Albinus and Albienus, Viri Illustres atque Patricii, i. 20.
Albinus, Vir Illustris, Patricius, iv. 30.
Albinus, Actores of, iv. 35.
Aloisius, Architect, ii. 39.
Amabilis, Exsecutor, i. 8;
Vir Devotus (? Sajo) and Comes, iv. 5.
Ambrosius, Quaestor, viii. 13;
Vir Illustris Agens Vices (Praefecti Praetorio), xi. 4, 5; xii. 25.
Ampelius, Despotius, and Theodulus, Viri Spectabiles, ii. 23.
Ampelius, Count Luvirit and, v. 35.
Ampelius and Liveria, v. 39.
Anastasius, Emperor (491-518), i. 1; ii. 1.
Anastasius, Consularis, v. 8.
Anastasius, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, xii. 12, 14.
Anat(h)olius, Cancellarius of Province of Samnium, xi. 36.
Andreas, Primiscrinius, xi. 21.
Andreas, _see_ Maximian.
Annas, Vir Spectabilis and Comes, iv. 18.
Antianus, Vir Spectabilis, ex-Cornicularius, xi. 18, 34.
Antonius, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop of Pola, iv. 44.
Apronianus, Vir Illustris, Comes Privatarum, iii. 53.
Arator, Vir Illustris, Comes Domesticorum, viii. 12.
Arelate (_Arles_), Possessores of, iii. 44.
Argolicus, Vir Illustris,
Praefectas Urbis, iii. 11, 29, 30, 33; iv. 22, 25, 29, 42.
Arigern, Vir Illustris, Comes, iii. 36, 45; iv. 23.
Artemidorus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius,
Praefectus Urbis, i. 42; ii. 34; iii. 22.
Assuin (Assius, or Assum), Vir Illustris, Comes, i. 40.
Aurigenes, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, iii. 14.
Avilf, Sajo, v. 20.
B.
Baion (Coion, or Goinon), Vir Spectabilis, i. 38.
Beatus, Vir Clarissimus and Cancellarius, xi. 10;
Primicerius Augustalium, xi. 30.
Benenatus, Vir Spectabilis, iv. 15.
Bergantinus, Vir Illustris and Patrician,
Comes Patrimonii, viii. 23; ix. 3.
Boetius, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, i. 10, 45; ii. 40.
Brandila, v. 32.
C.
Cancellarii diversi Provinciarum Singularum, xii. 1, 10.
Canonicarius Venetiarum, xii. 4, 7.
Capuanus, Vir Spectabilis, v. 21.
Carinus, Vir Illustris, v. 28.
Cart(h)erius, Regerendarius, xi. 29.
Cassiodorus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius
(father of Cassiodorus Senator), i. 3; iii. 28.
Catana, City of,
Honorati Possessores, Defensores, and Curiales of, iii. 49.
Catellus, Scriniarius Actorum, xi. 22.
Cheliodorus, Commentariensis, xi. 28.
Clovis, _see_ Luduin.
Coelianus and Agapitus, Viri Illustres et Patricii, i. 23.
Colossaeus, Vir Illustris, Comes, Governor of Pannonia, iii. 23.
Comes Siliquatariorum et Portus Curas Agens, ii. 12.
Constantian, Vir Experientissimus, xii. 18.
Constantinian, Cura Epistolarum Canonicarum, xi. 23.
Consularis, Vir Illustris, iii. 52.
Consularis Liguriae, xii. 8.
Crispianus, i. 37.
Cunigast, Vir Illustris, viii. 28.
Cyprian, Comes Sacrarum Largitionum and Patrician, v. 40; viii. 21.
D.
Dalmatia and S(u)avia, all the Goths and Romans in, ix. 9.
Daniel, iii. 19.
Datius, Bishop of Milan, xii. 27.
Decius, Vir Illustris, Patricius, ii. 33.
Decoratus, Vir Devotus, v. 31.
Dertona (_Tortona_), all Goths and
Romans abiding (consistentes) at, i. 17.
Despotius, _see_ Ampelius.
Densdedit, Scriba Ravennas, xii. 21.
Domitianus and Willias, i. 18.
Dromonarii, the, ii. 31.
Duda, Vir Spectabilis and Comes, iv. 28;
Sajo, iv. 32, 34.
Dumerit, Sajo, viii. 27.
E.
Ecdicius (or Benedictus), Vir Honestus, ii. 4.
Elpidius (or Hespidius), Deacon, iv. 24.
Epiphanius, Vir Spectabilis, Consularis of Dalmatia, v. 24.
Episcopi et Honorati (?), ix. 5.
Episcopi sui, x. 34;
diversi, xi. 3.
Eugenius (Eugenites, or Eugenes), Vir Illustris,
Magister Officiorum, i. 12.
Eusebius, Vir Illustris, iv. 48.
Eustorgius, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop of Milan, i. 9.
Eutropius and Acretius, v. 13.
F.
Faustus, Praefectus Praetorio
(in the edition of Nivellius his title is
given as Praepositus), i. 14, 26, 34, 35; ii. 5, 9, 26, 30, 37, 38;
Vir Illustris, iii. 21;
Praefectus Praetorio, iii. 47, 51; iv. 36, 38, 50.
Felix, Vir Clarissimus, i. 7;
Vir Illustris, Consul (511), ii. 2; iii. 39.
Felix, Quaestor, viii. 18.
Feltria (_Feltre_), Possessors of, v. 9.
Ferrocinctus, _see_ Grimoda.
Festus, Vir Illustris atque Patricius, i. 15, 39; ii. 22; iii. 10.
Florentinus (or Florentianus), Vir Devotus, Comitiacus, viii. 27.
Florianus, Vir Spectabilis, i. 5.
Forum Livii (_Forli_), Honorati Possessores, and Curiales of, iv. 8.
Fruinarith, Sajo, ii. 13.
G.
Gaudiosus, Cancellarius of Province of Liguria, xi. 14.
Gaul, all the Provincials of, iii. 17, 42; viii. 7.
Geberich, Vir Spectabilis, iv. 20.
Gemellus, Vir Spectabilis,
Governor of Gaul, iii. 16, 18, 32; iv. 12, 19, 21.
Genesius, Vir Spectabilis, viii. 30.
Gepidae, ad Gallias destinati, v. 11.
Gesila, Sajo, iv. 14.
Gildias, Vir Spectabilis, Count of Syracuse, ix. 11, 14.
Goths, all the, i. 24; x. 31;
settled in Italy, viii. 5.
Goths, all the, and Romans, i. 28.
Goths, all the, and Romans,
and those who hold the harbours and mountain-passes, ii. 19.
Grimoda, Sajo, and Ferrocinctus, Apparitor, iii. 20.
Gudila, Bishop, ii. 18.
Gudinand, Sajo, v. 19.
Gudisal, Sajo, iv. 47.
Guduim, Sajo, v. 27;
Vir Sublimis and Dux, v. 30.
Gundibad, King of the Burgundians (473-516), i. 46; iii. 2.
H.
Haesti, the, v. 2.
Herminafrid, King of the Thuringians, iv. 1.
Heruli, King of the, iv. 2.
Heruli, Warni, and Thoringi, Kings of the, iii. 3.
Hilderic, King of the Vandals (523-531), ix. 1.
Honoratus, Vir Illustris, Quaestor, v. 3.
Honorius, Praefectus Urbis, x. 30.
I.
Ida (perhaps Ibbas), Vir Sublimis and Dux, iv. 17.
Importunus, Vir Illustris, Patricius, iii. 5.
Istria, Provincials of, xii. 22.
J.
Januarius, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop of Salona, iii. 7.
Jews, all the, residing in Genoa, ii. 27; iv. 33.
Joannes, Vir Spectabilis, Consularis Campaniae, iii. 27; iv. 10.
Joannes, Vir Spectabilis, Referendarius, viii. 25.
Joannes, Vir Clarissimus, Arcarius, v. 7.
Joannes, Canonicarius of Thuscia, xi. 38.
Joannes, Cancellarius, xi. 6;
Praerogativarius, xi. 27.
Joannes, Siliquatarius of Ravenna, xii. 17.
Joannes, Apparitor, ii. 21;
Arch-Physician, iv. 41.
John II, Pope (533-535), ix. 15; xi. 2.
Judges, all the, of the Provinces, ix. 20; xi. 7, 9; xii. 2.
Julianus, Comes Patrimonii, i. 16.
Justin, Emperor (518-527), viii. 1.
Justinian, Emperor (527-566),
x. 1, 2, 8, 9, 15, 19, 22, 24, 25, 26, 32; xi. 13.
Justus, Sextus Scholaris, xi. 26.
L.
Laurentius, Vir Experientissimus, xii. 23.
Liberius, Praetorian Praefect of the Gauls, viii. 6.
Ligurians, the, xi. 15, 16; xii. 28.
Liveria, _see_ Ampelius.
Lucillus, Scriniarius Curae Militaris, xi. 24.
Lucinus, Vir Clarissimus, Cancellarius of Campania, xi. 37.
Lucristani (Lustriani?), the,
settled (constituti) on the river Sontius (_Isonzo_), i. 29.
Luduin (Clovis), King of the Franks (481-511), ii. 41; iii. 4.
Luvirit, Count, and Ampelius, v. 35.
M.
Magister Officiorum (at Constantinople), x. 33.
Mannila, Sajo, v. 5.
Marabad, Vir Illustris and Comes, iv. 12, 46.
Marcellus, Vir Spectabilis, Advocatus Fisci, i. 22.
Massilia (_Marseilles_), citizens of, iii. 34; iv. 26.
Maximian, Vir Illustris, and Andreas, Vir Spectabilis, i. 21.
Maximus, Vir lllustris, Consul, v. 42;
Vir Illustris and Domesticus, x. 11.
Maximus, Vir Clarissimus,
Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, xii. 15.
Maximus, Vicarius Urbis Romae, xii. 19.
Milan, the Jews of, v. 37.
N.
Neudes, Vir Illustris, v. 29.
Noricum, Provincials of, iii. 50.
Nursia, _see_ Reate.
O.
Opilio, Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, viii. 16.
Osun (Osuin, or Osum), Vir Illustris, Comes, iii. 26; iv. 9; ix. 8.
P.
Pannonia, all the Barbarians and Romans settled in, iii. 24.
Parma, Honorati Possessores, and Curiales of, viii. 29.
Paschasius, Praefectus Annonae, xii. 9.
Patricius, Vir Illustris and Quaestor, x. 6.
Patricius, Primicerius Exceptorum, xi. 25.
Paulinas, Vir Clarissimus and Consul, ix. 22.
Paulus, Vir Strenuus, xii. 26.
Peter, Bishop, iii. 37.
Peter, Vir Clarissimus, Erogator Obsoniorum, xii. 11;
Arcarius, xii. 20.
Picenum and Samnium, all the Goths settled in, v. 26.
Pierius, Primicerius Singulariorum, xi. 32.
Possessores, universi, v. 38.
Provinus (Probinus), Vir Illustris, Patricius, ii. 11;
Actores of, iv. 40.
R.
Reate and Nursia, all the inhabitants of, viii. 26.
Reparatus, Praefectus Urbis, ix. 7.
Roman Church, Clergy of, viii. 24.
Romans, all the, i. 28;
in Italy and the Dalmatias, viii. 4.
Roman people, the, i. 31; viii. 3; x. 14, 17.
Rome, people of the City of, i. 44.
Romulus (? ex-Emperor), iii. 35.
S.
Sabinianus, Vir Spectabilis, i. 25.
Sajones, universi, qui sunt Cancellariis deputati, xii. 3.
Salvantius, Vir Illustris, Praefectus Urbis, ix. 16, 17.
Samnium, _see_ Picenum.
Saturninus and Verbusius, Viri Illustres, Senatores, i. 19.
Senarius, Vir Illustris, Comes Patrimonii, iv. 3;
Comes Privatarum, iv. 7, 11, 13.
Senate of the City of Rome,
i. 4, 13, 30, 43; ii. 3, 16, 24, 32; iii. 6, 12, 31;
iv. 4, 16, 43; v. 4, 22, 41; viii. 2, 10, 11, 14, 15, 17, 19, 22;
ix. 19, 21, 23, 25; x. 3, 4, 7, 12, 13, 16, 18; xi. 1.
SENATOR (MAGNUS AURELIUS CASSIODORUS),
Praetorian Praefect, ix. 24; x. 27, 28.
Servatus, Dux Raetiarum, i. 11.
Severianus (or Severinus), Vir Illustris, v. 14.
Severus, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, ii. 8.
Severus, Vir Spectabilis, viii. 31, 32, 33.
Simeon, Vir Illustris, Comes, iii. 25.
Speciosus, i. 27; Vir Devotus, Comitiacus, ii. 10.
Stabularius, Comitiacus, v. 6.
Starcedius, Vir Sublimis, v. 36.
Stephanus, Vir Spectabilis,
Comes Primi Ordinis et ex-Princeps nostri Ordinis, ii. 28.
S(u)avia, all the Provincials and Capillati, Defensores and Curiales,
residing in, iv. 49;
all the Possessores in, v. 15;
all the Goths and Romans in, ix. 9.
Sunhivad, Vir Spectabilis, iii. 13.
Sura (or Suna), Vir Illustris, Comes, ii. 7.
Symmachus, Vir Illustris and Patricius, ii. 14; iv. 6, 51.
Syracuse, all the Provincials of the City of, ix. 10.
T.
Tancila, Vir Spectabilis, ii. 35.
Tezutzat, Sajo, iv. 27.
Theodagunda, Illustris Femina, iv. 37.
Theodahad, Vir Spectabilis, iii. 15;
Vir Illustris, iv. 39; v. 12.
Theodora, Augusta, x. 10, 20, 21, 23.
Theodosius, Homo Theodahadi (?), x. 5.
Theodulus, _see_ Ampelius.
Theon (or Theonius), Vir Sublimis, i. 2.
Theriolus, Vir Spectabilis, i. 36.
Thessalonica, Praefect of, x. 35.
Thomas, Vir Clarissimus, Arcarius, xii. 20.
Thoringi (Thuringians). _see_ Heruli.
Ticinum (_Pavia_), Comites, Defensores, and Curiales of, iv. 45.
Transmund (or Thrasamund), King of the Vandals, v. 43, 44.
Tribuni Maritimorum, xii. 24.
Tridentinae Civitatis,
Honorati Possessores, Defensores, et Curiales, ii. 17.
Tulum, Patrician, viii. 9.
U.
Unigis, Spatarius, iii. 43.
Uniligis (or Wiligis), Sajo, ii. 20.
Urbicus, ex-Primicerius Singulariorum, xi. 31.
Ursus, Primicerius Deputatorum, xi. 30.
V.
Valerian, Vir Sublimis, xii. 5.
Vandals, King of the, v. 1, 43, 44; ix. 1.
Venantius, Vir Illustris, ii. 15;
Spectabilis, Corrector of Lucania and Bruttii, iii. 8.
Veranus, Sajo, v. 10.
Verbusius, _see_ Saturninus.
Verruca, fort of, all Goths and Romans living near, iii. 48.
Victor, Vir Spectabilis, Censitor of Sicily, ix. 12.
Victorinus, Vir Venerabilis, Bishop, viii. 8.
Vitalian, Vir Clarissimus,
Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, xi. 39.
W.
Wandil (Vuandil), iii. 38.
Warni (Guarni), _see_ Heruli.
Wilitanch, Duke, v. 33.
Willias, i. 18; v. 18;
Vir Illustris, Comes Patrimonii, ix. 13.
Winusiad, Count, x. 29.
Witigisclus (or Wigisicla), Vir Spectabilis,
Censitor of Sicily, ix. 12.
GENERAL INDEX.
[NOTE.--_The references to the Introduction and to the Notes are by
the page (thus, 106-108); references to the 'Variae' are by the
numbers of the Book and Letter (thus, v. 16, 17). The FORMULAE are
printed in small capitals._]
A.
Ab Actis (Registrar), officer in Court of Praetorian Praefect, 106-108;
origin of the name, 107;
compared to Referendarius, 312.
Abundantius, Praetorian Praefect,
instructions to, as to forming a navy, v. 16, 17;
to provide ships, and rations for young recruits, v. 23;
instructions to, in the case of Frontosus, v. 34;
to allow a family of Curials to degrade into Possessores, ix. 4.
Acinaticium, red wine of Verona, praises of, and account of its
manufacture, xii. 4.
Actores (Representatives, Attorneys), of Albinus, iv. 35;
of the holy Apostle Peter, xii. 20;
of Probinus, iv. 40;
of Spes, ii. 21;
of Theodahad, viii. 23.
Addua, River (_Adda_), derivation of the name, xi. 14.
Adeodatus,
forced by torture to confess himself guilty of rape, iii. 46;
the sentence against him partially cancelled, iii. 46.
Adjutores, general word for assistants, 97, 102-104;
is Adjutor equivalent to Primiscrinius? 103;
a lower class of Exceptores seem to have been called Adjutores, 111;
of Magister Officiorum, vi. 6.
Admissionales, Ushers of the Praefectoral Court, 112.
Adriana, petition of Curiales of, as to taxation, i. 19.
Adulterer slain by the injured husband, case of, i. 37.
Adultery, punishment of (Edictum Athalarici), ix. 18.
Aemilia, Province of, invaded by Burgundians, xii. 28.
Aemilianus, Bishop, ordered to finish the aqueduct which he has begun,
iv. 31.
Aestii, _see_ Haesti.
Aestunae (?), inhabitants of, ordered to send marbles to Ravenna, iii.
9.
AETATIS VENIA, FORMULA GRANTING, vii. 41;
letter relating to, i. 38.
Aetheria, a widow, re-married, accused of wasting her children's
property, iv. 12.
African. Singular custom by which an African was allowed to claim
estate of a fellow-countryman dying without heirs, xii. 9.
Agapetus, Pope (June 3, 535--April 21, 536),
Cassiodorus seeks to persuade him to found a School of Theology at
Rome, 56;
ordered by Theodahad and Gudelina to give his answer to Justinian's
ambassador promptly, x. 19, 20, 25;
mortgaged the Church plate to defray expenses of his journey to
Constantinople, xii. 20.
Agapita (or Agapeta), Foemina Spectabilis,
wife of Basilius, and a person of feeble intellect ii. 11;
affair of her abduction, ii. 10, 11;
further light on this affair, iv. 40.
Agapitus, with Coelianus, seems to have had special jurisdiction in
cases affecting Patricians, i. 23, 27.
Agathias on Theodoric's protection of the Alamanni, 195.
Agenantia, widow of Campanianus, ix. 4.
_Agens Vices_ (Deputy), functions of, 460 _n_; xii. 25.
Agentes in Rebus, Schola of, emissaries of the Magister Officiorum, 36;
Princeps of, xi. 35.
Agnellus, Patrician, chooses Festus to defend his interests in his
absence, i. 15.
Agnellus, fidei-jussor of Crispianus, i. 37.
Agnellus, house of, in Castrum Lucullanum given to Joannes, viii. 25.
Agrimensor, a Roman, description of, iii. 52.
Alamanni, date of Clovis' victory over, 23, 24, 195;
Theodoric congratulates Clovis on his victory over, ii. 41;
directed to exchange their cattle with Noricans, iii. 50;
plundering incursion of, into Liguria, xii. 28; 527.
Alaric I, clemency of, at siege of Rome, 28; xii. 20.
Alaric II,
letters intended to avert war between Alaric and Clovis, iii. 1-4;
possessions granted by, to Church of Narbonne, iv. 17;
taxation in the time of, v. 39;
reception of his son Gesalic by Thrasamund, v. 43, 44.
Albienus, Vir Illustris and Patrician,
deputed to select a Pantomimist, i. 20, 33;
appointed Praetorian Praefect (527), viii. 20.
Albinus, Vir Illustris and Patrician,
deputed to select a Pantomimist, i. 20, 33;
allowed to erect 'fabricae' overlooking the Forum, iv. 30;
accused by Cyprian of treason, 289, 291.
Albinus, an extravagant minor, case of, iv. 35.
Allecticii, Symmachus' oration on behalf of, 74;
probable explanation of the term, 78.
Alpes Cottiae, Provincials of, to be relieved from taxation, iv. 36.
Alsuanum (?), transport of timber to, iv. 8.
Altinum, villas of, 514 _n_.
Amal race, glorified by Cassiodorus in his Gothic History, 29, 30, 33;
'Amali sanguinis purpurea dignitas,' ix. 1.
Amal race, glory of, viii. 2, 5;
'consuetudinis est lex, cum imperio [Romano] amicitiam Amalos semper
habuisse,' x. 11.
Amalus (according to Jordanes, Amala), ancestor of Theodoric,
'felicitate enituit,' xi. 1.
Amalabirga, niece of Theodoric, married to Herminafrid, King of the
Thuringians, iv. 1.
Amalafrida, Queen of the Vandals, sister of Theodoric, wife of King
Thrasamund, put to death by his successor Hilderic, ix. 1.
Amalasuentha, daughter of Theodoric, mother of Athalaric,
her regency, 38, 42-43;
associates Theodahad in the kingship on the death of her son,
44; x. 1-4;
dethroned and put to death by Theodahad, 45;
praises of her character, x. 4; xi. 1;
sends present of marbles to Justinian, x. 8;
writes warmly to Theodora, x. 10;
a doubtful allusion to her death, x. 20 (_see_ note on p. 433).
Amandianus, Clarissimus, heirs of, defrauded by Theodahad, v. 12.
AMBASSADORS, FORMULA RESPECTING, vii. 33.
Amber, nature of, described, v. 2.
Ambrosius, son of Faustinus,
addressed by Ennodius in 'Paraenesis Didascalica,' 358;
Count of the Sacred Largesses, viii. 13;
appointed Quaestor, viii. 13, 14.
Ambrosius, Illustris (probably the same as preceding),
appointed 'Vices Agens' to Cassiodorus as Praetorian Praefect, xi. 4;
instructions to, xii. 25.
Amphitheatre, sports of, described and condemned, v. 42.
Anastasius, Emperor, date of letter to, in the 'Variae,' 23;
his wrath against Apion and Macedonius, 105;
relations between him and Theodoric, i. 1 _n_;
informed of elevation of Felix to Consulship, ii. 1;
as to introduction of Heruli into Italy, 258 _n_.
Anchorago, a fish caught in the Rhine, xii. 4.
Andreas, intestacy of widow of, v. 24.
Andreas, defaulting taxpayer in Apulia, v. 31.
'Anecdoton Holderi,' MS. containing information as to Cassiodorus and
his friends, 73-84.
Anicii, dignity of the family of, x. 11.
Annonae, of soldiers stationed in passes near Aosta, ii. 5;
of garrisons on the Durance, iii. 41, 43;
is _praebendae_ equivalent to? 219;
to be regularly supplied, v. 13 (_see_ Praefectus Annonae).
Anonymus Valesii (an unknown chronicler of the Sixth Century, whose
fragments are generally edited along with the history of Ammianus
Marcellinus), quoted, 291, 363, 369.
Anthimus, Patriarch of Constantinople (535-536), deposition of, by
Pope Agapetus, 436 _n_.
Antianus, ex-Cornicularius, made a Spectabilis, xi. 18;
evasive reply to, xi. 19.
Antiochus, apparently a tax-collector, ii. 4.
Antiquarius, transcriber of manuscripts, Cassiodorus on the functions
of, 60.
Apion, anger of Anastasius against, 105.
Apocha, a voucher for payment of taxes, xii. 7, 8.
Aponus (_Abano_, six miles from Padua), marvellous qualities of
hot-springs at, ii. 39.
Apparitores, attendants on the great Ministers of War, 114;
Joannes, Apparitor, ii. 21;
Ferrocinctus, Apparitor, iii. 20.
Applicitarii, officers of arrest, 114;
under orders of Commentariensis, 104.
Apulia, Conductores of, despoiled by hostile invaders, i. 16;
merchants similarly despoiled, ii. 38;
crops from, not forwarded expeditiously, i. 35;
corn-merchants of, ii. 26;
farms of Thomas in, transferred to his son-in-law Joannes, v. 6, 7;
arrears of Siliquaticum in, v. 31.
'Apuli idonei,' viii. 33.
Aqua Claudia, Roman aqueduct, description of, vii. 6.
Aqua Virgo, Roman aqueduct, description of, vii. 6.
Aqueducts of Rome, abuses connected with, iii. 31;
glory of, vii. 6.
Aqueduct begun by Bishop Aemilianus must be finished by him, iv. 31.
Aqueduct of Ravenna protected, v. 38.
Aqueduct constructed by Theodoric for City of Parma, viii. 30.
Aquileia, contributions of wine and wheat from, remitted, xii. 26.
Arator, Vir Illustris,
sent by Provincials of Dalmatia to Theodoric, viii. 12;
made Comes Domesticorum, viii. 12.
Arcadius, Emperor (395-408), change effected by him in relation of
Praetorian Praefect to Master of the Offices, 99.
Arcarius, Treasurer or Steward, v. 7; x. 28 (_see_ p. 440); xii. 8,
11, 27.
Archery, practice in, for young soldiers, v. 23.
Archiatrus, Arch-Physician, iv. 41 (_see_ Comes Archiatrorum).
Architect, duties of, vii. 5.
ARCHITECT, PUBLIC, FORMULA FOR THE APPOINTMENT OF, vii. 15.
Archotamia, 'Illustris Femina,' accuses her grandson's widow of
wasting her children's property, iv. 12.
Arelate (_Arles_), remission of taxation to inhabitants of, iii. 32;
'glorious defence of,' iii. 32;
its walls to be repaired and its citizens fed, iii. 44;
fight for possession of covered bridge at, viii. 10.
Arethusa, Fountain of, site of, near Squillace, 72;
qualities of, described, viii. 32.
Argolicus, Vir Illustris,
made Praefect of the City of Rome, iii. 11, 12;
his ancestry and character, ii. 11, 12;
ordered to repair Cloacae of Rome, iii. 30;
other references to, iii. 29, 30; iv. 22, 25; iv. 42;
his tardiness rebuked, iv. 29;
heirs of, defrauded by Theodahad, v. 12.
Arigern, Vir Illustris and Comes,
Governor of the new Gaulish Provinces, iv. 16;
appointed Comes Urbis Romae (?), iv. 16;
instructions to, iii. 45; iv. 23;
report by, iv. 43.
Armentarius, Clarissimus, appointed Referendus Curiae, iii. 33;
informs against Argolicus, Praefect of the City, iv. 29.
Armourers (ARMORUM FACTORES), Formulae of, vii. 18, 19.
Arsenals of Italy, under the Magister Officiorum, 37.
Artemidorus, Illustris and Patrician,
a relation of Emperor Zeno, and friend of Theodoric, i. 43;
Tribunus Voluptatum (?), i. 43;
Praefectus Urbis, i. 42, 44;
detects embezzlement by persons employed for repair of walls of Rome,
ii. 34;
invited to Theodoric's Court, iii. 22.
Assertor Libertatis (of the Theodosian Code, iv. 8), a possible
allusion to, iii. 43.
Astensis Civitas (_Asti_), to be especially helped in relief of
necessities of Liguria, xi. 15.
Astronomy, reasons derived from, for pensioning off civil servants,
xi. 36.
Athala, ancestor of Theodoric, 'mansuetudine enituit,' xi. 1.
Athalaric, grandson of Theodoric, date of birth of, 29 _n_;
accession of (Aug. 30, 526), 37;
manner of his education, 42;
his death (Oct. 2, 534), 43;
letters announcing his accession, viii. 1-7;
edict of, ix. 2;
his death announced to Justinian, x. 1;
praises of, by Cassiodorus, xi. 1.
Athens (_Adige_), flows past fort of Verruca, iii. 48.
Attila, defeat of, in Catalaunian plains, 28; iii. 1;
embassy of Cassiodorus (grandfather of Senator) to, i. 4.
Augiensis, Codex, of 'Anecdoton Holderi,' 73.
Augmentum, super-assessment,
remitted by Athalaric for Dalmatia and Suavia, ix. 9;
for Syracuse, ix. 10.
Augusta (_Turin_, or _Aosta_), Bishop of,
falsely accused of treason, i. 9;
fastnesses (clusurae) of, soldiers stationed at, ii. 5.
Augustales, highest class of Exceptores (shorthand writers), 104 _n_,
110; xi. 30.
Augustin, Vir Venerabilis (probably a bishop), brings the scarcity in
Venetia under the notice of the King, xii. 26.
Augustus, builder of the Circus Maximus, iii. 51;
his survey of the 'Orbis Romanus,' iii. 52.
Aurarii, persons liable to payment of 'lustralis auri collatio,' ii.
26.
Auraria Pensio = probably 'lustralis auri collatio,' ii. 30.
Avenio (_Avignon_), Gothic troops not to molest citizens of, iii. 38.
B.
Bacauda, Vir Sublimis, Tribunes Voluptatum, v. 25.
Bacaudae, insurgent peasantry of Gaul, v. 25.
Baiae, baths of, praises of, ix. 6; xii. 22.
Balthae, royal house of the Visigoths, was Athalaric descended from?
viii. 5.
Balzani, Ugo, on Cassiodorus, 121.
Barbarians, checked by fear, not honour, ii. 5.
Barbaria, probably the name of the mother of Romulus Augustulus, 216.
Barbarian Kings, intellects of, subdued by diplomacy, iv. 3;
do not use the grammatical art, ix. 21.
Baronius, Cardinal, author of 'Annales Ecclesiae,' quoted, 500 _n_,
511 _n_.
Basilius (No. 1), Vir Spectabilis, claims restoration of his wife's
property from Probinus, ii. 10, 11; iv. 40.
Basilius (No. 2), accused of magical practices, iv. 22, 23 (_see_ note
on p. 246).
Basilius (No. 3, possibly same as No. 2),
Opilio connected with him by marriage, viii. 17;
concerned in accusation of Boethius (?), 364 _n_.
Baths, gratuitous admission to, at Spoletium, ii. 37;
of Turasius, at Spoletium, iv. 24;
at Baiae, ix. 6.
Baudi de Vesme, fragments of oration of Cassiodorus (?), published by,
117.
Beatus, Vir Clarissimus and Cancellarius,
ordered to supply rations to invalided officer, xi. 10;
made Primicerius Augustalium, xi. 30.
Belisarius, Imperial general, his capture of Neapolis, 48;
his campaign in Southern Italy, 492;
his recovery and loss of Milan, 522;
his entry into Ravenna, 51.
Bellum (war), derived from King Belus, i. 30.
Benedict, St., not alluded to by Cassiodorus, 55;
relation of his rule to that of Cassiodorus, 57, 59.
Benedictus, a civil officer of some kind in the City of Pedon,
guardianship of his children assigned to Theriolus, i. 36.
Bethmann Hollweig, his 'Gerichtsverfassung des sinkenden römischen
Reichs,' 41, 95, 109 _n._
Bigamy, punishment of, according to Edictum Athalarici, ix. 18.
Bina, a kind of tax, iii. 8.
BINA ET TERNA, FORMULAE FOR THE COLLECTION OF, vii. 20, 21, 22.
Birds, habits of, i. 21;
the hawk's way of teaching her young to fly, i. 24;
the eagle and her young, i. 38;
filial piety of the stork, ii. 14;
instinct of young partridges towards their mother, ii. 14;
the vulture protects little birds from attacks of the hawk, ii. 19;
gulls fly inland when they foresee a storm, iii. 48;
cranes when about to cross the sea clasp pebbles with their claws,
iv. 47;
the turtle-dove once widowed never takes another mate, v. 33;
flight of cranes suggested to Mercury shapes of letters, viii. 12;
thrushes, storks, and doves gregarious, the greedy hawk loves
solitude, viii. 31;
orderly evolutions of cranes, ix. 2.
Bishops, King Witigis' exhortations to, x. 34;
Cassiodorus' exhortations to, xi. 4.
Blue party in the Circus, rivalry of, with the Greens, iii. 51.
Bodily signs by which character may be discerned, vi. 9 (_compare_
also Cassiodorus, 'De Animâ,' capp. 10 and 11, referred to p. 53).
Boethius (or Boetius), Illustris and Patrician,
receives orders to choose a harper to be sent to Clovis, 23, 24;
ii. 40;
information as to his life in the 'Anecdoton Holderi,' 74, 79-84;
really author of the theological treatises which have passed current
with his name, 74, 80-83;
and of a 'Bucolic Poem,' 74, 83;
difficulty caused by the non-Christian character of his 'Consolations
of Philosophy,' 81, 83;
consulted as to depreciation of currency, i. 10;
ordered to prepare water-clock and sundial for King of Burgundians,
i. 45.
Boethius, as to character of Basilius, 246 _n_;
as to character of Decoratus, 267 _n_;
character of his accuser Cyprian, v. 40, 41; viii. 21, 22;
character of Opilio, viii. 17.
Boethus, Bishop of Byzacene Province in Africa, author, according to
M. Jourdain, of the theological treatises attributed to Boethius, 82.
Bormiae Aquae (_Baths of Bormio_), Count Winusiad recommended to
visit, x. 29.
Brandila, husband of Procula, story of his intrigue with Regina, wife
of Patzenes, v. 32, 33.
Breones, a Raetian freebooting tribe living near the Brenner pass, i.
11.
Bribery repressed, xii. 2, 6, 21, 26.
Bridge of boats ordered to be built across the Tiber, xii. 19.
Brosse, Pierre, notes of, on Cassiodorus, 117.
Bruttii and Lucania, Venantius Corrector of, iii. 8, 46, 47;
his misgovernment of, 221;
the praises of, viii. 31; xii. 15;
'opulenti Bruttii,' viii. 33;
gold-mining to be commenced in, ix. 3;
abundance of cattle in, ii. 39;
measures for relief of, during presence of Gothic army, xii. 5;
praise of the wine of, xii. 12;
Canonicarii of, rebuked for despoiling the churches, xii. 13.
Buat, Count, on the life and ancestry of Cassiodorus, 118;
as to Theodora's share in the murder of Amalasuentha, 433 _n_.
Burgundians, King of (_see_ Gundibad);
cease to be 'Gentiles' under Gundibad, i. 46;
boundary of, with Ostrogothic kingdom, iii. 41;
dispute with Franks, viii. 10;
league with Amalasuentha, xi. 1 (_see_ 456 _n_);
invasion of Liguria and Aemilia, xii. 28; 527.
Butilianus, Presbyter, land allotment given by Theodoric to, in
neighbourhood of Trient, ii. 17.
C.
Caduca bona, property to which no heir is forthcoming, and which is
therefore claimed by the State, v. 24; vi. 8.
Caelianus, one of the Quinque-viri appointed to try Basilius and
Praetextatus, iv. 22, 23.
Calabria, crops from, not forwarded expeditiously, i. 35;
regulations for corn-traffic in, ii. 26;
arrears of Siliquaticum in, v. 31.
'Calabri peculiosi,' viii. 33.
Calogenitus, sent by Amalasuentha to Justinian with a present of
marbles, x. 8, 9.
Campania, practice of _pignoratio_ prevalent in, iv. 10;
suffers from eruption of Vesuvius, iv. 50;
'industriosa Campania,' viii. 33;
Cancellarius of, to pay pension to retiring Primiscrinius, xi. 37;
the cupboard of Rome ('urbis regiae cella penaria'), xii. 22.
Campanianus, of Lucania, widow and family of, permitted to step down
from rank of Curiales, ix. 4.
Cancellarius,
an officer of humble rank in the Court of the Praetorian
Praefect, 111, 112;
origin of the name, 112;
his functions described, xi. 6;
of Faustus, desired to forward corn from Apulia, i. 35;
Beatus (Vir Clarissimus) ordered to supply rations to invalided
officer, xi. 10;
Gaudiosus, Cancellarius of Province of Inguria, xi. 14;
Anatholius, Cancellarius of Samnium, xi. 36;
Lucinus, Cancellarius of Campania, xi. 37;
Vitalian, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, xi. 39;
admonition to various Cancellarii, xii. 1, 10;
Sajones ordered to wait upon Cancellarii, xii. 3;
Anastasius, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, ordered to send
cheese and wine for royal table, xii. 12;
the same, ordered to be gentle with the citizens of Rhegium, xii. 14;
Maximus, Cancellarius of Lucania and Bruttii, xii. 15.
Canonicarii, tribute-collectors under Comes Rerum Privatarum, vi. 8;
to collect the Trina Illatio, xii. 16;
of Thuscia, xi. 38;
of Venetia, xii. 4, 6;
of Bruttii, rebuked for robbing the churches, xii. 13.
Candac, King of Alani, mentioned by Jordanes, 164.
Candax, apparently next of kin to a man slain by Crispianus, i. 37.
Capillati (?) of Suavia, iv. 49.
Capitularii horreariorum et tabernariorum, farmers of revenue derived
from granaries and taverns, x. 28.
Caprarius, Mons (situation of doubtful, but near Ravenna), xii. 17;
works of defence to be constructed near, xii. 17.
Capuanus, Senator, appointed Rector Decuriarum, v. 21, 22;
his character, v. 22.
Cardinalis = chief officer of Court, vii. 31.
Carpentum, official chariot of Praetorian Praefect, vi. 3;
of Praefect of the City, vi. 4;
of Consularis of a Province, vi. 20.
CARTARIUS (or Cartularius), Clerk in the Record Office, FORMULA
APPROVING APPOINTMENT OF, vii. 43.
Cartarii ordered to prepare transfers of property to Theodahad,
viii. 23;
to receive the wine collected for the royal table, xii. 4.
Casa Arbitana taken from heirs of Argolicus and Amandianus, v. 12.
Casa Areciretina, deed of gift of, from Agapita to Probinus,
annulled, ii. 11;
this decree revoked, iv. 40.
Cassian, one of the founders of Western Monachism, Cassiodorus'
qualified praises of, 55.
Cassiodorus (1), an Illustris,
great-grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator, 3;
history of, i. 4.
Cassiodorus (2), grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator,
Tribunus and Notarius under Valentinian III,
his embassy to Attila, 3;
history of, i. 4.
Cassiodorus (3), father of Cassiodorus Senator,
Comes Privatarum Rerum and Comes Sacrarum Largitionum under
Odovacar, 3;
Consularis of Sicily, 4;
Corrector of Bruttii and Lucania, 4;
Praetorian Praefect (cir. 500), 4, 12;
Patrician (cir. 504), 4;
frequently confused with his son, 11;
his praises, i. 3, 4;
a man of tried integrity and pure fidelity, i. 26;
invited to visit Court of Theodoric, iii. 28.