[142] This last statement acquires no little additional interest from

the fact that according to more modern observations on the part of _J.

Carver_ (Voyage dans l’Amérique Sept., etc. trad. de l’Anglais,—Travels

in North America, etc., transl. from the English, Yverdun 1784., pp.

355 sqq.) and Crêve-Cœur (Lettres du Cultivateur Américain,—Letters

from an American Farmer, Vol. III. p. 48), the bite of the rattle-snake

would appear to call up on the skin of the person bitten, each

recurrent year, marks resembling the hue of the snake. Comp. _C. W.

Stark_, “Allgem. Pathologie” (General Pathology), Leipzig 1838. p.

364. Perhaps too the expression κίναδος belongs in this connection,

of which the Scholiast on Aristophanes, Clouds 447., says, εἶδός τι

θηρίου.—κακοῦργος οὖν, φησὶν, ὡς ἀλώπηξ, τινὲς δὲ κίναδος ζῶον μικρὸν

_τὸ αἰδοῖον εἰςσωθοῦν καὶ ἐξωθοῦν_. (a kind of beast,—mischievous,

they say, as a fox, but others say κίναδος means a little animal that

_forces its way in and out of the privates_). Suidas brings forward the

same statement, under the word κίναδος. From the connection in which

_Democritus_ mentions it in Stobaeus’ Sermon. 42., περὶ κιναδέων τε καὶ

ἑρπετέων (Of κίναδοι and Creeping Things), _Schmeider_ in his Lexicon

supposes it to signify _snakes_ particularly. Again _Schnieder_,

Arrian’s Indica p. 50., interprets it by ὄφις (a snake). The close

resemblance with κίναιδος (Cinaedus) is striking.

[143] _Juvenal_, Sat. VI. 332, 33.

Hic si

Quaeritur, et desunt homines: more nulla per ipsam,

Quominus imposito clunem summittat _asello_.

(If he is sought in vain, and men are not to be found; _she_ makes no

delay, but straightway submits her rear to the _donkey_ that is made to

mount her). Comp. _Appuleius_, Metamorphos. Bk. X. 226. Pasiphaé’s bull

is familiar to all. Comp. Suetonius, Nero II. Martial, Spectac. VI.

[144] _Jo. Jac. Reiske_ and _Jo. Ern. Fabri_, Opuscula medica ex

monumentis Arabum et Ebraeorum, (Minor Medical Treatises derived from

the Monuments of the Arabs and Jews), Revised edition by _Ch. G.

Gruner_, Halle 1776. 8vo., p. 61.

[145] _Hippocrates_, De aere aq. et loc., edit. Kühn Vol. I. p. 549.

[146] Comp. _Simon Zeller von Zellenberg_, Abhandl. über die ersten

Erscheinungen venerischer Lokal-Krankheitsformen und deren Behandlung,

(Treatise on the first Appearances of Local Forms of Venereal disease,

and their Treatment), (One treatise under six heads),—Vienna 1820.

large 8vo. pp. 11-18.

[147] According to _Al. Donné_, Recherches microscopiques sur la

nature des mucus et la matière des divers écoulements des organes

genitourinaires chez l’homme et chez la femme, (Microscopic Researches

into the Nature of the Mucous Secretions and the Constituents of the

Various Discharges from the genito-urinary Organs in Male and Female),

Paris 1837., the vaginal mucus disengaged under normal circumstances

_always exhibits an acid reaction_.

[148] According to _J. P. Schotte_, Von einem ansteckenden,

schwarzgallichten Faulfieber, welches im Jahr 1778 in Senegall

herrschte, (Account of a Contagious, black biliary, putrid Fever,

prevalent in Senegal in the Year 1778), from the English (Stendal)

1786. 8vo., p. 103., both men and women in Senegal get ulcers, quite

without any syphilitic contagion, in the one sex on the _glans penis_

or the under side of the prepuce, in the other on the inner side of the

_labia_.

[149] _Virey_, De la Femme, 2nd. edition, Brussels 1826., p. 70.,

En effet, dans la chaleur, lorsque les excrétions de la peau, des

glandes sébacées, des cryptes du vagin, augmentent en abondance et

en fétidité, il n’est pas étonnant que le sang menstruel, pour peu

qu’il séjourne en ces parties voisines de l’anus, qui sont dans un

état d’orgasme, acquière bientôt de l’odeur. (Indeed in a hot climate,

when the secretions from the skin, from the sebaceous glands, from the

recesses of the vagina, increase in abundance and in foulness, it is

not surprising that the menstrual blood, remaining for a time as it

does in the regions contiguous to the anus, these regions being in a

state of sur-excitation, quickly acquires an evil smell). So _Haller_

too says (Elem. Physiolog. Vol. VII. pt. II. p. 146.), _Ex Asia

videtur opinio de menstrui sanguinis foetida et venenata natura ad nos

pervenisse_, et per medicos potissimum Arabes ad Europaeos transiisse.

In calidissimis certe regionibus, si ad aestuosum aerem immundities

accesserit, non repugnat, sanguinem in loco calente, in vicinia faecum

alvinarum retentum, acrem fieri et foetire.... _Lentorem aliquem possit

mucus admistus addidisse._ (_It is from Asia that the opinion as to the

fetid and poisonous character of menstrual blood would seem to have

come to us_, being transmitted mainly by the Arab physicians to those

of Europe. No doubt in very hot climates, if dirty habits be added to

the extreme heat of the atmosphere, there is nothing at all unlikely

in the blood, retained as it is in a hot locality, in close proximity

to the faeces in the bowels, growing sour and smelling foul.... _A

certain viscous quality may very well have been added by the admixture

of mucous discharge_). What has been observed as to the injuriousness

of menstrual blood by our predecessors since _Pliny_ (Hist. Nat. VII.

15. XIX. 10. XXVIII. 7.) may be found partially collected in _Schurig_,

Parthenologia 227-240. Comp. _Frank de Frankenau_, Satyrae Medicae

(Medical Satires), p. 89. Comp. pp. 54. sqq.—_Hensler_, Geschichte der

Lustseuche, (History of Venereal Disease), Vol. I. pp. 204. sqq., where

it is demonstrated that a great proportion of the Writers on Venereal

disease at the beginning of the XVIth. Century attribute its rise to

intercourse with women during menstruation.

[150] _Burdach_, Die Physiologie als Erfahrungswissenschaft,

(Physiology as an Experimental Science), 2nd. edition, Vol. I. p.

196.—_Boerhaave_, Tract. de lue venerea, (Treatise on Venereal

Contagion), Venice 1753., p. 6., says, In Asia ad partes genitales sub

praeputio naturaliter sordes colliguntur, quae acres redditae generant

multa mala, quae praecipue ad luem veneream accedere proxime videntur;

non vere sunt lues venerea; imo nostri nautae hoc etiam experiuntur,

dum in illis terris degunt, nam nisi quotidie praeputium eluerent aqua

salsa et aceto, vel similibus remediis brevi eodem morbo laborarent.

(In Asia filth of sorts naturally enough collects on the genital parts

beneath the prepuce, and this turning sour originates many complaints,

which seem above all others to approximate closely to the Venereal

disease. This our sailors found out, when living in those regions; for

if they did not daily thoroughly wash the prepuce with salt water and

vinegar, or similar remedies, they would soon suffer from the disease

in question).

[151] _Thevenot_, Travels, Pt. I., p. 58., says, “The Arabs in fact

have the prepuce so long that, if they did not have it circumcised,

they would suffer much inconvenience from it; and little children are

to be seen among them whose prepuce hangs down to a very considerable

length;—not to mention that, supposing their foreskin uncircumcised,

every time after passing water some drops would remain behind,

rendering them unclean.”

[152] _Niebuhr_, Beschreibung von Arabien, (Description of Arabia)

Copenhagen 1772. 4to., p. 77.

[153] _Josephus_, Contra Apionem bk. II. ch. 13., ὅθεν εἰκότως μοι

δοκεῖ τῆς εἰς τοὺς πατρίους αὐτοῦ νόμους βλασφημίας δοῦναι δίκην

Ἀπίων τὴν πρέπουσαν· περιετμήθη γὰρ ἐξ ἀνάγκης, _ἑλκώσεως αὐτῷ περὶ

τὸ αἰδοῖον γενομένης_· καὶ μηδὲν ὠφεληθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς περιτομῆς ἀλλὰ

σηπόμενος ἐν δειναῖς ὀδύναις ἀπέθανεν. (for translation see text).

The expression περὶ τὸ αἰδοῖον (about the privates) is evidently to

be understood here as meaning the _glans penis_, or at any rate the

prepuce. This is implied by the general sense of the whole passage.

[154] _Philo_, De circumcisione, Works edit. Th. Mangey Vol. II. p.

211. Ἓν μὲν, χαλεπῆς νόσου καὶ δυσιάτου πάθους ἀπαλλαγὴν, ἣν _ἄνθρακα

καλοῦσιν_, ἀπὸ τοῦ καίειν ἐντυφόμενον, ὡς οἶμαι, ταύτης τῆς προσηγορίας

τυχόντος, ἥτις οὐ κολώτερον τοῖς τὰς ἀκροποσθίας ἔχουσιν ἐγγίνετο·

Δεύτερον, τὴν δι’ ὅλου τοῦ σώματος καθαρότητα πρὸς τὸ ἁρμόττειν τάξει

ἱερωμένῃ. Παρ’ ὃ καὶ ξυρῶντο τὰ σώματα προσυπερβάλλοντες οἱ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ

τῶν ἱερέων. ὑποσυλλέγετο γὰρ καὶ ὑποστέλλει καὶ θριξὶ καὶ ποσθίαις ἔνια

τῶν ὀφειλόντων καθαίρεσθαι. (for translation see text above).

[155] That is to say so far as it is suffered to remain for any

length of time in the vagina and comes more or less in contact with

the atmospheric air; for in the case of healthy menstrual blood no

injurious combination is set up at all or any foul acridity developed,

as _John Stedman_ (Physiolog. Versuche und Beobachtungen,—Physiological

Investigations and Observations, transl. from the English, Leipzig

1778. 8vo., pp. 50-54.) long ago maintained. It is more probable

however that any slight putrefactive action occurring is in each case

due not so much to this as to the _acid quality_ of the menstrual

blood, which in conjunction with the acid vaginal mucus undergoes

a kind of acetous fermentation in the vagina, the product of which

has thus a corrosive effect. _Retzius_ indeed has lately not only

found menstrual blood to possess an exceedingly acid reaction, but

even proved that it contains free phosphoric and lactic acids. Comp.

Arsberättelse om Svenska Läkare Sällskapets Arbeten, 1835., pp. 19-21.

Froriep’s Notiz, Vol. 49., p. 237.

[156] Hence too _Hugo Grotius_ writes (Commentar. ad Mosis lib.

III.—Commentary on Book of Leviticus, ch. 15.): Sciendum est autem

in Syria et locis vicinis non minus τὴν γονόῤῥοιαν quam τὰ ἐμμήνια

habere aliquid contagione nocens, (But it is to be observed that in

Syria and the neighbouring regions ἡ γονοῤῥοία (discharge from the

genitals) no less than τὰ ἐμμήνια (menstrual discharge) contains a

principle contagiously injurious). Even _Astruc_, the eager advocate

of the American origin of Venereal disease, says (Vol. I. p. 92.):

Sane constat in hac nostra Europa, quae magis temperata est, si cum

menstruatis res habeatur, balanum et praeputium leviore phlogosi

aut superficiariis pustulis, quae tamen brevi cessant, _plerumque_

affici. Quanto graviora ergo iis impendere credendum est, quos in

calidiore et aestuante climate misceri cum foeminis non pudet, dum

illis menses actu fluunt natura acerrimi et quasi virosi. Ideo forsan

factum est, ut medici Arabes, qui regiones calidiores incolebant,

quam Graeci et Latini, et primi et saepe disseruerint de pustulis et

ulceribus virgae, oriundis ex coitu cum foeda muliere, hoc est (?),

cum muliere menstruata. (It is an undoubted fact that in this Europe

of ours, though enjoying a more temperate climate, if intercourse is

had with women during menstruation, the _glans penis_ and prepuce are

_generally_ attacked by some little inflammation or by superficial

pustules, which however soon disappear. What much more serious

consequences then must we suppose threaten those who in a warmer

climate, one steaming with heat, are not ashamed to make coition with

women, whilst their _menses_ are actually flowing, these being from

the nature of the case exceedingly acrid and almost poisonous. Perhaps

this is why the Arab physicians, who lived in warmer countries than the

Greek and Latin practitioners, first and most often treated of pustules

and ulcers of the verge, arising from coition with an unclean woman,

that is to say (?) with a woman during menstruation). Comp. _Fr. Eagle_

and _Judd_ in Behrend’s Syphilologie, Vol. I. 117 and 285.

[157] _Palladius_, Lausiaca historia, ch. 39. in Magna Bibliotheca

Patrum (Great Library of the Fathers), Vol. XIII., Paris 1644. fol.,

p. 950.: Οὕτως δὲ γαστριμαργῶν καὶ οἰνοφλυγῶν ἐνέπεσεν καὶ εἰς τὸν

βόρβυρον τῆς γυναικείης ἐπιθυμίας· καὶ ὡς ἐσκέπτετο ἁμαρτῆσαι _μιμάδι

τινὶ προσομιλῶν συνεχῶς τὰ πρὸς τὸ ἕλκος ἑαυτοῦ διελέγετο· τούτων

οὕτως ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ διαπραττομένων γέγονεν αὐτῷ κατά τινα οἰκονομίαν ἄνθραξ

κατὰ τῆς βαλάνου· καὶ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐνόσησεν ἑξαμηνιαῖον χρόνον, ὡς

κατασαπῆναι αὐτοῦ τὰ μορία καὶ αὐτομάτως ἀποπεσεῖν_· ὕστερον δὲ

ὑγιάνας καὶ ἐπανελθών ἄνευ τούτων τῶν μελῶν, καὶ εἰς φρόνημα θεϊκὸν

ἐλθὼν καὶ εἰς μνήμην τῆς οὐρανίου πολιτείας, καὶ ἐξομολογησάμενος

πάντα τὰ συμβεβηκότα αὐτῷ τοῖς ἁγίοις πατράσιν, ἐνεργῆσαι μὴ φθάσας

ἐκοιμήθη μετὰ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας. (for translation see text above). For

κατὰ _τινὰ_ οἰκονομίαν (by a certain providence) we ought probably to

read κατὰ _θινὰν_ or _θείαν_ οἰκονομίαν, a collocation of words

constantly found in Palladius, and occurring in this very chapter a

few lines before, in the sense of “by Divine providence”. On the other

hand the words τὰ πρὸς τὸ ἕλκος ἑαυτοῦ διελέγετο are to us absolutely

unintelligible. _Helvetius_ translates the passage: Incidit in coenum

femineae cupiditatis et cum peccare constituisset cum quadam mima

assidue colloquutus, _ulcus suum aperuit_, (He fell into the mire

of lust after women, and having set his mind on sinning, constantly

conversing with a certain actress, _he opened his sore_. Indeed the

γυναικείη ἐπιθυμία (womanly lust) itself is ambiguous, as strictly

speaking it points to something unmanly, and if we compare with it

the γυναικεία νοῦσος (womanly disease) of Dio Chrysostom (p. 209.),

our thoughts cannot but turn to the vice of the pathic,—which however

Hero could not very well practise with an actress, and to which he

could hardly owe an _anthrax_ on the _glans penis_. But ch. 35. shows

us plainly enough that _Palladius_ in using the phrase means lust,

indulgence with women, accomplishing coition. It is related in that

chapter of the Abbot Elias, how he had founded a nunnery, and was

thereupon assailed by violent desire to abuse the nuns; wherefore he

prayed, ἀπόκτεινόν με, ἵνα μὴ ἴδω αὐτὰς θλιβομένας. ἢ _τὸ πάθος_ μου

λάβε, ἵνα αὐτῶν φροντίζω κατὰ λόγον. (Kill me, that I may not see them

troubled, or else take away my _passion_, that I may look upon them

with reason and moderation). Thereafter he fell asleep and dreamed the

angels had castrated him, and on waking found indeed that he still

possessed his genitals, but he declared, ὅτι οὐκέτι ἀνέβη εἰς τὴν

καρδίαν μου πάθος _γυναικὸς ἐπιθυμίας_. (there no more entered into my

heart the passion of _lust after_ women). But now what does τὰ πρὸς τὸ

ἕλκος mean? Guided by the general sense, we might take it as meaning

the genital organs, though we have searched in vain for analogous

passages. But in that case it could be made to apply only to the

female genitals or to the rectum, because these only exhibit a breach

of continuity (ἕλκος,—a wound); or else we should have to suppose the

seed to be looked upon in a sort of way as matter discharged, and the

male genitals, which secrete it, therefore called ἕλκος (a wound), for

otherwise the ἑαυτοῦ (his own) cannot be got in. No less uncertain

is the meaning of διελέγετο; “to converse” cannot possibly be taken

as the sense here. _Suidas_ and _Hesychius_ explain διαλέγεσθαι by

συνουσιάζειν (to associate with). _Pollux_, Onomast. V. 93. περὶ

μίξεως ζώων (On the intercourse of Animals) says, διαλεχθῆναι.—οὐδ’

ἡ διάλεξις, ἀλλὰ διειλέχθην αὐτῇ καὶ διειλεγμένος εἰμὶ ὡς Ὑπερίδης.

II. 125. Ὑπερίδης δὲ διειλεγμένος, ἐπ’ ἀφροδισίων. Ἀριστοφάνης δὲ

διαλέξασθαι ἔφη. (διελεχθῆναι,—not ordinary conversation, but it means

“I had converse with her”, or “I am conversant”, as says Hyperides,

II. 125. Now Hyperides says “conversant with”, speaking of love

intercourse; and Aristophanes “to have converse with”). Comp. Küster

and Brunck on Aristophanes’ Plut. 1083. Moeris p. 131. Abresch, lect.

Aristaenet. p. 50. But the meaning of accomplishing coition is implied

already in προσομιλῶν (associating with), so that διαλέγεσθαι must

here indicate some other more special circumstance. The Scholiast

of Aristophanes on Lys. 720 interprets διαλέγουσιν by διορύττουσιν

(bore through), penetrate); accordingly we must take διαλέγεσθαι as

deponent, in which case we should have to read τὰ πρὸς τὸ ἕλκος _αὐτῆς_

διελέγετο (he penetrated _her_ private parts), and make the τὰ πρὸς

ἕλκος refer to the actress and her hymen (or fibula?), just as in the

passage cited from Josephus on p. 315. the expression περὶ τὸ αἰδοῖον

(about the privates) signifies the foreskin. If we would keep ἑαυτοῦ

(his own), then we must take διαλέγομαι in the sense of καθαίρειν (to

purify) (Hesychius says διαλέγειν, ἀνακαθαίρειν,—to purify), and put

in an οὐκ (not),—i. e. he did not purify his genitals. If we keep to

the meaning of separation, division, we might understand the sentence

as saying that Hero tore apart his foreskin; though really ἕλκος could

scarcely be applied with any propriety to the male genitals at all. For

its being used of the female genitals on the other hand a good analogy

is offered by ἐσχάρα (a scab), which occurs in Aristophanes, Knights

1286. and often elsewhere. Eustathius, on Odyss. p. 1523., says: δῆλον

δ’ ὅτι ἐσχάραν καὶ τὸ γυναικεῖον ἐκάλουν μόριον. (Now it is evident they

used to call the female part ἐσχάρα). However in this case the learned

reader must be left to decide for himself.

[158] _Leviticus_ ch. 20. v. 18. It is true _Maimonides_ according

to _Selden_, Uxor Hebraica (The Jewish Wife), Frankfurt 1673. 4to.,

p. 133., says: At vero si esset mensibus immunda, tametsi deducta

fuerit, _etiam et coitus sit secutus_, nuptiae non perficiebantur.

(But indeed if she were unclean with menstruation, though she had

been led forth to a husband’s house, _even if coition had followed_,

the marriage was not proceeded with)—but in that case of course it

happened unwittingly; though no doubt it may very well on the other

hand have been done not unfrequently wittingly. _Festus_ explains the

Latin word _imbubinare_ by “menstruo mulierum sanguine inquinare” (to

pollute with the menstrual blood of women), which might almost justify

us in conjecturing, that _buboes_ had been observed to originate

from intercourse with women during menstruation. _Hippocrates_, De

natura pueri (On the Bodily Constitution of the Boy), edit. Kühn Vol.

I. p. 390., derives affections of the sort in women from arrested

menstruation.

[159] _Leviticus_ Ch. 15. Want of space forbids our giving this

Chapter here; but anyone who will read it through carefully, must

easily see that in it the question is merely of a morbid discharge

from the genitals (basar), the duration of which was uncertain. For

this reason those affected continued still unclean for nine days

after the cessation of the flux, whereas the man who had encountered

ordinary pollution (verse 16.) was unclean only till the evening.

The Septuagint translators render the flux by ῥύσις (flowing, flux),

the person affected by the flux γονοῤῥυής (having a flux from the

genitals), while they say of ordinary pollution, ὡς ἐὰν ἐξέλθῃ ἐξ

αὐτοῦ κοίτη _σπέρματος_ (“if any man’s seed of copulation go out of

him”). _Astruc_ and others wished to refer the flux from the genitals

to Lepra (Leprosy), but in that case the Leprosy must needs have been

previously noticeable in the person affected by the flux, and the flux

therefore been really a symptom. Thus it would have demanded no further

special ordinance for purification, as that commanded for Leprosy would

have been used for it. Again the same would also have occurred, had

the flux been noticed as _first_ symptom of the Leprosy, for then the

Priest was bound to have confined the person so affected and put him

under observation, to see whether the other symptoms of Leprosy would

show themselves as well. But of this there is nothing whatever to be

found in the writings attributed to Moses, who clearly distinguishes

between the flux and Leprosy, as also does the Author of II Samuel III.

29. Speaking generally, no other Author ever mentions the flux as a

constant or frequent symptom of Leprosy, while _Schilling_ even denies

its occurrence altogether. Comp. _Hensler_, Vom abendl. Aussatze (On

Oriental Leprosy), pp. 130, 396.

[160] _Astruc_, De morbis venereis (Of Venereal diseases), p. 93., Quid

igitur mirum varia, heterogenea, acria multorum virorum semina (et

smegmata we may add) una confusa, cum acerrimo et virulento menstruo

sanguine mixta, intra uterum aestuantem et olidum spurcissimarum

mulierum coercita, mora, heterogeneitate, calore loci brevi

computruisse ac prima morbi venerei semina constituisse, quae in

alios, si qui forsan continentiores erant, contagione dimanavere?...

Cum ergo in omnibus terrae locis, _ubi lues venerea antiquitus endemia

fuisse videtur_, eundem aeris fervorem cum pari incolarum impudicitia

coniunctum fuisse manifestum sit, haud inanis inde locus est colligendi

morbum natura eundem, quo regiones longissime dissitae et inter quas

nulla fuit commercii communio, simili modo infestabantur, a simili

causarum earundem concursu, in quo tantum convenirent, generatum

olim fuisse et _generari etiamnum_, si indigenae iisdem moribus

vivant. (What is there surprising then in the fact that the various,

heterogeneous, acrid seminal fluids of a number of different men (and

unguents as well, we may add), all confounded together and mixed with

the exceedingly acrid and virulent menstrual blood, confined within

the steaming hot and fetid womb of the dirtiest of women, by long

continuance in one place, by heterogeneity of components, by the heat

of the locality, should very soon have grown putrid, and so laid the

first seeds of Venereal disease,—which then passed on by contagion

to other men, men that were very possibly more self-restrained?...

So, inasmuch as in all parts of the world, _wherever Venereal disease

appears to have been endemic in Antiquity_, it is plain the same heat

of the atmosphere was united with a similar immorality on the part of

the inhabitants, there is therefore sufficient ground for concluding

that the disease, identical in its nature and one whereby regions

far removed from one another and between which existed no commercial

intercourse were attacked in a like way, was originally produced by a

like conjunction of identical causes, a conjunction wherein these only

agreed,—and _is still so produced_, supposing the inhabitants to still

live after the same fashion). _Wizmann_ (loco citato p. 32.) moreover

is of opinion that Venereal disease under the conditions just named

originates in Turkey to this day _in its true form_. A similar view is

shared by _Eagle_ and _Judd_ (loco citato p. 306.).

[161] _Herodotus_, bk. III. ch. 106., ἡ Ἑλλὰς τὰς ὥρας πολλόν τι

κάλλιστα κεκραμένας ἔλαχη. (Hellas possesses seasons in many respects

most admirably combined). Comp. _Dahlmann_, Herodotus pp. 90. sqq.

_Plato_ again praises the εὐκρασία τῶν ὡρῶν (happy mingling of the

seasons) of Hellas in more than one passage; e. g. Timaeus 24, C.,

Critias III E., Epinom. 987 D.; and _Aristophanes_ in a fragment of his

Horae preserved by Athenaeus, Deipnos. IX. p. 372. says of Attica:

ὥστ’ οὐκέτ’ οὐδεὶς οἵδ’ ὁπηνίκ’ ἐστὶ τοὐνιαουτοῦ.

(So never yet has any man been able to tell precisely in what part of

the year he is).

[162] _Galen_, De symptomat. causis bk. III. ch. 11., edit. Kühn Vol.

VII. p. 267., καὶ μὴν αἰ γονόῤῥοιαι, χωρὶς μὲν τοῦ συντείνεσθαι τὸ

αἰδοῖον, ἀῤῥωσίᾳ τῆς καθεκτικῆς δυνάμεως τῆς ἐν τοῖς σπερματικοῖς

ἀγγείοις· ἐντεινομένου δέ πως, οἷον σπασμᾷ τινι παραπλήσιον πασχόντων

ἐπιτελοῦνται. (Moreover gonorrhoeas, except in the case of the member

being in a state of tension, arise from weakness of the retentive

capacity in the spermatic vessels; but when there is tension of any

sort, they are subject to a kind of spasm resembling that of convulsive

patients).

[163] _Larrey_, “Relation historique et chirurgicale de l’expédition

de l’armée d’Orient, en Egypt et en Syrie,” (Historical and Surgical

Account of the Expedition of the Army of the East, in Egypt and Syria),

Paris 1803. p. 116., Pendant le travail de la suppuration, les blessés

furent seulement incommodés des vers ou larves de la mouche bleue,

commune en Syrie. L’incubation des oeufs que cette mouche deposait

sans cesse dans les plaies ou dans les appareils, étoit favorisée par

la chaleur de la saison, l’humidité de l’atmosphère et la qualité de

la toile à pansement (elle étoit de coton) la seule qu’on ait pu se

procurer dans cette contrée. La présence de ces vers dans les plaies

paraissait en accélérer la suppuration, causait des demangeaisons

incommodes aux blessés et nous forçait de les panser trois ou quatre

fois le jour. Ces insectes, formés en quelques heures, se développaient

avec une telle rapidité, que du jour au lendemain, ils étaient de la

grosseur d’un tuyau de plume de poulet. On faisait à chaque pansement

des lotions d’une forte décoction de rhue et de petite sauge, qui

suffisaient pour les détruire; mais ils se reproduisaient bientot après

par le défaut des moyens propres à écarter l’approche des mouches

et à prévenir l’incubation de leurs oeufs. (During the action of

suppuration, the only inconvenience the wounded met with was from the

worms or larvae of the blue fly, common in Syria. The hatching of the

eggs, which this fly was continually depositing in the wounds or their

dressings, was favoured by the heat of the season, the moisture of the

atmosphere, and the nature of the material used for bandages. This was

cotton, the only material for the purpose that could be procured in

that country. The presence of these worms in the wounds appeared to

accelerate their suppuration, caused the wounded men to suffer from

troublesome itchings and forced us to renew the dressings three or four

times a day. These insects, formed in a few hours, developed with such

extraordinary rapidity, that from one day to the next, they reached

the size of a fowl’s quill. At each dressing lotions were applied

of a strong decoction of rue and dwarf sage, which was effectual in

destroying them; but they reappeared again very soon afterwards owing

to the want of proper means for preventing the approach of the flies

and hindering the hatching of their eggs). Compare what Larrey (p.

278.) says as to the climate of Syria.

[164] _Eusebius_, Histor. Eccles. bk. VIII. 14., τί δεῖ τὰς ἐμπαθεῖς

ἀνδρὸς αἰσχρουργίας μνημονεύειν; ἢ τῶν πρὸς αὐτοῦ μεμοιχευμένων

ἀπαριθμεῖσθαι τὲν πληθύν; οὐκ ἦν γέ τοι πόλιν αὐτὸν παρελθεῖν, μὴ

οὐχὶ ἐκ παντὸς φθορὰς γυναικῶν παρθένων τε ἁρπαγὰς εἰργασμένον.—cap.

16. μέτεισι γοῦν αὐτὸν θεήλατος κόλασις· ἐξ αὐτῆς αὐτοῦ καταρξαμένη

σαρκὸς, καὶ μέχρι τῆς ψυχῆς παρελθοῦσα. _ἀθρόα μὲν γὰρ περὶ τὰ μέσα

τῶν ἀποῤῥήτων τοῦ σώματος ἀπόστασις γίγνεται αὐτῷ· εἶθ’ ἕλκος ἐν βάθει

συριγγώδες καὶ τούτων ἀνιάτος νομὴ κατὰ τῶν ἐνδοτάτῳ σπλάγχνων· ἀφ’ ὧν

ἀλεκτόν τι πλῆθος σκωλήκων βρύειν, θανατώδη τε ὀδμὴν ἀποπνέειν_,

τοῦ παντὸς ὄγκου τῶν σωμάτων ἐκ πολυτροφίας αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς τῆς νόσου

εἰς ὑπερβολὴν πλήθους πιμελῆς μεταβεβληκότος· ἣν τότε κατασαπεῖσαν,

ἀφόρητον καὶ φρικτοτάτην τοῖς πλησιάζουσι παρέχειν τὴν θέαν, ἰατρῶν

δ’ οὖν οἱ μὲν, οὐδ’ ὅλως ὑπομεῖναι τὴν τοῦ δυσώδους ὑπερβάλλουσαν ἀτοπίαν

οἷοι τε, κατεσφάττοντο. οἱ δὲ διῳδηκότος τοῦ παντὸς ὄγκου καὶ εἰς

ἀνέλπιστον σωτηρίας ἀποπεπτωκότος μηδὲν ἐπικουρεῖν δυνάμενοι, ἀνηλεῶς

ἐκτείνοντο. (What need to recall the passions and abominations of the

man? or to count the multitude of debaucheries done by him? Nay, he

could not pass through a city without leaving behind him everywhere

ruin of women and rape of virgins.—ch. 16. Yet heaven-sent punishment

overtakes him, commencing with his very flesh and going on to assail

the life. For an incessant suppurative inflammation attacks him in

the region of the private parts of the body; then later on a wound

penetrating deep in like a fistula and an incurable eating sore

affecting these inmost intestines. Then from these an indescribable

number of worms bred, and a corpse-like smell was given off, the whole

bulk of the bodily parts having through high living and under the

influence of the disease changed into an exaggerated superfluity of

fat. Then this rotting away, displayed an intolerable and an appalling

spectacle to his attendants; while among his physicians, some finding

themselves utterly unable to endure the exceeding horribleness of

the stench, put an end to their lives; while others, the whole bulk

having gone to complete rottenness, and the patient in a condition

that admitted no hope of recovery, being unable to afford any help,

were cruelly put to death). This passage occurs as well, word for

word, in _Nicephorus_, Histor. Eccles. VII. 22. Aur. Victor. Epit. ch.

40., Galerius Maximianus _consumptis genitalibus_ defecit, (Galerius

Maximianus died, _the genital organs being destroyed_).—_Zosimus_,

Hist. II. 11. speaks merely of τραῦμα δυσίατον (a wound difficult to

cure), and _Paulus Diaconus_, Hist. miscell. XI. 5., says: putrefacto

introrsum pectore, et vitalibus dissolutis, cum ultra horrorem humanae

miseriae etiam vermes eructaret, medicique iam ultra foetorem non

ferentes, crebro iussu eius occiderentur etc. (the bosom having

putrefied within, and the vitals rotted away, when exceeding the climax

of human horror and suffering he began to bring up worms, and his

physicians unable to bear the excessive foulness of the stench, were

being executed at his frequent order, etc.). The same fate happened to

_Herod_, of whom _Josephus_, Antiq. XVII. 6. says: τοῦ αἰδοίου σῆψις

σκώληκας ἐμποιοῦσα (mortification of the genitals producing worms).

Comp. _Bochart_, Hierozoicon, edit. Rosenmüller vol. III. p. 520.

[165] This reading is clearly preferable. The Septuagint translators

render it σήπη καὶ σκώληκες κηρονομήσουσιν αὐτὸν, (Rottenness and worms

shall be his heritage), where however it must be admitted σῆτες (moths)

is also retained by the Editors.

[166] “Nouvelles recherches sur la structure de la peau”, (Recent

Investigations as to the Structure of the Skin), with 3 Plates. Paris

1835. 221 pp. 8vo.

[167] “Vergleichende Untersuchungen über die Haut des Menschen und der

Haussaügethiere, besonders in Beziehung auf die Absonderungsorgane

des Hauttalgs und des Schweisses,” (Comparative Investigations as to

the Skin in Man and the Domestic Mammals, with particular reference

to the Organs of Secretion of the Sebaceous Humour and the Sweat), in

_Muller’s_ Archiv. für Physiologie Jahrg. 1835., pp. 399-418. With

copperplates, a comparison of which will very much facilitate the

proper understanding of what follows.

[168] Already we find _Lorry_, “Abb. von den Krankheiten der Haut,”

(Treatise on Diseases of the Skin), Vol. I. p. 50., saying: “There

is found to exist moreover a certain sympathy between the generative

parts of men and women and the skin, which under the violent stimulus

of sexual coition swells; but after it is over, sweat comes out on it,

and _sometimes little heat-pimples appear_. p. 83., Now at puberty, a

period when all the glands are opened, there is brought to the organs

of transpiration a great quantity of a subtle and fluid material, there

arises a peculiar smell, and if this matter has accumulated, it clogs

the minute vessels, the humour contained in these becomes thick by

retardation and solidification,—the result being a pimply eruption on

the skin. This much is certain, that if both sexes are fully developed,

and live chaste, an extensive series of mutually connected pustules may

arise, _just as if they were produced by the swelling of the glands

in the skin_. The pustules are ranged in the same order as that in

which the glands lie; exactly as if they were the meeting-place of the

humours that would seem to have been dispersed in the skin.” Comp.

_Haller_, Elem. physiolog. Vol. VII. bk. XXVIII. sect. 3. § 4.

[169] More precise information on this, as well as on several other

opinions expressed in the course of these Inquiries as to the pathology

of Venereal disease, the reader will find placed at his disposal in

our forthcoming Work, “Introduction to a Scientific Knowledge of the

Venereal Disease.”

[170] Comp. _Hillary_, “Beobachtungen über die Veränderungen Luft und

die damit verbundenen epidemischen Krankheiten auf der Insel Barbados,”

(Observations on Changes of Atmosphere and the Epidemic Sicknesses

connected with them in the Island of Barbadoes), transl. from the

English by J. Ch. G. Ackermann. Leipzig 1776. 8vo., pp. 3 sqq.

[171] _Alex. Traj. Petronius_, De morbo Gallico, (On the French

Disease—Syphilis), bk. II. chs. 24., and 26 (Aphrodisiacus pp. 1225,

1226.) in his time says: Et in regione calida, quoniam secundum naturae

suae impetum ad cutem fertur, minus saevire, in frigida vero, quoniam

contra suam naturam ad interna migrare cogitur, magis.—Neque nos non

lateat, in ambiente (ut dicunt) calido, quoniam ad cutim attractio

fit, morbum hunc et secundum naturae suae impetum creari, et simul ad

exteriora prorumpere solere. In frigido autem, quia intro repellitur

contra suae naturae motum retroverti et solidas corporis partes saepius

depasci. Frequentius etiam in regione calida quam frigida apparere;

hic enim circumfusus aer, ne morbus ad cutim extendatur, prohibet

(nam intro pellit), illic vero et ad cutim trahit et eandem retinet.

(Moreover in a hot region, inasmuch as in accordance with the impulse

of its nature it is carried to the skin, it is there less virulent;

whereas in a cold one, as it is compelled against its nature to travel

to the inward parts, it is more so.—Again we should not let this escape

our notice, that in a hot environment (as they say), inasmuch as an

attraction takes place towards the skin, this disease also according

to the impulse of its nature is there brought into being, and is wont

to break out towards the external parts. On the other hand in a cold

one, because it is drawn within, it is turned back contrary to the

motion of its nature, and more often feeds upon the solid parts of the

body. Again it appears more frequently in a hot region than in a cold

one; for in the latter case the surrounding air (driving it within as

it does) hinders the disease from extending to the skin, whereas in

the former it draws it to the skin and keeps it there). But specially

pertinent in this connection is p. 1211.—_Puydebat_, “Über den Einfluss

des Climas auf den Menschen,” (Of the Influence of Climate on Man), in

the “Bulletin méd. de Bordeaux, 1836. May 21. (Froriep Notiz. 1836.

Vol. 49. p. 179.) writes: Die immer geöffneten Hautporen hauchen in den

heissen Ländern einen reichlichen, mehr oder weniger stark riechenden

Schweiss aus. Die Hautdrüsen sondern eine ölige Flüssigkeit in Menge

ab, welche die Haut schlüpfrig macht und derselben jenes bei den

Negern so auffallende Ansehn giebt. Dieser Zustand der Haut macht sie

zu Exanthemen, z. B. Masern, Blattern, Syphilis, Lepra, Elephantiasis

geneigt. (The ever open skin-pores expire in hot countries a rich and

more or less strongly smelling sweat. The cutaneous glands secrete an

oily fluid in quantities, which makes the skin slippery and gives it

that appearance so striking in Negroes. This state of the skin makes it

liable to exanthematic effections, e. g. Measles, Small-pox, Syphilis,

Leprosy, Elephantiasis).—In cold countries the transpiration of the

skin is very weak; in consequence the internal secretions are increased

in quantity, while in hot countries they are lessened from a directly

opposite cause.” Comp. _J. von Röser_, “Ueber einige Krankheiten des

Orients,” (On some Diseases of the East). Augsburg 1837., pp. 67-71.,

to whose statements we shall have to return on several future occasions.

[172] _Joannes Leo_, “Descriptio Africae”, (Description of Africa),

Leyden 1632. 12mo., p. 86., Paucis admodum toto Atlante, tota Numidia

totaque Libya hoc notum est contagium. Quodsi quisquam fuerit qui

se eo infectum sentiat, mox in Numidiam aut in Nigritarum regionem

proficiscitur, cuius tanta est aeris temperies, ut optimae sanitati

restitutus inde in patriam redeat: quod quidem multis accidisse ipse

meis vidi oculis, qui nullo adhibito neque pharmaco neque medico,

praeter saluberrimum iam dictum aërem, revaluerant. (To very few

persons indeed in the whole of the Atlas, the whole of Numidia and of

Libya, is this contagion known. But if there should be any man who

feels himself attacked by it, he presently journeys into Numidia or the

district of the Nigritae, where the nature of the air is such that he

returns home again restored to excellent good health. This I have seen

happen to many with my own eyes, who without help of druggist or doctor

recovered by the exceeding salubrity of the air as aforesaid). Comp.

_Scaliger_, Exercitat. CLXXX. ch. 18.—_Petronius_, loco citato p. 1213.

[173] _Schnurrer_, “Geographische Nosologie,” (Geographical

Nosology,—Distribution of Diseases), p. 454.

[174] _Brown, W. G._ “Reisen in Afrika, Egypten und Syrien.” (Travels

in Africa, Egypt and Syria), transl. from the English by C. Sprengel.

Weimar 1800. 8vo., p. 389., tells us of a marine at Kahira, who had

become infected, how the man, having in the mean time taken no means

whatever to combat the disease and without giving up either the use of

brandy or the practice of copulation, two months later got a violent

itching eruption over his whole body, and particularly on the head and

over the glands of the neck. This he treated by sprinkling over it a

sort of red earth, whereupon it dried up and disappeared, so that four

weeks later he found himself completely cured and his skin as clean

and smooth as before. _Schnurrer_, loco citato p. 453., also gives the

story, but with sundry inaccuracies. Similar observations were made

by _Th. Clarke_ at the Cape of Good Hope, London Med. Gazette 1833.

_Behrend_, Syphilidologie Vol. I. pp. 241 sqq. The Minorite _Conti_

declared in opposition to _Norberg_ (Biörnstähl’s Briefe, 6 vol. p.

410.): “Christian no less than Mussulman in the East is strictly

forbidden to cohabit with a woman before the eighth day after her

purification. If it _is_ done within that period, the man’s body is

poisoned: he experiences swelling, ulcers, sores, itch and pains in

the limbs, and shows all the symptoms of leprosy. At this time the

female does not become pregnant, because the blood is unclean, but if

conception does occur, the child also gets a bad itch, and generally

is affected like his parents.” _Fr. Eagle_ (Lancet July 1836., Note

671.). _Behrend’s_ Syphilidologie, Vol. I. p. 118., relates a number of

cases that occurred in London where after intercourse with women during

menstruation both gonorrhœa and chancre supervened.

[175] _Von Roeser_, loco citato p. 69. _Sonnerat_, “Reise nach

Ostindien”, (Journey to the East Indies), I. 94, 99. _Schnurrer_,

Geogr. Nosologie p. 409. Note, says: “In Hindostan in particular

experience has shown that a badly treated syphilis changes into

leprosy.” That this is not a thing of such extreme rarity in Europe

either, we shall prove more fully in another place. Meantime compare

what _Hensler_, “Vom Abendländischen Aussatze”, (On Oriental Leprosy),

pp. 228 sqq., says on the subject.

[176] _Galen_, Ad Glaucon. de meth. med. II., edit. Kühn Vol. XI.

p. 142., says: κατὰ γοῦν τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν _ἐλεφαντιῶσι πάμπολλοι_

διά τε τὴν δίαιταν καὶ _τὴν θερμότητα τοῦ χωρίου·—ἅτε δὲ θερμοῦ τοῦ

περιέχοντος ὄντος καὶ ἡ ῥοπὴ τῆς φορᾶς αὐτῶν πρὸς τὸ θέρμα γίνεται_·

(At any rate in the neighbourhood of Alexandria very many persons

suffer from elephantiasis as well through their mode of life as owing

to _the heat of the locality_;—for indeed as a result of the excessive

heat of the climate, the tendency of their constitution is also towards

heat). In Germany and Mysia he asserts the disease is seldom observed,

and in Scythia almost never.

[177] Phlyctaenae (blisters) in erysipelas of the uterus are mentioned

by Hippocrates, De ant. mulierum, edit. Kühn II. p. 541. _Galen_, edit.

Kühn Vol. XVII. A. p. 358., ἴσθι γὰρ ὅτι τὰ ἐξανθήματα ἐν ταῖς τῆς

μήτρας διαθέσεσιν εἰς τὸ δέρμα ἐκραγέντα σημαίνουσιν ὅτι ἡ φλεγμονὴ

ἢ ἐρυσίπελας ἐκ τοῦ ἀποζέοντος καὶ λεπτοῦ αἵματος ἐν ταῖς μήτραις

ἐγγίνεται, ὡς ἐν τῷ περὶ γυναικείης φύσεως γέγραπται. (Be assured that

those eruptions that break out on the skin in certain morbid conditions

of the womb signify that the inflammation or erysipelas proceeds from

the deficiency and poorness of the blood in the womb, as is stated in

my Work, On the Female Constitution).

[178] _Aristotle_, Problem IV. 18.

[179] _Aëtius_, Tetrab, IV. serm. 1. ch. 122., Novimus quosdam

audaciores qui sibi ipsis testes ferro resecarunt; castratis enim non

in peius malum ipsum procedet. Neque enim temere reperias, inquit

Archigenes, ullum aliquem castratum elephantiasi laborantem, neque item

facile mulierem. Quare etiam quidam ex confidentioribus medicis manum

admoverunt, et quotquot sane ex eis ex sectione periculum evaserunt,

per consequentis curationis usum perfecte ab hac maligna affectione

liberati sunt. (We know of some bolder spirits who have amputated their

own testicles with the knife; for after castration the actual evil will

not then proceed to any worse length. For, says Archigenes, you will

not readily find any single case of a castrated man suffering from

elephantiasis, nor will you easily discover a woman at all affected by

this disease. Wherefore, in fact, some of the more daring practitioners

have operated, and there is no doubt that such of their patients as

escaped the dangerous effects of the operation, have been through

the employment of subsequent precautions completely freed from this

malignant complaint). Comp. _Hensler_, “Vom Aussatz”, (On Leprosy),

p. 401. With regard to _the immunity of women_, an assertion likewise

made in connection with _mentagra_ (p. 288), _von Roeser_ writes (loco

citato p. 67.) referring to Venereal disease: “Above all it is now the

case in Greece and Turkey that the practising physician,—and I have

been assured of the fact by many persons,—exceedingly seldom meets with

syphilitic female patients in his practice; that yet notwithstanding

this none of _the sequelæ and different forms of subsequent mischief_

that are usually found resulting from the disease when every kind of

medical aid is neglected, are seen in patients of that sex.”—P. 71.,

“Only poison would seem, as a result of the secretive process exerted

by the affected parts of the skin and the mucous membrane, which is

much more powerful in women than in men, to be more readily eliminated

from the body than is the case with men, so much so indeed that it is

an almost unheard of thing in Egypt to find a female patient under

medical treatment.”—still this does not justify the conclusion that

women _never_ suffered from Venereal disease, as even von Roeser

himself admits. Again Larrey, loco citato p. 253., actually found

himself constrained in view of the wide dissemination of the disease

among the French soldiers, to establish a special hospital for infected

women, in order to check the spread of the complaint.

[180] Comp. _Foot_, “Abh. über die Lustseuche” (Treatise on Venereal

Disease), transl. from the English by _H. Ch. Reich_, Vol. I. p. 62.

[181] Surgeon in Chief of the Esbekieh Hospital at Cairo.

[182] The passage of _Aretaeus_ (Morb. chron. bk. II. ch. 13. edit.

Kühn p. 180.) can hardly be cited as evidence on the other side in this

case, as the question there discussed is elephantiasis, not the leprosy

of the Jews at all. Any how we read there: τρίχες ἐν μὲν τῷ παντὶ

προτεθνήσκουσι, χερσὶ μηροῖσι κνήμῃσι, αὖθις ἥβῃ, γενείοισι ἀραιαὶ,

ψεδναὶ δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ κόμαι· τὸ δὲ μᾶλλον πρόωροι, πολιοὶ καὶ

φαλάκρωσις ἀθρόη· οὐκ εἰς μακρὸν δὲ ἥβη καὶ ἐπιμίμνοιεν παυραὶ τρίχες,

ἀπρεπέστεραι τῶν ἀποιχομένων. (Hair dies first in every part, on hands,

thighs, shins; again on pubes and cheeks it becomes thin, and scanty

also on the head. The locks are prematurely white, and baldness becomes

general; nor is it long before pubes and cheeks are bare, and if a few

scanty hairs should remain, they are uncomely as compared with those

that have disappeared). Nor would it be any fairer to cite the fact

that Albinos are covered over the whole body with a fine, white, woolly

hair.

[183] Already _J. D. Michaelis_, “Fragen an eine Gesellschaft gelehrter

Männer, die auf Befehl Ihro Majestät des Königs von Dänemark nach

Arabien reisen,” (Questions addressed to a Society of Learned Men,

travelling at the Command of HM. the King of Denmark to Arabia),

Frankfurt-on-the-Main 1762., p. 23., says in the 11th. question on

Leprosy under head No. 8.: “Does it possess a natural diagnostic mark

in this, if it breaks out everywhere at once, and covers the whole

body? From Leviticus XIII. 12-13. we might seem to be almost justified

in concluding this to be so. But I am in doubt how in that case this

passage is to be interpreted in accordance with the history of the

disease.” Comp. p. 335. Note 1.

[184] Philosoph. Transactions Vol. XXXI. _Foot_, Treatise on Venereal

Disease, Vol. I. pp. 25 sqq.

[185] _D. Hennen_, Sketches of the Medical Topography of the

Mediterranean. London 1830.

[186] _Galen_, De febr. diff., bk. I., edit. Kühn Vol. VII. 284 sqq.,

δριμὺ δ’ ἀποῤῥοῖ καὶ δακνῶδες περίττωμα τοῖς ἤτοι κακοχυμοτέροις,

ἢ ἐδέσματα μοχθηρὰ προσφερομένοις τοιαῦτα γοῦν ἐδέσματα καὶ νῦν

ἀναγκασθέντες ἐσθίειν πολλοὶ διὰ λιμὸν οἱ μὲν ἀπέθανον ἀπὸ σηπεδονωδῶν

τε καὶ λοιμωδῶν πυρετῶν, _οἱ δὲ ἐξανθήμασιν ἑάλωσαν ψωρώδεσι τε καὶ

λεπρώδεσιν_. (But there discharges an acrid and biting excretion, and

this in patients already only too much afflicted with evil humours, or

else food becomes noxious to them, though normally able to tolerate

such food; and now being forced to eat, many died in consequence of

the plague, some from putrefying and pestilential fevers, while others

again _were attacked by exanthematic eruptions of the psora and lepra

types_).

[187] Martial, Bk. VI. Epigr. 37.,

O quanta _scabie_ miser laborat!

Culum non habet, est tamen cinaedus.

(How sad a scurvy (_scabies_) does the wretch groan under! Bottom all

gone; and yet he is a cinaedus!)

Bk. XI. Epigr. 8.,

Penelopae licet esse tibi sub principe Nerva

Sed prohibet _scabies_ ingeniumque vetus.

(You may be a Penelope under Nerva as Emperor; only that _scurvy_

hinders you and inveterate viciousness). The _mala scabies_ (horrid

scurvy) from _Horace_, Ars Poet. 453., is familiar; as well as the

statement of _Justin_ (Hist. XXXVI. 2.) to the effect that the Jews

were driven out of Egypt on account of Scabies and Vitiligo (Tetter),

that the Egyptians might not be infected by them. Comp. _Michaelis_,

“Mosaisches Recht”, (Mosaic Law) IV. 209. The infectious nature of

psora is declared also by _Aristotle_, Problem. VII. 8. _Galen_, De

puls. diff., IV. 1. The transition of _mentagra_ into _psora_ has been

already mentioned.

[188] _Aristophanes_, Birds 151. makes Euelpides say: βδελλύττομαι

τὸν Λέπρεον ἀπὸ Μελανθίου (I detest the “Leprean” of Melanthius), on

which the Scholiast remarks: Μελάνθιος ὁ τραγικός· κωμωδεῖται γὰρ εἰς

μαλακίαν καὶ ὀψοφαγίαν. Πλάτων δὲ αὐτὸν ἐν Σκύθαις ὡς _λάλον_ σκώπτει·

εἶχε δὲ Μελάνθιος λέπραν. (Melanthius the Tragedian; for he is derided

on account of his luxurious living and gluttony. But Plato laughs at

him in the “Scythians” as a _garrulous_ person; now Melanthius had

_leprosy_). The same thing is mentioned in the “Peace”, 803., with

the addition, καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἐν Κόλαξιν Εὔπολις ὡς κίναιδον αὐτὸν

διαβάλλει καὶ κόλακα· ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡς λευκὰς ἔχοντα καὶ λεπράς. (and

still more severely does Eupolis in his “Flatterers” ridicule him

as being _pathic_ and a flatterer; moreover as having whites,—white

leprosies,—and leprosies). Here we would particularly call attention

to the λευκαί (white leprosies), which we have already noted as a

consequence of the habits of the _cunnilingue_; and with this the

λάλον (garrulous, talkative) of the Comic poet Plato agrees very

well, for _Hesychius_ explains γλωσσοστροφεῖν (to ply the tongue) by

_περιλαλεῖν_ and στωμύλλεσθαι (_to be very talkative, to babble_). Thus

_lepra_ would seem to be attached as penalty to the vice of the pathic,

Elephantiasis is stated to be infectious by _Aretaeus_, Morb. chron.,

II. 12. and _Paulus Aegineta_, IV. 1.; however, present day experience

tells us nothing of this, and the later Greek physicians refer it again

to deficient gall (Marx, Orig. contag., p. 78.); what was the meaning

of its great contagiousness in earlier times?

[189] _Von Roeser_, loco citato p. 69. Inflammation of the throat, or

ulcerations of the throat, are very rare; still rarer are diseases of

the bones, and then only taking the form of swellings of the periosteum.

[190] _Hippocrates_, Epidem. Bk. III., edit. Kühn Vol. III. p. 486.,

στόματα πολλοῖσιν ἀθώδεα, ἑλκώδεα· ῥεύματα περὶ τὰ αἰδοιᾶ πολλά·

ἑλκώματα, φύματα, ἔξωθεν ἔσωθεν τὰ περὶ βουβῶνας, ὀφθαλμίαι ὑγραὶ,

μακραὶ χρόνιαι μετὰ πόνων· ἐπιφύσεις βλεφάρων ἔξωθεν ἔσωθεν, πολλῶν

φθείροντες τὰς ὄψιας, ἃ σῦκα ἐπονομάζουσιν· ἐφύετο δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀλλῶν

ἑλκέων πολλὰ καὶ αἰδοίοισιν. (for translation see text above).

[191] _Hippocrates_, Bk. IV. Aphor. 82., edit. Kühn Vol. III. p. 735.,

ὁκόσοισιν ἐν τῇ οὐρήθρῃ φύματα φύεται, τουτέοισι διαπυήσαντος καὶ

ἐκραγέντος λύσις. (for translation see text above). The same Aphorism

is repeated again Bk. VII. Aphor. 57. p. 763., ὁκόσοισιν ἐν τῇ οὐρήθρῃ

φύματα γίνονται, τουτέοισι διαπυήσαντος καὶ ἐκραγέντος _λύεται ὁ

πόνος_. (Patients having abscesses in the urethra, _find relief from

the suffering_, so soon as these have suppurated and broken).—_Celsus_,

bk. II. ch. 8. translates this by: Quibus in fistula urinae minuti

abscessus, quos φύματα Graeci vocant, esse coeperunt, iis ubi pus ea

parte profluxit, sanitas redditur. (Patients in whom small abscesses

have been set up in the urinary canal, which the Greeks call φύματα,

recover when once matter has flowed out at the spot).—_Galen_, in his

Explanation of the first Aphorism of Hippocrates (edit. Kühn Vol. XVII.

B. p. 778.) says: πρόχειρον γὰρ παντὶ γνῶναι τῶν ἐν τῷ πόρῳ τῷ οὐρητικῷ

τῷ κατὰ τὸ αἰδοῖον, τοῦτο γὰρ οὐρήθραν καλοῦσι· συνισταμένων φυμάτων

τὴν λύσιν γίγνεσθαι ῥαγέντων· ἐνδέχεται γὰρ ἰσχουρίαν δή τινα γενέσθαι

καὶ διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτον φῦμα καὶ μέντοι καὶ ὡς τὸ φῦμα τοῦτο ῥαγὲν _ἰάσεται

τὴν ἰσχουρίαν εὔδηλον_. (For it is within the knowledge of every

observer that in the case of abscesses that have been set up in the

urinary canal in the region of the privates,—called the urethra,—relief

is afforded when once these have burst. For it is likely some

retention of urine occurs on account of such abscess, and so the fact

of this abscess having burst will obviously remedy the retention).

Comp. _Galen_, De loc. affect. Bk. I. ch. 1., bk. VI. ch. 6. _Paulus

Aegineta_ bk. IV. ch. 22.

[192] _Hippocrates_, Coact. praenot., edit. Kühn Vol. I. p. 312.,

οἷσι δὲ φῦμα περὶ τὴν κύστιν ἐστὶ τὸ παρέχον τὴν δυσουπίην, παντοίως

σχηματισθέντες ὀχλέονται· _λύσις δὲ τούτου γίνεται πύου ῥαγέντος_.

(Patients having an abscess in the region of the bladder that causes

difficulty of micturition, find themselves troubled and affected in

all sorts of ways; _but relief from this is experienced, when once the

matter has broken out_).

[193] _Hippocrates_, De aere aquis et locis, edit. Kühn Vol. I. p.

526., κἢν μὲν τὸ θέρος αὐχμηρὸν γένηται, θᾶσσον παύονται αἱ νοῦσοι·

ἢν δὲ ἔπομβρον, πολυχρόνιοι γίνονται καὶ φαγεδαίνας κοινῶς ἐγγίνεσθαι

ἀπὸ πάσης προφάσιος, ἢν ἕλκος ἐγγένηται. (And if the Summer is a dry

one, the diseases will cease more speedily; if on the other hand it is

rainy, they become chronic, and such that cancerous sores are set up on

any pretext, if an injury of any sort occur).

[194] _Galen_, in his Commentary on this passage (Vol. XVII. A. p.

671) says in this connection: διεσήπετο δ’ ὑπὸ τῶν μοχθηρῶν χυμῶν ὑγρῶν

τὰ στερεά· ποικίλον δ’ εἶναι τὸ ῥεῦμα διὰ τὴν τῶν σηπομένων διαφθορὰν

εὔλογον· ὑπὸ γὰρ κοινῆς αἰτίας τῆς σηπεδόνος ἕκαστον τῶν σηπομένων ἴδιον

εἶδος ἴσχει τῆς διαφθορᾶς. (But under influence of the morbid moist

juices the solid parts rotted away; so it is only reasonable to expect

the discharge to be complex, resulting from the destruction of the

parts rotted away; for although proceeding from one common cause, that

of decomposition, each of the rotting parts has its own particular form

of decomposition).

[195] _Galen_, in his Commentary loco citato p. 672., adds: φοβερωτέραν

εἶχε φαντασίαν ἐν τοῖς περὶ κεφαλὴν μορίοις, διὰ τὸ κᾂν βραχὺ τὴν παρὰ

φύσιν ἐνταῦθα παραλαχθείη, πλέον γίνεσθαι τὸ αἶσχος ἢ κατὰ τὰ ἄλλα

μόρια μεγάλην ἐκτροπὴν εἰς τὸ παρὰ φύσιν ἔχοντα. μηροῦ μὲν γὰρ τὸ

βραχίονος ἢ κνήμης ἢ πήχεως ἀποῤῥυὲν δέρμα μικροτέραν ἔχει φαντασίαν,

εἰ δὲ τῆς κεφαλῆς συναποπέσοιεν αἱ τρίχες τῷ δέρματι καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον

ἡ τοῦ γενείου σὺν αὐταῖς, ἡ μὲν φαντασία τοῦ πάθους γίνεται μεγάλη, ὁ

κίνδυνος δ’ ᾗττον ἢ εἰ περὶ αἰδοῖα συμβαίη τὸ τοιοῦτον πάθος ἢ λάρυγγα

καὶ θώρακα καί τι τῶν κυρίων· οὐ μόνον δὲ τὰ περὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν οὕτως

γινόμενα φοβερὰ μᾶλλον ἦν ἢ κακίω, ἀλλὰ καὶ καθ’ ὁτιοῦν ἄλλο μέρος

οὕτως ἐκπίπτοντα· κακίω γὰρ ἦν ἐφ’ ὧν ἀπέστησεν εἰς τὸ βάθος ὁ τὸ

ἐρυσίπελας ἐργαζόμενος χυμὸς κ. τ. λ. (It offered a more terrifying

appearance where the parts about the head were affected, because even

if only a small deviation occur there from what is normal, the feeling

of disgust experienced is greater than in connection with other parts

of the body, even when showing a great divergence towards what is

abnormal. For the fact of the skin of the thigh being perished, or even

when showing of the upper arm, or of the leg, or fore-arm, affords a

less formidable appearance, but if the hair fall from the head and the

skin along with it, and still more if that of the cheeks and chin go

with it, the appearance of injury is very great; but the danger is all

the while really less than if the like were to happen to the private

parts or larynx and thorax or any of the vital parts. And not only are

such things when they happen to the head more terrifying than actually

dangerous, but also when it so falls out with regard to any other part;

for much more dangerous is the case of those in whom the humour that

sets up erysipelas has penetrated deeply in, etc.).

[196] Hippocrates, loco citato p. 284., πολλοῖσι μὲν γὰρ βραχίων καὶ

πῆχυς ὅλος [ὅλως] περιεῤῥύη· οἷσι δ’ ἐπὶ τὰ πλευρὰ ταῦτα ἐκακοῦτο ἢ

τῶν ἔμπροσθέν τι ἢ τῶν ὄπισθεν· οἷσι δὲ ὅλος ὁ μηρὸς ἢ τὰ περικνήμια

ἐψιλοῦτο καὶ ποὺς ὅλος· ἢν δὲ πάντων χαλεπώτατον τῶν τοιούτων, ὅτε περὶ

ἥβην καὶ αἰδοῖα γενοίατο, καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ ἕλκεα καὶ μετὰ προφάσιος

τοιαῦτα· πολλοῖσι δὲ ἐν πυρετοῖσι καὶ πρὸ πυρετοῦ καὶ ἐπὶ πυρετοῖσι

ξυνέπιπτεν. (for translation see text above). For ἢ τὰ περικνήμια

ἐψιλοῦτο should evidently be read more correctly with _Galen_, De

temperam. bk. I., edit. Kühn Vol. I. p. 532. ἢ τὰ περὶ τὴν κνήμην

ἀπεψιλοῦτο.

[197] _Galen_, Vol. XVII. A. p. 674., Καὶ χωρὶς λοιμώδους

καταστάσεως, ὅταν ἐν τούτοις τοῖς χωρίοις ἤτοι φλεγμονή τις ἢ

ἐρυσίπελας γένηται, ῥᾷστά τε σήπεται καὶ συμπαθείας ἐργάζεται τῶν

ὑπερκειμένων μορίων· διὸ καὶ πολλάκις ἀναγκαζόμεθα _μετὰ τὸ περικόψαι

τὰ σεσηπότα τὴν χώραν ἐκκαίειν_· οὐδὲν οὖν θαυμαστὸν, τοιαύτης

καταστάσεως γινομένης ὡς καὶ βραχίονα καὶ μηρὸν καὶ κνήμην, πλευράν τε

καὶ κεφαλὴν διασήπειν, ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἥκειν κακώσεως τὰ περὶ αἰδοῖα....

Ἄχρι τοῦ νῦν ὁ λόγος αὐτῷ γέγονε περὶ τῶν ἐρυσιπελάτων, ὅσα δ’ ἕλκωσιν ἤ

τι μικρὸν οὕτως ἄλλο τῶν ἔξωθεν αἰτίων συνέστη· ἐφεξῆς δὲ περὶ τῶν ἄνευ

τοιαύτης αἰτίας γενομένων ποιήσεται τὸν λόγον. (for translation see

text above).

[198] Hippocrates moreover, Aphorism. Vol. I. p. 724., says:

τοῦ δὲ θέρεος ... καὶ _σηπεδόνες αἰδοίων_ καὶ ἵδρωα. (And in the Summer

... occur also _putrefactions of the privates_ and transpirations).

[199] Very possibly in many cases these affections of the

extremities and genital organs owed their existence to _anthrax_

or _carbuncle_; for not only does _Hippocrates_ (p. 487.) say that

ἄνθρακες πολλοὶ κατὰ θέρος καὶ ἄλλα ἃ σὴψ καλέεται (many cases

of malignant pustule in Summer-time, as well as other complaints

known under the general name of putrefaction) appeared under these

meteorological conditions, but _Galen_ likewise (Method. med. bk. XIV.,

edit. Kühn Vol. X. p. 980.) observed an _anthrax_ epidemic in Asia,

that itself began with numerous _phlyctaenae_ (blisterous swellings)

resembling millet seeds; these subsequently broke and gave rise to an

ἕλκος ἐσχαρῶδες (scabby sore). Indeed the destruction of the skin took

place even without the previous occurrence of _phlyctaenae_. πολλάκις

δὲ οὐ μία _φλύκταινα_ γεννᾶται κνησαμένων, ἀλλὰ _πολλαὶ_ μικραὶ καθάπερ

τινὲς κέγχροι καταπυκνοῦσαι τὸ μέρος ὧν ἐκρηγνυμένων ὁμοίως ἐσχαρῶδες

ἕλκος γεννᾶται· κατὰ _δὲ τοὺς ἐπιδημήσαντας ἄνθρακας ἐν Ἀσίᾳ καὶ

χωρὶς φλυκταινῶν_ ἐνίοις εὐθέως ἀπεδάρη τὸ δέρμα. (And often _not one

phlyctaena_ is originated on patients scratching themselves, but _many_

minute ones like millet seeds, closely covering the affected part;

and when these have broken, a kind of scabby sore is produced. And in

cases of _anthrax_ (malignant pustule), which was at one time epidemic

in Asia, in some patients even without there having been previous

_phlyctaenae_, the skin was immediately destroyed).—Comp. _Galen_, De

tumor. praeternat. Vol. VII. p. 719. Further, this information is in

any case of importance for the more correct appreciation of the facts

as to the Plague of Athens.

[200] _Thucydides_, Peloponnesian War, bk. II. ch. 49.,

Διεξῄει γὰρ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ σώματος ἄνωθεν ἀρξάμενον τὸ ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ

πρώτον ἱδρυθὲν κακόν· καὶ εἴ τις ἐκ τῶν μεγίστων περιγένοιτο, τῶν γε

ἀκρωτηρῖων ἀντίληψις _αὐτὸν_ ἐπεσήμαινε· κατέσκηπτε γὰρ ἐς αἰδοῖα καὶ

ἐς ἄκρας χεῖρας καὶ πόδας· καὶ πολλοὶ στερισκόμενοι τούτων διέφευγον·

(for translation see text above). In this passage it is usual to

read ἀντίληψις _αὐτοῦ_ ἐπεσήμαινε, supplying κακοῦ from the previous

clause to go with αὐτοῦ—(the seizure of the disease itself on the

extremities manifested itself); but even supposing the double genitive

with ἀντίληψις defensible, the construction is still very awkward,

and is made still more so by the fact that in taking it this way we

are compelled to translate ἐπεσήμαινε by “manifested itself” (mali

vis, apprehendens extremas corporis partes se prodebat, manifestam

faciebat,—the strength of the disease declared itself, made itself

manifest, in seizing the extremities of the body,—is Wittenbach’s

interpretation, Select. Hist. p. 367.), without by so doing obtaining

any clear meaning of the sentence. On the other hand this is got

directly we read with _Reiske_ (Annotations p. 21. in his “Thucydides

Reden, übersetzt von Reiske, nebst lateinischen Anmerkungen über

dessen gesammtes Werk,”—Speeches in Thucydides translated into German

by Reiske, together with Latin Notes on his “Histories” generally,

Leipzig 1761. 8vo.) ἀντίληψις _αὐτὸν_ ἐπεσήμαινε,—a seizure put its

mark on him. But whether αὐτοῦ is read or αὐτὸν in any case it will

be impossible to take the sentence as _Kraus_, p. 54., has done, when

he says: “The pustulous suppurative eruption begins with the head and

spreads little by little over the entire body even to the hands and

feet. The fact that Thucydides had the eruption especially in his

mind when he speaks of the gradual spread of the evil throughout the

whole body is shown by the expressions chosen by him “The disease goes

through the entire body and _marks_ (ἐπεσήμαινε) hands and feet.” Now

by what other of the symptoms mentioned would the affection of the

hands and feet have been likely to make itself evident except by the

eruption?” There must surely be few readers of Thucydides capable of

putting so radically false an interpretation on the Historian’s words.

[201] _Lucretius_, De rerum natura bk. VI. 1205 sqq.

[202] _Kraus_, “Ueber das Alter der Menschenpocken,“—(On the Antiquity

of Small-pox), Hanover 1825., pp. 54 sqq.

[203] _Paulinus Fabius_, Praelectiones Marciae, etc. 352 (but he

_defends_ his accuracy, as do Lambinus and Mercurialis),—_Scuderi_ Pt.

I. p. 126. To these we may add _Petr. Victorius_, Variar. lect. bk.

XXXV. ch. 8.

[204] As in the Antonine Plague in the year 235 A. D.,—_Galen_, De

usu part. III. ch. 5., De prob. pravisque alimentor. succ. ch. 1.,

edit. Kühn Vol. VI. p. 749.; _Cyprian_, Works, Venice 1728. fol., p.

465.—Further note _Hecquet_, “Obs. sur la chute des os du pied dans

une femme attaquée d’une fèvre maligne,” (Observations on the Falling

in of the Bones of the Foot in the case of a Woman attacked by a

Malignant Fever), in Memoires de Paris 1746. Histor. p. 40.—_J. C.

Brebis_, De sphacelo totius fere faciei post superatam febrem malignam

oborto, (On the Mortification of almost the whole Face supervening

after Recovery from a Malignant Fever), in Act. Acad. N. C. Vol. IV.

p. 206.—_Percival_ (Samml. auserles. Abh. Vol. XV. p. 335.) observed

during an epidemic of putrid fever at Manchester many patients

with violent erysipelas on the face and head; and in the Typhus

epidemics of 1806-1813, _von Hildebrand_ (“Ueber den ansteckenden

Typhus,”—On infectious Typhus), 2nd. edition, Vienna 1814., p. 200.

and _Horn_ (“Erfahrungen über die Heilung des ansteckenden Nerven- und

Lazarethfiebers,”) (Experiences in the Cure of infections Nervous and

Hospital Fevers), 2nd. edition, Berlin 1814., pp. 49, 71. saw violent

inflammations of an erysipelas character set up in the nose, elbows,

fingers and particularly the toes of their patients, which rapidly

passed over into mortification.

[205] A further, question arises whether we should not read, instead of

κατέσκηπτε γὰρ καὶ ἐς τὰ αἰδοῖα (for it attacked the genitals also),

κατέσκηπτε γὰρ _κακὸν_ ἐς τὰ αἰδοῖα (for mischief, evil, attacked the

genitals).

[206] _Joseph Franc_, Prax. med. univ. praecept. Pt. I. Vol. III.

sect. 2., Typhus, ch. 2. § 4. Note 11. Observation 108., says:

“Notwithstanding the fact that in the General Hospital of Vienna

Venereal patients were separated from others, yet it often happened at

the time I was Physician in Chief there, that patients suffering from

concealed Venereal disease or paying patients were admitted into the

common Wards. Now if one or the other got typhus, or if such a patient

was already lying there, or was brought there, _the Venereal cases

without exception took the typhus_, and particularly so during the

mercurial treatment.”

[207] _Schönlein_, “Vorlesungen”, (Prelections), Vol. II. p. 48., “The

syphilitic exanthema either remains stationary when typhus arises, or

disappears instantly and for ever—or the part affected with syphilis

becomes gangrenous.” _Neumann_, “Specielle Pathologie und Therapie”,

(Special Pathology and Therapeutics), Vol. II. p. 107., “Violent,

severe typhoïdal fevers cure syphilis completely; its symptoms

disappear with the commencement of the illness and never return.—Again

after Petechial fever I have in most cases observed that the syphilis

troubles that disappeared at its commencement never came back again.”

_Historical_ vouchers will be afforded in plenty by our later

investigations.

[208] Works, Vol. I. p. 765. Epistola ad Amunem, monachum. (Letter to

Amunis, a monk).

[209] _Euripides_, Alcestis 98.,

πυλῶν πάροιθεν δ’ οὐχ ὁρῶ

πηγαῖον ὡς νομίζεται

χέρνιβ ’ἐπὶ φθιτῶν πύλαις,

χαίτα τ’ οὔτις ἐπὶ προθύροις

τομαῖος, ἃ δὴ νεκύων

πένθει πιτνεῖ.

(Before the doors I see no lustral water from the fountain, as is wont

at the doors of the departed, and in the forecourt is no shorn hair,

which is ever cut in mourning for the dead.) Comp. _Kirchmann_, De

funeribus Rom. (On Roman Funerals) bk. I. last ch., bk. II, ch. 15.

_Lomeier_, De veterum gentil. lustrationibus (On Public Purifications

among the Ancients), ch. 16. _Casaubon_, On the “Characters” of

Theophrastus, ch. 16.

[210] It may be mentioned by way of supplement that Leprosy among the

Ancients was pretty nearly universally regarded as a punishment from

the gods. Even the Greeks held this view, as comes out clearly from

_Aeschylus_, Choeph. II. 2. This fact points to various conclusions as

to liability to infection in Leprosy and the obscurity in which the

causes of the disease are involved.

[211] In accordance with the explanations given on a previous page

it might be thought quite conceivable that so long as the hymen

was intact, a part of the mucous discharge of the vagina and of

the menstrual blood was retained, and acquired a certain degree of

malignity. This acting on points of the penis where the surface had

been accidentally broken in the act of defloration, or even on the

mucous membrane of the urethra, might exert an injurious influence.

[212] _Euripides_, Iphigeneia in Tauris 380. _Porphyrius_, bk. II. περὶ

Ἀποχῆς (On Abstinence), _Dio Chrysostom_, Homily XIII, on Epist. to

Ephesians.—_Theophrastus_, Charact. ch. 16.—_Th. Bartholinus_, Antiq.

veteris puerperii synopsis (Synopsis of Antiquities of Childbirth in

Old Times). Copenhagen 1646. 8vo.

[213] Deipnosoph. bk. XII. p. 518., Πάντες δὲ οἱ πρὸς ἑσπέραν οἰκοῦντες

βάρβαροι πιττοῦνται καὶ ξυροῦνται τὰ σώματα· καὶ παρά γε τοῖς Τυῤῥηνοῖς

ἐργαστήρια κατεσκεύασται πολλὰ, καὶ τεχνῖται τούτου τοῦ πράγματός

εἰσιν, ὥσπερ παρ’ ἡμῖν οἱ κουρεῖς· παρ’ οὓς ὅταν εἰσέλθωσι, παρέχουσιν

ἑαυτοὺς πάντα τρόπον, οὐδὲν αἰσχυνόμενοι τοὺς ὁρῶντας, οὐ δὲ τοὺς

παριόντας· χρῶντοι δὲ τούτῳ τῷ νόμῳ πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ τῶν τὴν

Ἰταλίαν οἰκούντων, μαθόντες παρὰ Σαμνιτῶν καὶ Μεσαπίων. (Now all the

Barbarians that dwell towards the West, use pitch as a depilatory,

and shave their bodies. Indeed amongst the Tyrrhenians establishments

are fitted up in numbers for this purpose, and there are artistes who

practise this profession, like barbers among ourselves. And when men

go into their shops, they expose themselves in every part, feeling no

shame of spectators nor of passers-by. And this custom is followed

also by many of the Greeks and of the inhabitants of Italy, who have

learned it from Samnites and Messapians). The depilation of men and

boys was attended to by women (_Martial_, XI. 79.) at the period of the

highest degree of dissoluteness; in fact there was a special guild of

such women, known as _ustriculae_. _Tertullian_, De pallio ch. 4. In

the same way men performed this service for women, as e. g. _Domitian_,

according to _Suetonius_, ch. 22., Erat fama, quasi concubinas ipse

develleret (Rumour went, to the effect that the Emperor used to “pluck”

his mistresses with his own hand,)—and _Heliogabalus_ according to

_Lampridius_, ch. 31., In balneis semper cum mulieribus fuit, ita ut

eas ipse psilothro curaret, ipse quoque barbam psilothro accurans,

quodque pudendum dictu est, eodem quo mulieres accurabantur, et eadem

hora. Rasit et virilia subactoribus suis ad novaculam manu sua, qua

postea barbam fecit. (At the baths he was always with the women,

going so far as to apply the “psilothrum” (a depilatory) in their

treatment himself, finishing off his own beard also with “psilothrum”,

and using, disgusting to relate, the same as the women were being

treated with, and at one and the same time. Moreover he shaved his

debauchees’ (pathics) privates to the navel with his own hand, and then

shaved his own beard).

[214] They used to remove the hair on the _face_ (_Martial_, III. 74.),

from the _nose_ (Ovid, Art. Amand. I. 520.), on the arches of the

_eyebrows_ (Cicero, Orat. pro Roscio), from the armpits (_Juvenal_,

XIV. 194., _Seneca_, Epist. 115.), on the _arms_ (_Martial_, III. 63.),

the _hands_ (_Martial_, V. 41.), on the _legs_ (_Juvenal_, IX. 12.) As

to the beard, that has already been spoken of.

[215] _Martial_, II. 62., Cui praestas culum, quem, Labiene, pilas. (To

whom you give your fundament, Labienus, that you strip of hair).

[216] _Martial_, II. 62.,

Quod pectus, quod crura tibi, quod brachia vellis,

Quod cincta est brevibus _mentula tonsa_ pilis,

Haec praestas, Labiene, tuae, quis nescit? amicae.

(You pluck your chest, your legs, your arms, your _shaven member_ is

surrounded by short hair,—all these pains you offer, everyone knows it,

to your mistress.) Bk. IX. 27.,

Cum _depilatos_, Chreste _coleos_ portes,

Et _vulturino mentulam parem collo_,

Et prostitutis laevius caput culis,

Nec vivat ullus in tuo pilus crure

Purgentque crebrae cana labra volsellae etc.

(For you have _your testicles freed from hair_, Chrestus, and _your

member like a vulture’s neck_, and your head smoother than those

posteriors that you prostitute. Not a hair lives on your leg, and

frequent application of the tweezers keeps clean your shaven lips,

etc.) Comp. Bk. IX. 48. 58. _Suetonius_, Otho 12. _Persius_, IV. 37.

_Ausonius_, 131.

[217] _Aristophanes_, Lysistrat. 151.,

Εἰ γὰρ καθῄμεθ’ ἔνδον ἐντετριμμέναι

κἀν τοῖς χιτωνίοισι τοῖς ἀμοργίνοις

γυμναὶ παρίοιμεν, _δέλτα παρατετιλμέναι_,

στύοιντ’ ἂν ἅνδρες κἀπιθυμοῖεν πλεκοῦν.

(For if we sat within doors anointed with unguents, and if we appeared

lightly clad in robes of Amorgian flax, _our bellies plucked clear of

hair_, the men would all have erections, and would be fain to lie with

us.) For the same reason Mnesilochus was freed of hair on the genitals

and in all other parts of the body, so as not to be recognised in the

assemblage of women.

[218] Aristophanes, Eccl. 718., says of prostitutes:

καὶ τάς γε δούλας οὐχὶ δεῖ κοσμουμένας

τὴν τῶν ἐλευθέρων ὑφαρπάζειν Κύπριν,

ἀλλὰ παρὰ τοῖς δούλοισι κοιμᾶσθαι μόνον.

κατωνάκῃ _τὸν χοῖρον ἀποτετιλμένας_.

(And the slave-women ought not to bedizen themselves and snatch

away the love that is free-women’s by rights; but should lie with

slaves only, their pudenda plucked clean to please the wearer of the

smock.) Frogs 515., Ξ. πῶς λέγεις; ὀρχηστρίδες; Θ. ἡβυλλιῶσαι κἄρτι

παρατετιλμέναι (Xanthius. What say you? dancing-girls? Therap. Yes!

young wenches, just _plucked clean_). Comp. Lysistrat. 88.

[219] _Martial_, bk. XII. Epigr. 32.,

Nec plena turpi matris olla resina

Summoenianae qua pilantur uxores.

(Nor yet your mother’s jars full of foul resin, wherewith the suburban

dames free themselves of hair.)

[220] Martial, bk. X. Epigr. 90.,

Quid vellis _vetulum_, Ligella, _cunnum_?

Quid busti cineres tui lacessis?

Tales _munditiae_ decent puellas.

Erras, si tibi cunnus hic videtur,

Ad quem mentula pertinere desit.

(Why pluck you bare, Ligella, _your old organ_? why vex you the ashes

of your tomb? Such _nice allurements_ are for girls. You are mistaken

if you think yours is of a sort that a man’s member should be fain

to belong to it.) This passage, together with those quoted a little

above from Aristophanes and Theopompus, will explain sufficiently what

_Horace_ (Sat. I. 2. v. 36.) meant by his “mirator _cunni_ Cupiennius

_albi_,” (Cupiennius admirer of a _white organ_), for the _albus_

(white) here evidently stands for _rasus_, _depilatus_, _nudus_,

(shaven, freed from hair, bare); as in _Juvenal_, Sat. I. 111., Nuper

in hanc urbem _pedibus_ qui venerat _albis_, (Who but now had arrived

in this city with white, i. e. bare, feet.) The commentators have

hitherto always explained it by _matrona stola alba_, seu _candida_,

_vestita_, (a matron clad in a white, or glistening-white, robe),

because, as _Heindorf_ puts it, no other interpretation is to hand.

But really there are several possible explanations on similar lines.

It might be for “_canus_ cunnus”, (hoary, aged; organ) (_Martial_, bk.

IX. 38., bk. II. 34.), though again the meaning of _depilatus_ (free

of hair), in another sense, might equally well be at the bottom of

this, as is the case with _cana labra_ (hoary, white, lips)—IX. 28. Or

_albus_ (white) may be taken as synonymous with _increta_, _cerussata_

(whitened with chalk, painted with ceruse), to which _Martial_ supplies

the explanation, when he says (III. 42.),

Lomento rugas uteri quod condere tentas,

Polla, tibi ventrem, non mihi labra linis;

(When you endeavour to hide the wrinkles on your stomach with powder,

’tis your own belly, Polla, not my lips, you smear with the stuff),—as

also bk. IX. 3., Illa _siligineis_ pinguescit adultera _cunnis_,

(It—i. e. your penis—in adulterous loves, grows fat on women’s organs

powdered with fine wheaten flour); [but another way of taking the line

is: She, i. e. your mistress,—adulterous dame, grows fat on wheaten

cakes—cakes baked in the shape of _cunni_.] The _Lomentum_, which is

not derived from _lavimentum_ or _lavamentum_ (something to wash with),

as Scheller, following Voss, makes it to be, but from the Greek λείωμα

faba communita (_ground_ beans), was bean-meal (_Vegetius_, De re

veterin. V. 62., says: in subtilissimo lomento, hoc est farina fabacea,

(in the finest _lomentum_, that is bean-flour.); and at the present

day the Japanese, it seems, according to _Thunberg_, use a kind of

bean-meal instead of soap. Roman ladies were most careful to maintain

the _aequor ventris_ (smoothness of the belly)—_Aulus Gellius_, Noctes

Att. I. 2.); whence _Martial_, (III. 72.) says, addressing Laufella,

who refuses to bathe with him:

Aut tibi pannosae pendent a pectore mammae

Aut _sulcos uteri_ prodere nuda times.

(Either your breasts hang flabby from your bosom, or you fear, if you

strip, to betray the furrows on your belly.) To obviate wrinkles on

the face, they sprinkled their faces with chalk; and so _Petronius_,

(Satyr. ch. 23.) says: et inter rugas malarum tantum erat cretae, ut

putares detectum parietem nimbo laborare, (and amidst the wrinkles of

the cheeks was so much chalk, that you would think a partition-wall

had been stripped and was wrapped in a cloud of dust); and we read

in _Lucian’s_ poem (Greek Anthology, Bk. II. tit. 9.) μὴ τοίνυν τὸ

πρόσωπον ἅπαν ψιμύθῳ κατάπλαττε. (Now don’t besmear all your face with

ceruse). However if _cunnus must_ be taken as equivalent to _femina_

(a woman), it would be on all fours with _albus amicus_ (white,

white-faced, friend) in _Martial_ (bk. X. 12.), which _Farnabius_

explains by σκιατρόφος (reared in the shade, delicate), answering

more or less to our “_Whey-face_”. At any rate _any_ of these

interpretations are for certain nearer the truth than the _stola alba_

(clad in _a white robe_) one.

[221] Italae nonnullae se depiles tangere amant circa partes hymenaeo

sacras, _veritae foetationem morpionum_ (Some Italian women like

to feel the skin bare of hair round those parts that are sacred to

marriage, _fearing the foul breeding of lice_), writes _Rolfink_,

“Ordo et methodus generationi dicat. partium cognoscendi fabricam,”

(Orderly and Systematic Knowledge of the Structure of the Parts

devoted to Procreation). Jena 1664. 4to., p. 185. This may have been

one motive among the Ancients also for the removal of the hair, for

Aristotle in his time (Hist. Anim. bk. V. ch. 25.) is acquainted with

felt-lice (crabs), and calls them φθεῖρες ἄγριοι (wild lice), without

however mentioning what part of the person they infest. His words are:

ἔστι δὲ γένος φθειρῶν, _οἳ καλοῦνται ἄγριοι_, καὶ σκληρότεροι τῶν

ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς γιγνομένων· εἰσὶ δὲ οὗτοι καὶ δυσαφαίρετοι ἀπὸ τοῦ

σώματος. (There is another kind of lice, _called wild lice_, and more

troublesome than the common sort. It is most difficult to rid the body

of these). _Celsus_, De re medica bk. VI. chs. 6. and 15., mentions

them as occurring in the eye-lashes: Genus quoque vitii est, qui inter

pilos palpebrarum pediculi nascuntur. φθειρίασιν Graeci nominant.

(There is another kind of taint, lice that breed among the hair of the

eyelids; it is called in Greek φθειρίασις—lousiness.)

[222] _Lockervitzens, Christ._ Disp. II on Circumcision, Witepsk 1679.

4to.—_Antonius_, Dissertation on the Circumcision of the Gentiles,

Leipzig 1682. 4to.—_Grapius_, Did Abraham borrow Circumcision from

the Egyptians? Rostock 1699. 4to. Jena 1722. 4to.—_Vogel_, Graduation

Exercise on Questions as to the Advantages of the Medical Employment

of Circumcision, Göttingen 1763. 4to.—_Hofmann_, On Circumcision as

deserving of the name of an Old Testament Sacrament. Altorf 1770.

4to.—_Ackermann, J. Ch. G._, “Aufsätze über die Beschneidung” (Essays

on Circumcision) in _Weise’s_ “Materialien für Gottesgelahrtheit

und Religion,” (Materials for Theological and Religious Study),

1 vol. Gera 1784. 8vo., pp. 50 sqq. comp. _Blumenbach’s_ Med.

Biblioth. Vol. I. p. 482.—_Meiners_, Christ., De circumcisionis

origine et causis, (On the Origin and Reasons of Circumcision), in

Commentat. Societ. Göttingen Vol. XIV. pp. 207 sqq.—_Borhek_, “Is

Circumcision Hebraic by First Origin? and What prompted Abraham

to its Introduction? A Historico-exegetical Enquiry,” Duisburg

and Lemgo 1793. 8vo.—_Bauer, F. W._ “Description of the Religious

Constitution of the Ancient Jews.” Leipzig 1805. large 8vo. Vol. I.

pp. 76 sqq.—_Cohen, Moses_,“Dissertation on Circumcision, regarded

under its Religious, Hygienic and Pathological Aspects”. Paris 1816.

4to.—_Brück, A. Th._ “A Word on the Advantages of Circumcision,” in

Rust’s Magaz. Vol. VII. 1820. pp. 222-28.—_Hofmann, A. G._ in Ersch

and Gruber’s “Encyclopaedie”, _Circumcision_, Vol. IX, (1822) pp.

265-70.—_Autenrieth, J. H._, “Treatise on the Origin of Circumcision

among savage and semi-savage Peoples, with reference to the

Circumcision of the Israelites; together with a Critique by C. Chr. von

Flatt.” Tübingen 1829, large 8vo.

[223] _Herodotus_, Hist. Bk. II. ch. 104. _Origen_, Bk. V. ch. 41.

Works edit. De la Rue, Vol. I. p. 609 D.—_Cyril_, Contra Julian. Bk. X.

edit. Spanhem. p. 354. B.—_Diodorus Siculus_, Bk. I. ch. 28.—_Strabo_,

Geograph. Bk. XVII. ch. 2. 5. edit. Siebenkess. In _Sanchuniathon_

(Fragments edit. Orelli, p. 36.) Circumcision is actually referred back

to Cronos.

[224] _Ludolf_, Histor. Aethiop. Bk. III. ch. 1. pp. 30 sqq. _Paulus_,

“Sammlg. morgenländischer Reisebeschreibg.” (Collection of Descriptions

of Eastern Travel), Pt. III. p. 83.

[225] Forster’s “Beobachtungen,” (Observations), p. 842.—Cook’s Last

Voyage, Vol. I. p. 387., Vol. II. pp. 161, 233.

[226] _J. Gumilla_, “Histoire de l’Oronoque,” (Hist. of Oronoko),

Avignon 1708. Vol. I. p. 183. _Veigl_ in _Murr’s_ “Sammlung der Reisen

einiger Missionare,” (Collection of Travels of Various Missionaries),

p. 67.—_de Pauw_, “Reflections sur les Américains,” (Reflections

on the Natives of America), Vol. II. p. 148. _Spizelius, Theoph._,

Elevatio revelationis Montezinianae de repertis in America tribubus

Israeliticis, (Confutation of the Montezinian revelation as to the

Finding of the lost Tribes of Israel in America.) Bâle 1661. 8vo.

_Burdach_, Physiology. Vol. III. p. 386.

[227] Gospel of St. John, Ch. VII. v. 23., Εἰ περιτομὴν λαμβάνει

ἄνθρωπος ἐν σαββάτῳ, ἵνα μὴ λυθῇ ὁ νόμος Μωσέως, ἐμοὶ χολᾶτε ὅτι ὅλον

ἄνθρωπον _ὑγιῆ ἐποίησα_ ἐν σαββάτῳ. (for translation see text above).

[228] I Samuel, Ch. XVII. v. 14. It is true we find even in Genesis the

covenant with Jehovah celebrated by Abraham by means of circumcision;

but it was in later times only in each case that this custom was

referred back to him as being racial father of the Nation. For the same

reason in the case of Joshua the matter is so represented as if the

Jews had been already circumcised at their expulsion from Egypt. If

this had really and truly been the case, it is impossible to see why

circumcision was not carried out on those born on the march to Canaan.

They were perfectly able to keep other laws, and they could have

observed this too, if it had been given them at the time!

[229] Leviticus, Ch. XIX. v. 6.

[230] Leviticus, Ch. XII. v. 3.

[231] _J. G. Hofmann_, De causa foecunditatis gentis circumcisae in

circumcisione quaerenda, (On the Reason for the Fertility of the

Circumcised Race to be sought in the fact of their Circumcision),

Leipzig 1739. 4to.—_S. B. Wolfsheimer_, De causis fecunditatis

Hebraeorum nonnullis sacr. cod. praeceptibus nitentibus, (On the Causes

of the Fertility of the Jews as dependent upon certain Precepts of the

Sacred Volumes), Halle 1742.—_Bauer_, loco citato Vol. I. p. 63.

[232] The Talmud says: Quicunque Israelita liberis operam non dat, est

velut _homicida_. (An Israelite, whoever he be, that fails to give heed

to the procreation of children, is a kind of _murderer_). _Selden_,

Uxor. Hebraic. Bk. I. ch. 9.

[233] _Stoll_, Praelectiones in diversos morbos chronicos, (Lectures

on certain Chronic Diseases), Vol. I. p. 96, writes as follows:

Antiquissimum cum _Henslero_ pronuntiavi, atque inter Aegyptios,

Judaeos, Graecos dein et Romanos perfrequentem _ut quasdam harum

gentium consuetudines, mores, leges ac statuta forte inde possis

repertere_.... Sic praeceptum _circumcisionis_, antiquissima plane

consuetudo, idcirco fortassis instituta fuerat, atque tanquam ritus

sacer, tanquam praeceptum quoddam, de quo dispensari nemo queat,

introducebatur, quod circumcisus videatur difficilius morbum urethrae

contrahere, rariusque ablato scilicet praeputio, intra quod virus

haeret, rodit, cancros facit, quod et ipsum efficitur pessime in

phymosi, paraphymosi. Glans ipsa in homine minus facile virus resorbere

videtur, occallescens nempe.... Nota viriginitatis sedulo examinata est

in neonuptis puellis; custodia foeminarum per totum orientem; adulterii

crimen, maxime foeminarum, morte expiatum _videntur docere, scivisse

antiquitatem remotissimam, morbum quendam gravem, immundum volgivaga

Venere dari et communicari_. (With _Hensler_ I pronounce it—Venereal

disease—to be of most ancient origin, and to have been of such

frequency among the Egyptians, Jews, as well as the Greeks and Romans,

that it may well _be possible to discover in it the cause of sundry

habits, customs, laws and enactments of these Peoples_.... For instance

the precept of circumcision, evidently an extremely ancient custom, was

very possibly first instituted for this reason, and was introduced in

the guise of a sacred rite, a ceremonial precept from which there can

be no dispensation, because the circumcised man would seem less readily

to contract disease of the urethra, and in cases where the prepuce has

been removed, inside which the poison remains adherent and corrodes,

less frequently suffers from chancres, an effect that follows in its

worst form in phymosis and paraphymosis. The _glans penis_ itself in

a man thus treated seems to absorb the poison less easily, being in

fact grown partially callous.... The fact that the sign of virginity

was scrupulously examined in newly married virgins, the careful guard

kept over women throughout the East, the penalty of death attached to

the crime of adultery, especially in women, _all seem to show that the

remotest Antiquity was aware of some serious, foul disease being given

and communicated by indiscriminate Love_.

[234] _Strabo_, Geograph. Bk. XVII. ch. 11. § 5.—_Reland_, De religione

Muhamedan., (On the Mohammedan Religion), p. 75. _Niebuhr_, Description

of Arabia, p. 70.

[235] _Seezen_, in a letter to von Hammer on the Mines of the East.

Vol. I. p. 65.

[236] _Paulus_, “Sammlung morgenländ. Reisebeschreibg.,” (Collection

of Descriptions of Eastern Travel), Vol. III. p. 83.—_Olivier’s_

“Reise in Aegypten, Syrien, etc.,” (Travels in Egypt, Syria, etc.), p.

413.—_Seezen_, loco citato p. 65. Perhaps even the ancient Egyptians

circumcised maids in their time. _Ambrosius_, Abraham Bk. II. ch.

11., in Works Vol. I. p. 347., Paris edition of 1686. _Galen_, De usu

partium Bk. XV.

[237] _Ludolf_, History of the Ethiopians Bk. III. ch. 1.

[238] _Chardin_, Voyages en Perse, (Travels in Persia), Vol. X. p. 76.,

Amsterdam edition.

[239] _Mungo Park_, Travels p. 180.—Voyage au pays de Bambouc, (Journey

to the Land of Bambuk), p. 48.

[240] _Veigl’s_ “Gründliche Nachrichten von der Landschaft Maynas in

Südamerika,” (Trustworthy Account of the Province of Maynas in South

America), in _Murr’s_ “Sammlung der Reisen einiger Missionarien von der

Gesellschaft Jesu,” (Collection of the Travels of various Missionaries

of the Society of Jesus), Nüremberg 1785., p. 67.

[241] _Plutarch_, On Isis and Osiris ch. 94. Hence we commonly find

among the Ancients the custom, merely after the evacuation of urine

and fæces, of cleansing the parts concerned. Accordingly _Josephus_,

De Bello Judaic. Bk. II. ch. 8., says: καίπερ δὲ φυσικῆς οὔσης τῆς

τῶν σωματικῶν λυμάτων ἐκκρίσεως ἀπολούεσθαι μετ’ αὐτὴν, καθάπερ

μεμιασμένοις, ἔθιζον. (And even though the evacuation of the bodily

defilements was in the course of nature, they were accustomed to wash

themselves after it, as in the case of men polluted). The Romans used

for the purpose a sponge fastened to the end of a stick, as we see from

_Seneca_, Letter 70, where he says: Lignum, quod ad emendanda obscoena

adhaerente spongia positum est, totum in gulam sparsit, (The stick

that is placed with a sponge fixed to it for cleansing filth, this he

shook right in his mouth). Slaves took stones, bulbs, etc. for the

purpose. _Aristophanes_, Plut. IV. 1. After making water it was usual

to wash the hands. _Petronius_, Satyr. 27. Exonerata ille vesica, aquam

poposcit ad manus. (After relieving his bladder, he asked for water for

his hands). This care for cleanliness roused, as mentioned before, the

utmost anger on the part of Saint Athanasius; but it is to this day the

custom among the Turks, for it is enjoined by the Koran (Sure IV. 42.),

even adding that only one hand ought to be used (_Niebuhr_, Description

of Arabia, p. 78.), namely the _left_. The same hand was used also by

the Romans, as well as perhaps by all ancient Peoples. Hence _Martial_

says, bk. XI. 59., sed lota mentula laeva.... (but my member, when

my left hand has been washed....). With the left hand, amica manus

(the _mistress_ hand), masturbation was performed, _Martial_, IX. 42.

XI. 74.; it served to cover the genitals, _Lucian_, Amor. 13., hence

according to _Ovid_, Ars amandi, Bk. II. 613.

Ipsa Venus pubem quoties velamina ponit,

Protegitur laeva semireducta manu

(Venus herself, as oft as she lays aside her garments, half withdrawn

covers herself with her left hand), and Priapus is represented in Art

holding the penis with the left hand, Priapeia 24. 34. If we are not

mistaken, this was also the case with Horus among the Egyptians. What

has just been said explains at the same time the reason why the left

hand has from of old been held in disrepute, an idea still preserved in

the expression, to marry, to be married, _with the left hand_.

[242] _Friedr. Hoffmann_, Diss. med. 3., asserit luem Veneream

Constantinopolidos non grassari, quod feminae munditiei apprime

studiosae post opus aquam sumant et locos diligenter colluant (asserts

that Venereal disease is not prevalent at Constantinople, because

the women being extremely careful of cleanliness take water after

their work and scrupulously wash the parts), says _Astruc_, I. p.

108. This is further confirmed by _Oppenheim_, “Ueber den Zustand der

Heilkunde etc. in der Türkei,” (On the Condition of Medical Science

etc. in Turkey), Hamburg 1838., p. 81., who writes: “Without the great

cleanliness of the Turks, who after any single occasion of coition not

only practise washing, but wherever at all possible, go to the bath as

well, the disease (Venereal) would undoubtedly be still more widely

spread.”

[243] Herodotus, Histor. Bk. I. ch. 198., Ὁσάκις δ’ ἂν μιχθῇ γυναικὶ

τῇ ἑωυτοῦ ἀνὴρ Βαβυλώνιος περὶ θυμίημα καταγιζόμενον ἵζει· ἑτέρωθι δὲ

ἡ γυνὴ τὠυτὸ τοῦτο ποιέει· ὄρθρου δὲ γενομένου λοῦνται καὶ ἀμφότεροι·

ἄγγεος γὰρ ουδενος ἅψονται πρὶν ἂν λούσωνται· ταὐτὰ δὲ ταῦτα καὶ Ἀράβοι

ποιεῦσι. (for translation see text above).

[244] _Eusebius_, Praeparat. evangel. p. 475. C., Μηδὲ εἰς ἱερὰ

εἰσιέναι ἀπὸ γυναικῶν ἀλούτοις ἐνομοθέτησαν. (And they enjoined that

men should not enter into temples unwashed after women).

[245] _Chaeremon_ in _Porphyry_, περὶ ἀποχ. bk. IV. §. 7, The

expression _pollutiones_ (pollutions) for nocturnal ejaculation of seed

shows the Romans also saw a defilement in this. Comp. _Heinsius_ on

Ovid’s Art of Love, bk. III. 96.

[246] Josephus, Contra Apionem, bk. II. p. 1381., καὶ _μετὰ τὴν νομιμὸν

συνουσίαν_ ἄνδρος καὶ γυναικὸς ἀπολούσασθαι _κελεύει ὁ νόμος_· ψυχῆς τε

καὶ σώματος ἐγγίνεται μολυσμός. (Even _after the lawful intercourse_ of

man and wife _the Law orders_ men to wash: a defilement both of soul

and body ensues).

[247] _Philo Judaeus_, De special. legg., τοσαύτην δ’ ἔχει πρόνοιαν

ὁ νόμος τοῦ μηδ’ ἐπὶ γάμοις νεωτερίζεσθαι, ὥστε καὶ τοὺς συνιόντας

εἰς ὁμιλίαν ἄνδρας καὶ γυναῖκας κατὰ τοὺς ἐπὶ γάμοις θεσμοὺς, ὅταν

εὐνῆς ἀπαλλάττωντο, οὐ πρότερον ἐᾷ τινος ψαύειν ἢ _λουτροῖς_ καὶ

_περιῤῥαντηρίοις χρῆσθαι_. (But the Law takes such precautions that

nothing strange and unlawful be done in marriage, that it suffers

not even such as come together in intercourse, men and women united

according to the laws of marriage, when they quit the bed, to touch

anything before they have _employed baths and sprinklings_.) The

same Writer, De mercede meretricis non accepienda in sacrar., (Of

Harlots’ Hire not meet to be Taken in the Holy Place), Works edit.

Mangey Vol. II. p. 265., moreover states that in his time the public

women made frequent use of warm baths.

[248] _Europa_ bathed in Crete after coition with Zeus (Antigonus

Carystius, Hist. mirab. 179.), Venus after the first embraces of Vulcan

(Athenaeus, Deipnos. XV. p. 681.), Ceres after lying with Neptune

(Pausanias, Arcad. p. 256.).

[249] In Amor. 42. Lucian says of the women (Hetaerae), νύκτας ἐπὶ

τούτοις διηγούμεναι, καὶ τοὺς ἑτερόχρωτας ὕπνους καὶ θηλύττητος εὐνὴν

γέμουσαν· _ἀφ’ ἧς ἀναστὰς ἕκαστος εὐθὺ λουτροῦ χρεῖός ἐστι_. (passing

their nights in this way, enjoying indiscrimate sleep and a couch

teeming with wantonness; from the which each man when he has risen,

straightway is in need of bathing). _Hesiod_, Works and Days 731.,

writes,

μηδ’ αἰδοῖα γονῇ πεπαλαγμένος ἔνδοθι οἴκου

ἑστίη ἐμπελαδὸν παραφαινέμεν, ἀλλ’ ἀλέασθαι.

(Nor yet when done with generation, within the house hard by the hearth

expose the privates, but retire aside).

[250] _Persius_, Sat. II. 15.,

Haec sancte ut poscas, Tiberino in gurgite mergis

Mane caput bis terque et _noctem flumine purgas_.

(That you may make this request free from taint, you plunge your head

in Tiber’s flood twice and three times at dawn, and _purge away your

night in the stream_). _Gregory the Great_, Answers to ten Questions

of Augustine, first English Bishop: Vir cum propria uxore dormiens,

intrare ecclesiam, non debet, sed neque lotus intrare statim debet....

Et quamvis de hac re diversae hominum nationes diversa sentiant, atque

custodire videantur, _Romanorum tamen semper atque ab antiquioribus_

usus fuit, post ad mixtionem propriae coniugis et lavacrii

purificationem ab ingressu ecclesiae paullatim reverenter abstinere. (A

man sleeping with his own wife, ought not to enter a church, and not

even when washed ought he to enter immediately after.... And although

on this matter different nations of mankind hold different opinions

and appear to keep different customs, yet the Romans’ practice always

and from the most ancient times has ever been, that subsequently to

intercourse with his lawful wife and the purification of the bath a man

reverently abstain for a while from entering a church). For the same

reason _Tibullus_ says, Carmina bk. II. 1.,

Vos quoque abesse procul jubeo discedite ab aris,

Queis tulit hesterna gaudia nocte, Venus.

(You too I bid stand afar off, depart ye from the altars, to whom

yesternight Venus brought her joys). Comp. _Ovid_, Amor., bk. III.

eleg. 6.

[251] _Ovid_, Amor., bk. III. eleg. 7. 84.

Neve suae possent intactam scire ministrae,

Dedecus hoc _sumta_ dissimulavit _aqua_.

(And that her handmaids might not know her untouched, she dissembled

this disgrace by _taking water_).

_Ovid_, Ars Amandi, bk. III. 619.,

Scilicet obstabit custos ne scribere possis,

_Sumendae_ detur cum tibi tempus _aquae_.

(Of course your guard will put obstacles in the way to hinder your

writing, though time be given you for _taking water_).

_Martial_, bk. VII. Epigr. 34.,

Ecquid femineos sequeris matrona recessus?

Secretusque tua, cunne, lavaris aqua?

(What! do you a matron penetrate into women’s secret haunts? and by

stealth are you washed, O female organ, in the water that appertains

to you?) _Petronius_, Sat. 94., Itaque extra cellam processit, tanquam

_aquam peteret_. (And so she came forward outside her chamber, and

if she _were going for water_).—_Cicero_, Orat. pro Caelio, ch. 14.

represents his grandfather Appius Claudius Caecus, who (442 A. U. C.)

had constructed the Appian Way, say to his depraved granddaughter:

Ideo aquam adduxi ut ea tu inceste uterere? (Was it for this I brought

the water to Rome, that you might use it for abominable purposes?)

Comp. Casaubon on Cicero, Letters to Atticus, bk. I. Letter 16. For

the same reason women and girls who only rarely participated in sexual

intercourse were called _siccae_ (dry) (_Plautus_, Miles Glor. III.

1. 192. _Martial_, XI. Epigr. 82. _Petronius_, Sat. 37.), in contrast

to the _uda puella_ (wet girl) _Juvenal_, Sat. X. 321. _Martial_, XI.

17., who was obliged to wash herself frequently. So too _illota_ or

_illauta_ virgo (unwashed maid) stands for _intacta_ virgo (untouched

maid), as in _Plautus_, Poenul. I. sc. 2. 22. Nam quae lavata est,

nisi perculta est, meo quidem animo, quasi _illauta_ est. (For she who

is washed, unless she is bedecked as well, in my opinion, is as good

as _unwashed_). In fact the whole of this scene is important for our

subject.

[252] _Festus_, p. 19. under word _Aquarioli_: Aquarioli

dicebantur mulierum impudicarum sordidi asseclae. (Aquarioli, or

water-boys, a name given to the shameless attendants of immodest

women).—_Tertullian_, Apologet. ch. 43. They were also known as

_baccariones_ from baccarium, a word which _Isidor_ explains by

aquarium (a water vessel). An old Gloss says: baccario πορνοδιάκονος,

meritricibus aquam infundens (baccario, a prostitutes’ attendant, one

who pours water for whores); another: aquarioli, βαλλάδες, βαλλὰς, from

βάλλων ὕδωρ, ab aqua jaciunda (water-boys, or throwers, from throwing

water). These aquarioli at the same time carried on the business of

procurers; so _Juvenal_ says, Sat. VI. 331., veniet conductus aquarius.

(Some water-carrier will come, hired for the purpose). Comp. _Lipsius_,

Antiq. lect. I. 12. Hence also the word _aquaculare_ was used meaning

lenocinari (to be a pandar); see _Turnebus_, Adversar. XIV. 12. XXVIII.

5. Besides this they held themselves, especially in the public baths,

at the disposal of lustful women, very often earning in this way the

Bath farthing they had to pay. Probably Dasius in _Martial_, bk. II.

Epigr. 52., was such an Aquariolus.

Novit loturas Dasius numerare, poposcit

Mammosam Spatalen pro tribus, illa dedit.

(Dasius knew well how to count the women going to bathe; he asked

big-bosomed Spatalé the price for three, and she gave it). Hence the

_quadrantaria permutatio_ (farthing barter) in Cicero, Orat pro Caelio

ch. 26. Comp. _Juvenal_, Sat. VI. 428.,

Callidus et cristae digitos impressit aliptes,

Ac summum dominae femur exclamare coegit.

(The artful masseur too pressed his fingers on the clytoris, and

made the upper part of his mistress’ thigh resound under his hands).

From the passage of _Martial_ it follows that _Busch_, “Handbuch der

Erfindungen,” (Manual of Inventions), vol. II. p. 8., is mistaken in

saying: _Women_ and persons not yet adult had the bath _gratis_; in

fact in the passage from Juvenal, Sat. II. 152., quoted by him, it

is a question of boys only. For the rest, the Aquarioli recall the

λουτροφόροι (water-bearers) of the Greeks; these were boys, whose

duty it was to fetch the water for the Bride’s bath before marriage.

_Pollux_, Onomast. III. 43. _Harpocration_, under the word, p. 49.

_Meursius_, Ceramicus ch. 14. p. 40. _Böttiger_, “Vasen gemälde”

(Vase-painting), I. p. 143. Again the παρανύμφοι (groomsmen), who

anointed the bride, and as a rule were from 17 to 19 years old, may be

mentioned here by way of illustration. Hancarville, Antiquités Vol. I.

plate 45. Vol. III. plate 43. Vol. IV. plate 69.

[253] _Columella_, De re rust. bk. XII. ch. 4., His autem omnibus

placuit, eum, qui rerum harum officium susceperit, castum esse

continentemque oportere, quoniam totum in eo sit, ne contractentur

pocula vel cibi, nisi aut ab impubi aut certe abstinentissmo rebus

venereis. Quibus si fuerit operatus vel vir vel femina, debere eos

flumine aut perenni aqua, priusquam penora contingant, ablui. (But all

were agreed upon this, that he who should undertake the performance

of these duties ought to be chaste and continent, since all depends

on his care that drink and food be not defiled, unless indeed they

are prepared by one still immature or at any rate one extremely

self-restrained in the matter of love. But if it has been indulged in

by man or woman, they ought to be cleansed in the river or in flowing

water, before they touch the victuals). From what precedes the words

quoted, it may be conjectured that this custom prevailed also among the

Carthaginians and Greeks.

[254] _Propertius_, bk. III. eleg. 9., At primum pura somnum tibi

discute limpha. (But first shake off your sleep with pure water).

_Apuleius_, Metamorphos. bk. II., Confestim discussa pigra quiete,

alacer exsurgo meque purificandi studio, marino lavacro trado. (Soon

as ever dull sleep is shaken off, at once I briskly rise, and with

the desire of purification, I give myself to the bath of sea water.)

_Tacitus_, Germania ch. 22., Statim e somno, quem plerumque in diem

extrahunt, lavantur, saepius calida, ut apud quos plurimum hiems

occupat. (Immediately on rising from sleep, which as a rule they

prolong into the day-time, they wash, generally in warm water, as one

would expect among men whose winter lasts most of the year).

[255] _Lomeier_, De lustrationibus veterum gentium, (Of the Lustrations

of Ancient Peoples), ch. XVI. p. 167., Et Priapus iter ad fontem

monstrare dicebatur, quod qui quaeve viros experirentur lotione opus

haberent; (Moreover Priapus was said to point the way to the fountain,

because such men, or women as had intercourse, were in need of

washing); in confirmation of which he then alleges the passage quoted

in the text.

[256] _Martial_, Bk. II. Epigr. 50. Comp. bk. II. 70., bk. III. 69. 81.

_Petronius_, Sat. 67., Aquam in os non coniiciet. (He will not throw

water into his mouth).

[257] E. g. the Epigram of _Martial_ (VI. 81.) on Charidemus, who

according to VI, 56. was a _fellator_.

[258] _Martial_, bk. VII. Epigr. 34. 35.,

Inguina succinctus nigra tibi servus aluta

Stat, quoties calidis tota foveris aquis.

(A slave girt about the loins with a pouch of black leather stands by

you, as oft as you are washed all over with warm water). _Claudian_, I.

106.,

Pectebat dominae crines et saepe lavanti

Nudus in argento lympham portabat alumnae.

(He was wont to comb his mistress’ hair, and oft when she bathed, naked,

he would bring water for his lady in a silver ewer).

[259] _Dio Cassius_, Histor. bk. XLIX. ch. 43., τά τε βαλανεῖα προῖκα

δι’ ἔτους καὶ ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶ λούεσθαι παρέσχε. (And he opened the

Baths gratuitously throughout the summer both to men and women). Comp.

_Pliny_. Hist. nat. bk. XXVI. ch. 24. 9. Dio Cassios. LIV. 29.

[260] _Plutarch_, Cato Major ch. 39., συλλούσασθαι δὲ μηδέποτε· καὶ

τούτου κοινὸν ἔθος ἔοικε Ῥωμαίων εἶναι. καὶ γὰρ πενθεροῖς γάμβροι

ἐφυλάττοντο συλλούεσθαι, δυσωπούμενοι τὴν ἀποκάλυψιν καὶ γύμνωσιν· εἶτα

μέντοι παρ’ Ἑλλήνων, τὸ γυμνοῦσθαι μαθόντες αὐτοὶ πάλιν τοῦ καὶ μετὰ

γυναικῶν τοῦτο πράσσειν ἀναπεπλήκασι τοὺς Ἑλλήνας. (And never bathed

together; indeed the common habit of doing so appears to be of Roman

origin. For at first sons-in-law used to guard against bathing with

fathers-in-law, feeling shame at such exposure and stripping naked.

Later on however having learned the habit of stripping naked from the

Greeks, they again in their turn have taught the Greeks that of doing

so along with women). The _balnea virilia_ (men’s baths) are mentioned

in _Aulus Gellius_, Noct. Att. X. 3., where he shows that they were

also used by women.

[261] Catalect. Graecor. Poetarum,

ἀνδράσιν Ἑρμῆς εἰμί· γυναιξὶ δὲ Κύπρις ὁρῶμαι·

ἀμφοτέρων δὲ φέρω συμβολά μοι τοκέων

Τοὔνεκεν οὐκ ἀλόγως με τὸν Ἑρμαφρόδιτον ἔθεντο

_ἀνδρογύνοις λουτροῖς_ παῖδα τὸν ἀμφίβολον.

(To men I am Hermes; for women I am looked upon as Cypris; and I bear

the tokens of both my parents. Therefore not without good reason have

they set me up, the Hermaphrodite, the boy of double nature, before

male-female baths).

[262] _Martial_, Bk. VI. 34. bk. III. 51. bk. II. 76. As early as

_Ovid_, Art of Love, bk. III. 639., we read:

Quum custode foris tunicam servante puellae

Celent furtivos balnea tuta iocos,

(When the doorkeeper at the entrance keeps the girl’s garments, and the

discreet baths cover surreptitious amusements); also in _Quintilian_,

Institut. bk. V. ch. 9., nam si est signum adulterae lavari cum viris,

etc. (if indeed it is a mark of a lewd woman to bathe with men).

[263] _Spartian_, Life of Hadrian ch. 18., Lavacra pro sexibus

separavit. (He assigned separate baths for the two sexes). Dio Cass.

LXIX. ch. 8.

[264] _Julius Capitolinus_, Life of Marcus Antoninus ch. 23., Lavacra

mixta submovit, mores matronarum composuit diffluentes et iuvenum

nobilium. (He abolished the mixed Baths, and restrained the loose

habits of the Roman ladies and of the young nobles).

[265] _Lampridius_, Life of Alexander Severus ch. 24., Balnea mixta

Romae exhiberi prohibuit, quod quidem iam ante prohibitum Heliogabalus

fieri permiserat. (He forbad the opening of mixed Baths at Rome, a

practice which, though previously prohibited, Heligabalus had allowed

to be followed).

[266] _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedagog. bk. III. ch. 5., says

of women: καὶ δὴ τοῖς μὲν ἀνδράσι τοῖς σφῶν οὐκ ἂν ἀποδύσαιντο,

προσποίητον αἰσχύνης ἀξιοπιστίαν μνώμεναι· ἔξεστι δὲ τοῖς βουλομένοις

τῶν ἄλλων οἴκοι τὰς κατακλείστους, γυμνὰς ἐν τοῖς βαλανείοις θεάσασθαι·

ἐνταῦθα γὰρ ἀποδύσασθαι τοῖς θεαταῖς, ὥσπερ καπήλοις σωμάτων, οὐκ

αἰσχύνονται ἀλλ’ ὁ μὲν Ἡσίοδος (Oper. et Dies lib. II. 371).

Μὴδὲ γυναικείῳ λυτρῷ χρόα φαιδρύνεσθαι,