year 1692. He was also a tavern keeper at that time, and must have been a
man to win the esteem and good will of those who became his guests. Lucas
Santen, who was at one time collector of the port of New York, and a
member of Governor Dongan's Council, when he died, in 1692, left "to my
landlord, Captain John Clapp, £40 to buy him a mourning ring, in
consideration of the trouble I have given him." The next year Clapp
succeeded Cornelissen as landlord of the tavern in the Bowery village.
Here all the travel to the north and east passed his door and we can
hardly believe that any traveler would, without stopping, pass the door of
such a genial and jovial landlord as we are convinced was John Clapp, and
we have reason to believe that his house was a favorite resort for the
people in the city. He was undoubtedly residing here in 1703, and at some
time between this date and 1710 removed to Rye, in Westchester county, for
in the latter year John Clapp made returns of the names of men from 16 to
60 in the County of Westchester, and he was interested there in large
grants of land.
Towards the close of the seventeenth century there were two features in
the local history of New York City which attract attention. For many years
before the close of the century it was regarded by the maritime countries
of Europe as a protecting port for pirates, and the political disturbances
which resulted in the execution of Jacob Leisler and Jacob Minhorne
continued to divide the community into two contending factions composed of
many bitter partisans.
[Sidenote: Trade With Pirates]
Respected merchants from New York sent out ships to the coast of Africa
for slaves, loaded with liquors, arms, ammunition and other articles, just
such as would be desired by pirates, which they exchanged at tremendous
advance in prices for the plunder of these robbers of the seas, and
returned to New York with slaves and the valuable goods they had thus
obtained. One successful voyage was often sufficient to make the owners of
the vessel wealthy, and they claimed that they were doing nothing wrong;
that they had a perfect right to buy goods of any kind wherever they could
purchase them to the best advantage. With some this trade in the plunder
of pirates was, no doubt, incidental, but it was profitable, although
they ran the risk of being the victims of pirates themselves.
Pirates came into port and were received not only in a friendly manner,
but were even honored by unusual attentions from the governor, who was
apparently interested in their ventures.
William Mason went out of the harbor of New York in 1689 with a commission
as a privateer. He turned pirate, made war on East India commerce, and
reaped a rich harvest of gold and East India goods, with which he filled
his ship. When the ship returned under the command of Edward Coats, she
put in on the east end of Long Island, where Coats and his crew found a
friendly reception, and learning that they might be favorably received in
New York, came into this port. Coats and his crew, by making valuable
presents to the Governor and his family, and also to members of the
Council, were unmolested. The ship was presented to the Governor, who sold
it for £800. Coats said that his exemption from prosecution cost him
£1,800.
Captain Thomas Tew, who was known as a pirate, and had been the subject of
complaint from the East India Company, came to New York in November, 1694,
and was received by Governor Fletcher on terms of intimate companionship;
was invited to his table, and rode by his side in his coach and six. He
gave elegant presents to the Governor and his family, and left with a
commission as privateer against the French, agreeing to discharge his
cargo in this port. He went directly to his former field of activity and
made his name still more notorious by his depredations upon the East India
commerce.
[Sidenote: Bellomont's Difficulties]
About this time, John Hoare came to New York and received the usual
commission from Governor Fletcher to act against the French. He openly
avowed that his destination was for the African coast and recruited for
that purpose. From the sequel we can not avoid the conclusion that there
was some kind of an understanding with some of the merchants of New York,
for after he had been absent about a year they sent out the ship Fortune
to Madagascar, loaded with goods suitable for pirates, where she was met
by Hoare's ship, filled with valuable plunder. The goods were transferred
to the Fortune, and with a part of Hoare's crew she returned to New York.
At this time Governor Fletcher, whose dealings with pirates had been
brought to the attention of the British government, had been superseded by
the Earl of Bellomont, whose instructions were to put a stop to this
illegal trade. The cargo of the Fortune, when she arrived in New York, was
secretly gotten ashore in the night, and stored. By order of Bellomont the
goods were seized and officers were about to remove them, when a large
number of merchants interfered to prevent them from doing it, using
violence and locking the officers in the house, who, after three hours,
were only released by the appearance of the lieutenant-governor and three
files of men. The ship Fortune was forfeited.
[Illustration: Bellomont]
Frederick Phillipse, one of the Governor's Council, and reported the
richest man in New York, expected a ship from Madagascar and to prevent
her arrival in the port of New York with goods that might subject her to
forfeiture, sent out his son Adolphus, on a vessel ostensibly bound for
Virginia, which laid off the port until the expected vessel arrived, when
the East India goods on board were transferred to her and carried to the
Delaware, leaving the Madagascar ship to enter with only slaves as her
cargo. The East India goods were sent to Hamburg, where they were seized.
[Illustration: "AS GENUINE PIRATES AS EVER SAILED THE SEA"]
In taverns of medium and even in some of the better class, could have been
met at this period men who had taken part in captures on the African
coast, and who, over their mugs of ale, entertained their companions with
stories of their adventures, modified somewhat as suggested by prudence.
They were not men of swarthy complexion and ferocious features, with knife
and pistol in belt, as pictured by the imagination of writers of tales of
the sea, yet they were, nevertheless, as genuine pirates as ever sailed
the sea.
For some time, in the latter part of the year 1694, Thomas Tew, the
notorious pirate, was a well known and picturesque figure on the streets
and in the taverns of New York, where he spent money lavishly, ordering
brandy, ale and other beverages for whoever would drink with him. He was a
man about forty years of age, of slight figure and dark complexion; richly
and strikingly dressed. He wore a blue cap with a band of cloth of silver,
and a blue jacket bordered with gold lace and ornamented with large pearl
buttons. Loose trunks of white linen extended to his knees, where they
were joined by curiously worked stockings. From his neck hung a rich chain
of gold, and in his belt, curiously knit, he carried a dagger, its hilt
set with the rarest gems.
The exciting events of the Leisler period had left in the body politic a
festering sore that would not heal. The Leislerians believed that the
execution of Jacob Leisler and his son-in-law, Jacob Minhorne, had been
nothing less than murder, and their relatives and friends were active in
England in endeavors to revive the honor of their names and to reverse the
attainder of their estates. In this situation of affairs it can readily be
seen that there was much uneasiness and excitement in the community, and
the taverns were the centers of all this boiling and agitated disturbance
in the mercantile and political life of New York.
[Illustration: CAPTAIN TEW]
The bitter opposition which Bellomont received from the merchants and the
wealthiest of the people of New York compelled him to look to the
Leislerians for support and to appoint to office members of that party. He
seems besides to have been moved to take this step from a conviction that
great injustice had been done. A few extracts from his letters will tend
to show the situation as he viewed it.
From a letter of the Earl of Bellomont to the Board of Trade, dated
September 21, 1698:
"The Jacobite party in this towne have a clubb commonly every Saturday
(which was Colonel Fletcher's clubb day). Last Saturday was seaven night,
there mett twenty seaven of them, their ringleaders are Colonel Bayard,
Colonel Minviele, both of the Councill, Mr. Nicolls, late of the Councill,
and Wilson, late Sheriff of this towne; there is so great a rancor and
inveterancy in these people that I think it by no means proper for me to
leave this province till I have your Lordship's orders upon the
representations I made to your Lordships by the Richmond Frigatt, and
since by Mr. Weaver; for I do verily believe if I should goe from hence,
the people would fall together by the ears, besides, should I goe away, it
would give the faction great advantage, and would tend very much to the
revenue ceasing, and the measures I have proposed to myself for the
obtaining the continuance of this present revenue would be thereby
frustrated. This the Faction know very well, and therefore are very free
in their wishes that I were gone to my other governments."
To Mr. Popple, Secretary of the Board of Trade, he writes:
"This day another instance happen'd of the brutishness of some of the
people here. The Master of the ship that carries this packet, was with me
last Tuesday and promised to call on me on Thursday for the King's
packetts, but it seems intended to disappoint me and leave my letters
behind and begon his voyage. I refer you for an account of this man's
behavior to the inclosed certificate and warrant, only this I must tell
you, I sent yesterday the Commissioner of the Customes Mr. Hungerford to
pray him to come to me and receive the King's packetts, and he swore he
would not for all the Governours in Christendom, and he would not be Post
Boy to carry letters for any body; which refusal of his made me send a
warrant to bring him by force. The angry merchants of this town had
without doubt encouraged this man to be thus insolent, or he durst not
have refused to carry the letters, after promising me faithfully, he
would call for and carry them. This is another specimen of the rage and
malice of these people, who I am satisfied nothing but fear keeps from
rebelling against the Government; unlawful trade and Arabian gold brought
in by Pirat ships from the Red Sea are the things they thirst after."
On October 18, 1700, he wrote to Secretary Vernon, as follows:
"The Lords of the Councill of Trade direct me to make an experiment in
working some navall Stores here, with the soldiers. I cannot go about it
with such Officers who I believe would rather traverse me in such a design
than further it; and would I fear stir up a mutiny among the sould'rs, if
I should propose to 'em the working of Navall Stores for the King. I am
not for breaking those Lieut's, but exchanging them for honest, good
Lieut's in some of the Regiments in England. My first Lieut's name is
Peter Matthews, bred up from a child with Coll. Fletcher & 'tis at his
house that the angry people of this Town have a Club and hold their
cabals; my second Lieut's is John Buckley; there is also another Lieut, in
Maj'r Ingoldesby's Company whose name is Matthew Shank, a most sad drunken
sott, and under no good character for manhood. I desire also he may be
exchanged for a better man from England."
Colonel Fletcher, on his return to England, asked for an examination,
which was accorded him by the Lords of Trade. Plausible explanations were
made of his conduct, but they were not convincing, and the Lords of Trade
recommended that the charges be referred to the Attorney-General for
further action. The King, however, seems to have interposed, as there is
no evidence of further proceedings against him. Of his subsequent career
nothing is known.
III
THE COFFEE HOUSE
[Sidenote: An Exciting Election]
In September, 1701, a very exciting election took place in the city.
Thomas Noell, the mayor, was commissioned and sworn into office on the
14th day of October, 1701. The returns of the election for aldermen and
assistant aldermen, which gave the Leislerians a majority in the board,
were contested in some of the wards and a scrutiny was ordered by the
mayor, who appointed committees, composed of members of both parties, to
examine the votes in the contested wards. Some of the Leislerians, who
were appointed on these committees, refused to serve, claiming that it was
irregular; nevertheless, the scrutiny was completed, and those declared
elected, after much excitement and disturbance, finally took their seats
at the board. Among those who were declared elected was John Hutchins,
landlord of the Coffee House or King's Arms, situated on the west side of
Broadway, next above Trinity Churchyard, where the Trinity Building now
stands. He had represented the West Ward as alderman in 1697. In 1698 he
was returned as elected, but his election was contested, and his
opponent, Robert Walters, was declared elected. He was now again alderman
of the West Ward. He had come out with Governor Sloughter as a lieutenant
in the regular service and had since then, for the most part of the time,
made his residence in New York City. He was one of the signers of a
petition stating grievances at New York in 1692 and 1693, during
Fletcher's rule. In this paper it is stated that Lieut. John Hutchins was
imprisoned at Albany and sent to New York, and coming before Governor
Fletcher, was suspended and kept out of his pay, because he had favored
the cause of Leisler, and had endeavored to persuade Governor Sloughter
not to order the execution of Leisler and Minhorne, it being contrary to
his letter to the King for their reprieve and contrary to his commission
from his majesty.
After being thus deprived by Fletcher of his pay as an officer, he had to
seek some means of livelihood and he turned to the occupation of keeping a
tavern. Previous to 1696 he was keeping a house on the southwest corner of
Broad and Wall Streets. In this year he purchased a lot on the west side
of Broadway, the deed bearing date, October 1, 1696, which is described as
"lying and being next and adjoining to the North side of ye Buriall
without the North Gate of the City." It had a frontage of sixty feet on
Broadway. At the western end of this lot, one hundred and thirty-five feet
from Broadway was a street running from the churchyard to Crown Street
(now Cedar Street), called Temple Street, a portion of which has since
been vacated. Farther down, about ninety feet, was Lombard Street, where
is now Trinity Place. The lot of land inclosed by Temple Street, Crown
Street, Lombard Street and the churchyard, about ninety by one hundred and
sixty feet, was also conveyed to Hutchins in the deed.
[Sidenote: The King's Arms Tavern]
On the Broadway lot Hutchins erected a house, which he opened as the
King's Arms, more generally known as the Coffee House. It was not large,
but for a time it was the most fashionable public house in the city, and
was considered the headquarters of the anti-Leislerians party. Upon the
roof was a balcony, arranged with seats, commanding a beautiful view of
the bay, the river and the city. North of the tavern there were only a few
scattered buildings on Broadway, the principal of which was the store of
Alderman Jacob Boelen, north of Liberty Street. The extent of Broadway was
only to the present postoffice, the road thence continuing on the present
line of Park Row, then the post road. The Commons or the Fields,
originally the pasture ground for the cows of the Dutch settlers, was at
first nearly square, and this road cut off a triangular piece of land on
the east side, a part of which, before the charter gave to the city all
"waste, vacant and unpatented lands" on the island, was selected and
appropriated by Governor Dongan to his own use, on which he built a
house, with an extensive garden attached to it. This place, embracing
about two acres of land, became known as the "Governor's Garden." After
the Governor left the province it is said to have been converted into a
place of public resort, and became known as the "Vineyard." We can find no
record of details of any particular interest connected with it.
During the latter part of the seventeenth century the use of coffee as a
beverage had been introduced into England and on the continent of Europe.
The first coffee-house in Paris was opened in 1672. Previous to this time
coffee-houses had been opened in London, and in 1663 they were placed on
the footing of taverns and a statute of Charles II of that year required
that they should be licensed. In the English coffee-house the guest paid a
penny for a cup of coffee. This gave him the privilege of sitting by the
fire and reading the journals of the day, which the coffee-houses made a
point of keeping on hand as one of their attractions, and he had also the
opportunity of hearing discussions on political topics or to take part in
them, if so disposed, or if he could find listeners. The sober, religious
Puritan resorted to them in preference to the tavern. In the time of
Charles II, they were places of political agitation-to such an extent that
in 1675, the King, by proclamation, ordered that they should all be closed
as "seminaries of sedition," but the order was a few days later
rescinded.
[Sidenote: The Coffee House]
When John Hutchins came to New York coffee-houses had become very popular
and numerous in London and he was, no doubt, familiar with the way in
which they were conducted, so that when he built his new house on
Broadway, in addition to its designation as the King's Arms, he called it
the Coffee House. As it was the first and, in its day, the only
coffee-house in New York, it had no distinguishing title, but was simply
called the Coffee House. In the bar-room was a range of small boxes,
screened with green curtains, where guests could sip their coffee or enjoy
their chops and ale or Madeira in comparative seclusion. The upper rooms
were used for special meetings.
Although Hutchins had been favorable to the Leislerians in Fletcher's
time, he seems to have gone over to the anti-Leislerians, and had been
elected alderman by the votes of that party. He had borrowed money from
both Gabriel Minvielle and Nicholas Bayard, having mortgaged his house and
lot in Broad Street to Minvielle and his house and lot on Broadway to
Bayard. These two men are named by Bellomont as ringleaders in the party
opposed to him. The mortgage to Bayard covered also the lot of ground
between Temple and Lombard Streets, and the whole property subsequently
came into the possession of Bayard, although, no doubt, Hutchins
continued in charge of the house until his death or removal from the city.
[Sidenote: Two Rival Taverns]
In the election for aldermen there was great excitement in the East Ward,
the returns of which were contested. In this ward Roger Baker was well
known as the landlord of the King's Head, and Gabriel Thompson was equally
well known as the landlord of the White Lion. As revealed by the scrutiny
of the votes, Baker and Thompson were on opposite sides. Baker voted for
William Morris, the anti-Leislerian candidate for alderman, and Thompson
voted for Johannes DePeyster, who was the Leislerian candidate. Baker had
been commissioned by Bellomont a lieutenant of militia and Thompson had
also been an officer in the militia. In 1664, Gabriel Thompson, as master
of the sloop, Hopewell, cleared from New York for places up the river
seven times during the year. He was an ensign at Albany in 1685, and a
captain in the expedition against the French and Indians in Leisler's
time, and since then had probably been a resident of New York City, where
he had kept a tavern. He petitioned, in 1693, that the sub-collector repay
to him £36 excise money, which indicated that he was a tavern-keeper, but
where his house was then located we do not know. He was one of the signers
of the petition showing to the home government the grievances existing in
New York in 1692 and 1693.
These were exciting times and the citizens who gathered at these two
taverns in all probability had not a few hot discussions over the
political situation. On August 29, 1701, a committee of the council was
appointed to meet in conference a committee of the assembly at three
o'clock in the afternoon at Roger Baker's, at the sign of the King's Head.
The conference accordingly met, and from thence adjourned to Gabriel
Thompson's at the White Lion.
During the months of September and October, 1701, many conference
committees of the council and the assembly met at the White Lion, the
house of Gabriel Thompson. There was a conference meeting here on
September 4th and on September 11th we find record of another. On
September 28, 1701, we find the following record in the Journal of the
House:
"A message was sent to this House from the Council, that a Conference is
desired by the Council, with a committee of this House at 3 of the Clock
in the Afternoon, at Gabriel Thompson's, at the White Lion,
Which was agreed to and,
Ordered, That Capt. Provoost, Col. Rutsen, Mr. Hanjen, Mr. Sebring and Mr.
Veghte, be a Committee of this House, to confer with a Committee of
Council this Afternoon."
A deed bearing date November 23, 1701, shows that Gabriel Thompson,
tavern-keeper, purchased from Nicholas Bayard and Abraham De Peyster the
lot on the northwest corner of the present Wall and William Streets, but
whether or not he ever kept a tavern here we have not been able to
determine. Maps of this locality, of subsequent date, show no building
between the City Hall and Bayard's sugar house. Thompson's house was
undoubtedly in this neighborhood and probably not far from the City Hall,
where the assembly held their sessions.
It has been stated by some writers that the King's Head, the house of
Roger Baker, was at the corner of Pearl Street and Maiden Lane. Henry
Coleman, butcher, mortgaged this property in February, 1701, to Roger
Baker, vintner, for a loan of £348 10s. Baker may have eventually come
into possession of it, and he may have kept a tavern here, but we can find
no evidence of it. In the mortgage deed it is described as _lying without
the fortifications_ on the north side of a street called Queen Street and
bounded on the east side by a street which leads to Green Lane.
After the death of Bellomont, during the brief rule of Lieutenant-Governor
Nanfan, who was a relative of the Earl, the political agitation was active
and aggressive. As soon as it became known in New York that Lord Cornbury
had been appointed to succeed the Earl of Bellomont as governor of the
province, measures were taken to secure the favor of that corrupt
individual by the anti-Leislerian party. In this procedure Nicholas Bayard
took the lead, and procured addresses to be signed to the King, to
parliament and to Cornbury. To Cornbury, a man very susceptible to
flattery, they were profuse in their congratulations and in assertions
calculated to prejudice him against those who had supported Bellomont and
to gain his favor for themselves, that they might again become the
dominant party. Not only were reflections freely cast on the Earl of
Bellomont, but Nanfan, the lieutenant-governor, was accused of bribing
members of the house of assembly.
[Sidenote: The Addresses Signed at the Coffee House]