O'CONNELL--SMITH O'BRIEN AND MEAGHER--JOHN MITCHELL--INFORMERS--THE
CLOSE OF 1848--THE MILITARY--A FRENCH VIEW OF POPULAR COMMOTIONS.
In 1844 there was the most intense excitement amongst all classes,
sects, and parties of the Irish community, arising from the prosecutions
instituted by the Attorney-General, Thomas Berry Cusack Smith against
O'Connell and several others for various alleged violations of the laws
in their meetings, publications and other proceedings adopted by them to
promote a repeal of the Union. The preliminary informations were sworn
before a judge, and none of the police magistrates were called upon to
interfere, in any way whatever, from the commencement to the conclusion
of the affair. On the 30th of May, the accused were sentenced to certain
terms of imprisonments and fines, and they were liberated on the
reversal of the judgment by the House of Lords, on the 6th September. A
few days before the sentence was pronounced, I dined in company with Mr.
John O'Connell, when he stated that they expected to be sent to Newgate
or Kilmainham, I advised him to have a special application made to the
court to order the imprisonment in the Richmond Bridewell, which was
cleanly and spacious, and where they might have access to two extensive
gardens. My suggestion was adopted, and the prisoners were sent by a
circuitous route, avoiding the great thoroughfares of the city, to the
bridewell. In the evening I was going home to my residence in Rathmines,
when I overheard a woman loudly expressing to a number of sympathetic
listeners, her hearty detestation and curse upon all "who had any hand
in sending the Liberator to the same place as that to which Porter sends
_his blackguards_."
Thomas Berry Cusack Smith, the Attorney-General, had been nicknamed,
"Alphabet Smith," from the multiplicity of his names, and when the
judgment of the Queen's Bench was reversed, a ballad appeared to the
tune of "The Shan van vocht." A police inspector asked my opinion as to
the prevention of it being chanted by the street vocalists, and I
advised him against making it more known and more relished by the
multitude, as it would be by his interference. It is as follows:--
"Musha, Dan, who let you out?
Says the T. B. C.
For you're here beyant a doubt,
Says the T. B. C.
Sure I thought I locked you in,
You contrariest of min,
And what brings you here agin?
Says the T. B. C.
Through the chimney did you climb?
Says the T. B. C.
For you're up to any crime,
Says the T. B. C.
There were locks both great and small,
Did you dare to pick them all?
Did you scale the prison wall?
Says the T. B. C.
No, I didn't scale the wall,
Says the Dan van vocht,
Through the flues I didn't crawl,
Says the Dan van vocht,
Not a weapon did I take,
And no lock I tried to break,
Such attempts I'd scorn to make,
Says the Dan van vocht.
But might is foiled by right,
Says the Dan van vocht,
As the darkness by the light,
Says the Dan van vocht,
My cause was on a rock,
'Twas the law that picked the lock,
And I'm free, my bantam cock,
Says the Dan van vocht.
Oh! confusion to you Dan,
Says the T. B. C.
You're a divil of a man,
Says the T. B. C.
And we're in a precious plight
By your means this very night,
For you've bothered us outright,
Says the T. B. C."
During the progress of the prosecution against the repealers, Tom
Steele, who was one of those indicted, interrupted the proceedings
several times, audibly contradicting some expressions of the
Attorney-General, and annoying him by exclamations and gestures. Tom
prided himself on being considered the _fidus Achates_ of O'Connell, and
was never so happy as when closely associated with his political leader.
It was said, and I believe it was perfectly true, that Smith succeeded
in quieting Tom, by intimating that if he continued to exclaim and
gesticulate, his name should be struck out of the indictment, and his
chance of participating in the expected martyrdom thereby annihilated.
Whilst O'Connell and the other state prisoners were in the Richmond
Bridewell, they received a continual supply of the choicest provisions
and wine sent as presents by their political adherents. It would be very
difficult to particularise any article suited to a luxurious repast,
which was not tendered for their enjoyment. I was twice at the prison,
on magisterial business, during their detention, and on each occasion I
saw materials fit for princely banquets brought for their use. I was
rather surprised at one contribution which very soon disappeared. It was
half a ton of _ice_, and it did not preserve its consistency, beyond a
few hours. I heard from some of the prison officials that O'Connell's
meals were generally simple in their material, but that his appetite was
healthy and strong. When released from confinement he did not appear to
have been weakened by its infliction.
It would not be in accordance with the objects of my reminiscences to
advocate or condemn the political opinions or proceedings of any portion
of the community, unless they involved direct incitements to, or the
actual adoption of, open violence. In noticing O'Connell as a remarkable
public character, I may express my conviction that he had a decided
repugnance, even in the hottest times of political excitement, to the
application of actual force. It may be said that he could "speak
daggers," but he was disposed to "use none."
Whenever I had an opportunity to hear him, whether on legal or
political occasions, I availed myself of it, in the anticipation of
being highly amused, and I was scarcely ever disappointed. I am tempted
to detail two or three of my recollections, which have not been noticed
by any of his biographers. I am aware that my expressions must be far
inferior to his diction, but my readers will not, I hope, be too severe
in criticising my inefficiency.
I was present at the trial of a very beautiful young lady who, with her
mother and two other persons, was indicted for conspiring to take away a
minor from his parents, and have him married to the young lady in
Scotland. The prosecution was conducted with considerable acrimony, and
the Gretna-Green bride was described as a person of very tarnished
reputation, whose favorite paramour had been a _blacksmith_. No proofs
were adduced of the imputed immorality, and O'Connell, in a speech for
the defence, denounced it as a fabrication "which had not even the merit
of originality, but was borrowed from the mythological assignment of
_Vulcan to Venus_."
At the commencement of the first viceroyalty of the Marquis Wellesley, a
newspaper was started in Parliament Street by a Mr. Hayden. It was
called _The Morning Star_, and its editorial articles were almost
exclusively devoted to the most disparaging and insulting productions in
reference to the Lord Lieutenant or O'Connell. The latter was never
forgotten; and every term of obloquy was put in requisition for his
diurnal vilification. Firebrand, Rebel, Arch-mendicant, Liar, Impostor,
Schemer, were liberally appropriated to him, and even the shape of his
hat, and the mode of carrying his umbrella, became subjects of offensive
observation. The attention of the Attorney-General was attracted to an
article in _The Morning Star_, headed "The profligate Lord Wharton," the
writer of which stated that the history of the Wharton viceroyalty had
never been fully published, because a true description of such a
character would be considered as an incredible exaggeration, but that it
might now be produced without any apprehension of such an opinion
prevailing, inasmuch as its worst details would be found fully equalled
in Dublin Castle under the auspices of its present occupant. A criminal
information was filed against Mr. Hayden for a libel on the Lord
Lieutenant; and he became extremely apprehensive of a severe punishment,
resulting from his very offensive comparison of Lord Wellesley with Lord
Wharton. He immediately engaged William Ford as his attorney, and the
next step was to retain O'Connell as his principal counsel. The latter
agreed to act, but required that he should be left completely free to
adopt whatever line of defence he preferred, and to manage the case at
his own discretion. The trial was held in the King's Bench before Bushe,
the Chief Justice, and the opening statement for the prosecution was
delivered by the Attorney-General, Plunket. Sir Charles Vernon, who held
the appointment of register of newspapers, was the first witness; and he
produced the official copy of the paper containing the alleged libel,
and it was read by him for the court and jury. O'Connell was then at the
outer bar, and occupied a seat on its front row. He submitted to the
judge, that when a document was given in evidence, either party could
insist on the entire of it being read. To this proposition the Chief
Justice acceded, expressing a hope, however, that his time would not be
wasted in listening to irrelevant matter. O'Connell then required Sir
Charles to read sundry portions of the paper in which "a person named
O'Connell" was made the subject of the most defamatory animadversions.
The entire auditory were convulsed with laughter, as he gravely
proceeded to elicit ardent wishes for the speedy hanging or
transportation of the arch-agitator, the apostle of mischief, the
disseminator of disaffection, the mendicant patriot, the disgrace to his
profession, and the curse of his country. When the case for the
prosecution closed, he proceeded to address the jury, and his speech was
replete with the highest encomiums on the Marquis Wellesley, to whose
Indian government and diplomatic services he referred as exhibiting all
the qualities of perfect statesmanship. He then expressed his surprise
at the Attorney-General condescending to notice the publication of a
mere newspaper squib, which could not possibly affect the illustrious
viceroy. In the paper produced there were several unwarrantable attacks
upon some person named O'Connell, who had instituted no proceedings
against their publisher, although, perhaps, he was very likely to be
affected injuriously by them, especially if his livelihood depended upon
his character and reputation. Bitterly as he had been assailed, he had
remained quiescent, and so regardless of the invectives directed against
him, that it was very probable he had no desire whatever to mulct or
incarcerate his assailant, but would rather aid in terminating his
anxieties, and sending him _home to his wife and five children_.
At the conclusion of his speech O'Connell left the court. I had been
sitting very near him, and went out at the same time. Ford was in the
vestibule, and when they met, O'Connell said, "Ford, I hope that I did
not make a wrong cast in my closing sentence; _is the fellow married_?"
Hayden was not convicted, the jury disagreed, and the prosecution was
not renewed. The publication of "The Morning Star" was almost
immediately discontinued.
In 1834, the question of Repeal of the Union was introduced by O'Connell
to the House of Commons, and negatived by an overwhelming majority. The
principal opponent of the motion was Thomas Spring Rice (afterwards Lord
Monteagle) who was then one of the members for Limerick city, and a very
general opinion was immediately entertained that he would never be
elected there on any future occasion. In the autumn of 1834, I was
appointed a revising barrister in reference to tithes, and in that
capacity I visited Limerick. I had finished my business, and was
preparing for my departure, when about two o'clock in the afternoon,
O'Connell arrived at the hotel (which was, I think, Cruise's), and the
street was immediately thronged to excess by an enthusiastic multitude.
He was on his way to Dublin; but whether he wished to address the
people or not, it was manifest that a speech from the balcony was
unavoidable. I got as near to him as the crowded state of the apartment
permitted, and was enabled to hear his oration fully; but of course I
cannot do more than give its general import, and endeavour to describe
its effect. He commenced by stating that a report had been circulated
that he intended to interfere with the people of Limerick, and to
direct, and even _to dictate_, the choice of their Parliamentary
representatives. This rumour he denounced as a scandalous, infamous
_lie_. He had no wish to curb or trammel them in the exercise of their
rights, and he was not such a fool as to attempt dictation to a
community too independent and intelligent to yield to any influence
except dispassionate arguments suggested by patriotism and conducive to
the welfare of their beloved country. Frequent and rapturous cheers from
listening thousands evinced their appreciation of his address,
especially when he referred to the valorous defence of their city by
their forefathers. At length he said that his topics were exhausted, and
that he had nothing to add unless they wished him to tell them a _little
story_. Shouts were immediately raised for "the story, the story," and
he proceeded to narrate that about the beginning of the present century
an opinion was very prevalent that the French intended to invade
Ireland, and it was considered probable that their fleet would enter the
Shannon, and land the troops on the left side of that splendid river, in
the vicinity of Limerick. The French had exacted such heavy
contributions from the continental states which they had occupied, that
very great apprehensions were entertained that their invasion of Ireland
would be attended with similar results, and that the industrial
resources of the country and the savings of the people would be speedily
spoliated. There then lived near Foynes a farmer named Maurice Sullivan,
a man of excellent character, religious, sober, thrifty, industrious,
and intelligent. He had a loved and loving wife, comely and amiable, who
made his home happy by the observance of every domestic duty. On a
Sunday morning, they were returning from Mass, and were chatting as to
the probability of the French coming over. He said that they would ruin
thousands who were then comfortable and contented, and that they would
help themselves to everything they fancied. "I have now," he added, "to
tell you, my dear Jenny, that I have more money than you knew of. I have
had good crops, and the cattle and sheep have thriven well and fetched
high prices, and I have laid by close on eight hundred pounds. If a
Frenchman came across my savings, he would not ask leave or licence, but
plunder me at once."
"Maurice," replied his wife, "I must acknowledge to you that I have put
by more than one hundred pounds that I made from time to time by the
poultry and eggs and early vegetables. Now that we have made a clear
breast to each other, what course shall we take to keep the money safe?"
"Well," said he, "I was down, a few evenings ago, in the old churchyard,
and noticed a hole at the corner of the big monument belonging to the
RICE family. I think if I got a strong canister or jar, and packed the
money in it, and hid it under the monument, closing up the hole
completely, nobody would ever think of ransacking such a place as that,
or suppose that it contained anything valuable."
"Maurice," replied Jenny, "it was a cute notion of yours, and I am sure
that no Frenchman would ever go to root out your canister, but still
with my consent not even a farthing shall ever be put there."
"Why, what is your objection?" said her husband.
"My objection is very simple," answered Jenny; "do anything else that
you please, but not that, for _I wouldn't trust a Rice living or dead_."
The "little story" was vehemently cheered, and its concluding words
became a political maxim amongst the repealers of Limerick. Rice had no
longer a chance of election there, but he was returned at the next
dissolution for an English borough, I believe for Cambridge. The "little
story" appeared to me rather an extraordinary sequel to the disavowal of
any desire to interfere, to direct, or to dictate.
In some recent publications I have seen it stated that O'Connell
achieved a complete triumph over an inveterate termagant named Biddy
Moriarty, whose quickness and copiousness of abusive diction deterred
all others from engaging her in any wordy warfare. His success was
ascribed to the application of mathematical terms to his vituperative
antagonist, who became completely bewildered at finding herself
designated a detested parallelogram, a notorious hypothenuse, an
octagonal diagram, of rectangular habits and rhomboidal practices. I do
not believe that he ever came in collision with the redoubtable Biddy,
for the tale of her discomfiture was very rife before O'Connell had
attained to great eminence, either politically or professionally, and I
have heard it told in the year 1817 in the presence of Curran, who was
mentioned as her successful antagonist, and complimented on the
effective means he adopted to overcome the incorrigible scold; and I
recollect hearing him state that the encounter took place at
Rathcormack, in the County Cork. He added, that having declared, towards
the conclusion of the verbose strife, that he could never condescend
again to notice such "an individual," the exasperated woman replied that
he had a power of impudence to say the like, for that she was no more an
_andyvigal_ than he was himself.
In reference to O'Connell, I have a very distinct recollection that in
1837-38 he took a prominent part in opposing combinations amongst the
working tradesmen of Dublin. He attended public meetings, and spoke of
the evils arising from combinations or trade-strikes in the strongest
terms. Hostility, amounting to threats of personal violence, was
displayed towards him by some of those to whose opinions and proceedings
he was adverse. I have heard Joseph Denis Mullen state that he suggested
to O'Connell that the course adopted by him might endanger his
popularity, to which he replied:--
"When my popularity depends on the surrender or compromise of my
conscientious convictions, I shall not seek to retain it." It was in
reference to his conduct at that time that the late Lord Charlemont,
when presiding at a public banquet to the metropolitan members, of whom
O'Connell was one, and proposing the toast of the evening, applied a
very appropriate quotation, derived from classic knowledge and suggested
by classic taste--
"Justum, et tenacem propositi virum
_Non civium ardor prava jubentium_;
Non vultus instantis tyranni
Mente quatit solida."--[8]
In April, 1835, I had occasion to visit London, and, during a sojourn of
about three weeks, I spent several evenings in the gallery of the House
of Commons. There had been a recent change of ministry, and the
Melbourne cabinet was formed. In the preceding Government Lord Ashley
had been a Lord of the Admiralty, and at the time to which I refer, a
sergeant-at-law, named Spankey, had been returned, on the liberal
interest, for a metropolitan constituency, I believe Finsbury. I
happened to be in the gallery one evening when there was not a member of
the administration present, and the opposition benches were also
unoccupied by any of the leading conservatives. There was no probability
of any interesting discussion arising, and the secretary of the
admiralty was engaged in moving the navy estimates to which he did not
appear to apprehend any objection, as they had been framed at a
considerable reduction of the preceding amounts. I was about to retire
from the gallery, when Lord Ashley arose, and denounced the proposed
votes as having originated in a spirit of parsimony, and as tending to
impair the most important element of our national strength. Having
delivered a speech, in which the greatest ignorance of their duties, and
a most culpable neglect of our naval requirements were imputed to the
Government; he was followed by Sergeant Spankey, who manifested the
utmost hostility to the administration, and declared it to be unworthy
of public confidence or respect. To the surprise of all present,
O'Connell arose and expressed his opinion that the estimates had been
judiciously framed, and that the Government had evinced a laudable
desire to economize the national expenses. He proceeded to say that he
was not astonished at the hostility of the noble lord towards an
administration by which he had been deprived of power and the sweets
concomitant to power; but he was unable to comprehend the motives, or
even to imagine the reasons, for the asperity and unmitigated hostility
of the honorable and learned member, from whom the Government had not
taken any power or official advantages, and to whom, it was believed,
that they had offered _his full value_.
"Sir," exclaimed Spankey, "they offered me nothing."
"Mr. Speaker," said O'Connell, "that is exactly what I surmised."
Laughter, loud and of long continuance, followed this uncomplimentary
explanation of the Sergeant's worth, and I believe that "Spankey's
price" was for some time adapted as a term to signify a total deficiency
of value.
Having detailed these few personal recollections, which I hope may not
be considered too discursive, I have to approach the incidents of 1848,
when the "Young Ireland" or "Confederate" movement occurred. It is not
my intention to laud or censure those engaged in its furtherance or its
repression, my only object being to state such facts as came under my
personal observations, or of which I had official cognizance, leaving to
the reader to derive amusement from some circumstances and useful
information from others. I think it was on the 21st day of March that
the crown-solicitor preferred charges of sedition against Smith O'Brien
and Meagher, and required me to make them amenable. When the
informations were sworn, I asked him if he had any objection to an
intimation from me to the accused, that such proceedings had been
instituted, in order that they might appear and give bail to stand their
trial without subjecting them to the indignity of arrest. To this course
Mr. Kemmis at once acceded; and I called on Smith O'Brien at his
lodgings in Westland Row that evening, and found Meagher and several
other persons along with him. When I stated the object of my visit, one
of the company exclaimed, "Give no promise or undertaking to appear.
Accept no courtesy from your prosecutors, but let the Government incur
the odium of arresting you." Both of them, however, declined to follow
such advice, and assured me that they would attend at the Head Office,
at noon, on the next day. They thanked me for the inclination I had
exhibited to save them, as much as possible, from personal annoyance;
and as I was leaving, O'Brien laughingly exclaimed, "Your urbanity, Mr.
Porter, shall not be forgotten; and when the government of Ireland comes
into our hands; your official position shall not be disturbed." At the
appointed time they gave the required bail, and I returned the
informations for trial. They were indicted for sedition, and,
unfortunately for themselves, were acquitted. I say "unfortunately,"
because if they had then been convicted, and imprisoned for three or
four months, they would have been unable to engage in the proceedings
which eventuated in their conviction for high treason, at Clonmel, in
the following September. I think it worth remarking, that when they had
utterly failed in their insurrectionary designs, and had been banished
to a distant region, I occasionally heard great culpability and folly
imputed to them; but in reference to their conduct, the most severe
censures were uttered by the lips of him who had urged them to reject
the slight courtesy and the forbearance of arrest, to which I have
alluded above.
In all the cases of treason-felony which were tried in Dublin, the
informations were sworn before me. I had also to issue warrants for the
apprehension of the principal organizers of Confederate clubs, and
search-warrants for concealed arms. Such transactions were numerous, and
the period was one of very fervid excitement. I am therefore proud of
being able to declare that no imputation of partiality, precipitance, or
undue severity was preferred or suggested in reference to my magisterial
conduct. There were several instances in which I refrained from issuing
warrants on the evidence of constables or of private informers; but in
all such cases the higher authorities were made acquainted with the
peculiar circumstances under which further proceedings appeared to be
unnecessary or inadvisable, and approved of the forbearance. If a person
was known to have joined a Confederate club, or to have made seditious
speeches, or to have subscribed to a fund for the purchase of arms, or
to have attended meetings for drilling and training; and if it was also
known that he had relinquished such associations and practices, and
especially if he was desirous of leaving the country, there was no
anxiety to prosecute him or delay his departure.
JOHN MITCHELL.
The most important case tried in Dublin was that of John Mitchell, for
treason-felony, grounded on his publications in _The United Irishman_
newspaper. He had been committed by me, and on the 27th May he was
convicted and sentenced to transportation for fourteen years. The only
relic of the period in my possession is his "pattern pike," which was
found in his house when the police seized the premises. On the day of
his condemnation, I was passing along Capel Street on an outside hackney
jaunting-car. At Mary's Abbey corner I was recognized by a crowd of
roughs, and saluted with a volley of stones. Not one of the missiles
struck me, but the carman received a blow on the point of his left elbow
which caused intense pain, and elicited copious maledictions. Police
were close at hand, and protected me from further aggression. I
suggested to the driver that the stone was not intended for him, to
which he replied--"It hurt me all the same. Them vagabonds shouldn't
throw stones without knowing who they'd hit."
INFORMERS.
No more offensive epithet can be applied in this country, in the warmest
spirit of invective, than that of an "informer." I have repeatedly
heard it asserted as a popular maxim, that all informers should be shot.
I can truly and deliberately declare it to be my firm conviction, that
if all the informers of 1848 were so disposed of, the Confederate clubs
and revolutionary associations of Dublin would have been decimated.
There were in one great commercial establishment _forty_ Confederates,
of whom _ten_ were in communication with the police. I resided at
Roundtown, and I would often have preferred walking into town or
strolling homeward, when I had to take a seat on a hackney car or in an
omnibus to avoid a request to step into Blackberry Lane or turn up the
Barrack Avenue, and listen to details of proceedings of which it is
highly probable I had been already fully apprised.
A smith, in a town between thirty and forty miles from Dublin, was
engaged to manufacture pikes. He made two hundred and eighty pike-heads,
and brought them, according to directions which he had received, to a
place, the designation of which was peculiarly appropriate for the
reception of such articles, for it was the _slaughter-house of a
butcher_. They were of the best quality, in respect of materials and
workmanship. The industrious tradesman delivered the "goods" to his
customer, and was paid fully and promptly. He then made me acquainted
with the transaction, and I referred him to the Commissioners of Police.
They entrusted its management, or perhaps I might more correctly say its
mismanagement, to a superintendent who, instead of having the premises
closely watched, proceeded precipitately to seize the weapons. They were
packed in strong deal cases, of the contents of which the butcher and
his assistants declared that they had no knowledge. Before the Executive
came to any conclusion as to what course was to be adopted, the hopes of
the revolutionists had been extinguished at Ballingarry. No prosecution
was instituted, and the pike-heads were sent to England where, I
believe, they were transferred to the naval department.
THE CLOSE OF 1848.
On the 18th July, 1848, Dublin was proclaimed under the Crime and
Outrage Act, and a bill was introduced about the same time for
suspending the Habeas Corpus Act. When the Government adopted these
measures, several of the clubs came to the conclusion that it would be
advisable to dissolve. In almost every instance the police authorities
were fully informed of such proceedings, and some of the persons, to
whom the books and transactions were entrusted, made us acquainted with
their contents. The Government was extremely anxious to prevent the
formation of revolutionary associations in the provinces; but as soon as
the insurrectionary attempt of Smith O'Brien collapsed, the executive
became less desirous of exercising severity. It was considered necessary
to offer £500 reward for the apprehension of O'Brien, and £300 for the
capture of each of his principal associates; but _I know_ that the news
of their arrival in a foreign land would have been more welcome in
Dublin Castle than the intelligence of their arrest.
The authorities were aware that at a certain place in Sandymount, a
suburb of Dublin, nightly meetings were held by some young men who had
been engaged in the Confederate movement, for the purpose of consulting
on the most feasible mode of leaving the country, and providing the
requisite expenses for their departure. There was not the slightest
inclination to balk their wishes or impede their progress. Some of them
have attained wealthy and important positions in distant lands, and some
have returned home, where they may spend their remaining days,
undisturbed and undisturbing.
During the first six or seven months of 1848, the superior officers of
regiments in Dublin made frequent communications respecting the
assiduous exertions of the disaffected to sap the loyalty of the
soldiery, and effect an introduction of the military element to their
fraternity. Much time and money were applied to this purpose; but,
although the sobriety of the soldier was frequently impaired, his
loyalty remained intact, and his usual apology for an unsteady step, or
for returning late to his quarters, ascribed the fault to "the bloody
rebels." "They had made him drink a great lot of bad toasts, and he
wouldn't have done so for them, if the whiskey had not been very good."
The only instance of disaffection found to exist in a military body was
amongst the Royal Artillery at Portobello barrack. An Irishman who had
enlisted in London, in 1846, under a false name, induced thirteen of his
comrades to join him in forming a Confederate association. Their usual
place of meeting was very near to my residence at Roundtown; and the
first information which I received concerning them arose from the
resentment of a woman. I had some communication with Colonel Gordon, the
Adjutant-general of the Ordnance, and we were both inclined to
disbelieve the statement which I had received. Eventually, however, we
became satisfied of its truth, and acquired such additional evidence as
to render the case sufficiently strong to procure a conviction of all
the delinquents by a court-martial. I earnestly advised Colonel Gordon
to leave them unprosecuted, but to disperse them. He adopted my views,
and in a few days not one of the fourteen was in Ireland, neither were
any two sent to the same station. In 1861, I saw the principal offender
at Gibraltar. He was then a sergeant.
The abortive attempt at revolution in 1848 was decidedly obstructive to
the progress of all the industrial pursuits which conduce to the
prosperity of a country and the comforts of a community. It also
involved the expenditure of vast sums in maintaining military forces,
augmented police and constabulary, and defraying the expenses of special
commissions. There is only one agreeable recollection afforded by it.
Neither side shed blood. Popular violence inflicted no mortal injury,
and no victim was demanded by the ultimate restoration of Law and Order.
I am now disposed to lay before my readers a short extract from a French
author (Le Comte de Melun), in reference to insurrectionary movements.
It is from his "Life of Sister Rosalie, the Superioress of the Order of
Charity." A work crowned by the French Academy.
"In the ranks of society against which they appear to be more specially
directed, insurrections and revolutions suspend profit, diminish
revenue, compel a restriction of outlay, and introduce disquietude and
torment where security and abundance previously prevailed. But their
consequences are far more afflicting and grievous upon those who live
with great difficulty upon the labor of each day. The least commotion in
the street stops the work, and of course the wages. It changes the
difficulties of life into the deepest misery.
"Whatever may be the issue of the movements for which their aid is
bespoken, the people are always the dupes and victims of these
sanguinary comedies. Whilst many of those who speak in their name, who
push them on to the conflict, who breathe into their ears the sentiments
of revolution, conceal themselves during the combat, escape the
consequences of defeat, and are always foremost to adjudge to themselves
the advantages of success; the wretched people are exposed to blows on
the field of battle, to prison or exile in case of defeat, to the
diminution of employment, and thereby to an abridgment of their
resources if they are conquerors--for it requires much time, after a
successful revolution, to restore security to capital, activity to
commerce, its proper balance to society; and the workman has not, as an
inducement to patience, like the heads of parties, portfolios, important
situations, and a share in the budget. Then, after having suffered much,
and waited long for the day of compensation, the mere individual does
not see it arrive, and remains as he was previously--a workman, when he
does not become a pauper."
FOOTNOTES:
[8]
The man of firm and righteous will,
No rabble clamorous for the wrong,
No tyrant's brow, whose frown may kill,
Can shake the strength that makes him strong.